Academic literature on the topic 'ROMAN LEGIONS'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'ROMAN LEGIONS.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "ROMAN LEGIONS"
1
Uzunaslan, Abdurrahman. "The Honouring of the Legio Chief Physician L. Hortensius Paulinus." Belleten 80, no. 289 (December 1, 2016): 719–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2016.719.
Full textAbstract:
An inscription dated to the beginning of the 3rd century AD, and found within the city limits of Antiocheia in 2011, honors the legion Chief Physician L. Hortensius Paulinus, who is believed to have settled in the city following his retirement. According to this inscription, L. Hortensius Paulinus assumed highly important public offices and duties in the city. This person had also served in the legio IV Flavia Felix and Legio II Italica, although the legion with which he first arrived to the East, as well as his exact assignment within these two legions, remain unclear. Possible reasons for his presence in the East might have been the exacerbation of the war between the Roman and Parthia Empires towards the end of the 2nd century AD, or the civil war between Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger since most of the legions from the Danube Basin and the Balkan Peninsula had sided with Septimius Severus during this civil war, including legio IV Flavia Felix and the Legio II Italica. The chronological order and content of the inscription suggest that L. Hortensius Paulinus had most likely traveled to the East with the legio II Italica due to the civil war; if this was indeed the case, L. Hortensius Paulinus must have arrived to the East in 193/4 AD at the earliest. The fact that the legio II Italica created by Marcus Aurelius was entirely constituted of solders from Northern Italy is strong evidence that L. Hortensius Paulinus and his family were native to this region. Another interesting aspect concerning this document is the fact that it is the first inscription found within Antiocheia mentioning the legions IV Flavia Felix and II Italica. Therefore, this new inscription not only demonstrates the presence of officials belonging to these legions in Antiocheia, but also clarifies a disputed and unclear aspect of the inscription regarding C. Flavonius Paullinus Lollianus published by Byrne-Labarre in 2006. Finally, the new inscriptions found within the city suggest that members of the legio II Italica who participated in civil wars or the Parthian campaign in the East might have settled in Antiocheia at the end of their military service.
2
Cesarik, Nikola. "THE PRESENCE OF LEGIO XX IN ILLYRICUM: A RECONSIDERATION." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 278–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000247.
Full textAbstract:
Since Sir Ronald Syme wrote a paper on the legions under Augustus, there has not been much development on the movement of legions in Illyricum before a.d. 9. The basic reference work on the matter is still J.J. Wilkes's Dalmatia; and the last considerable upgrade was made in this very journal—in the paper by Stephen Mitchell, who showed that legio VII was most probably one of the legions that Marcus Silvanus brought from Galatia to fight the Pannonians at the Volcaean marches in a.d. 7. Since the presence and the movements of the legions in Illyricum during the Augustan era is clouded by the lack of new discoveries of inscriptions, I find it suitable to quote L. Keppie's note from the preface of the second edition of The Making of the Roman Army: ‘The pace of epigraphic discovery has not slackened, though the number of military inscriptions which can confidently be dated to before a.d. 14 remains disappointingly small.’
3
Holmes, Matilda. "Legends, legions and the Roman eagle." Quaternary International 543 (March 2020): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2020.02.006.
Full text
4
Matthew, Christopher. "The Battle of Vercellae and the Alteration of the Heavy Javelin (Pilum) by Gaius Marius – 101 BC." Antichthon 44 (November 2010): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002070.
Full textAbstract:
Gaius Marius (157-86 BC) is widely known as one of the most innovative commanders of the Roman military. In 101 BC Marius implemented an alteration to the design of the heavy legionary javelin (pilum). However, unlike Marius' previous reforms, this modification of an elemental aspect of the Roman legions was not adopted as a standard military practice. An examination of the evidence relating to the reform and of the events surrounding the time of its implementation demonstrates that the benefit of the modification was different from that currently accepted by scholars. Furthermore, the evidence indicates that the reason why this reform failed to be adopted by the legions was not that it provided no clear tactical advantage on the battlefield, but was due to the course of Roman political and military history immediately after it had first been implemented.
5
Mekhamadiev, Е. А. "The Danube legions of the Late Roman Empire (I Italica and V Macedonica) during the second half and middle of the fourth c. a. d.: on the ways of interaction between the frontier and expeditionary armies." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 608–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-608-619.
Full textAbstract:
Since 325 A. D., when the Emperor Constantine the Great established a self-sufficient and single expeditionary army of the Roman Empire (previously, before 353, it constantly had stood in Thrace, but then it was split in some smaller military groups), military units of this army have interacted to units of frontier armies during many military campaigns. But epigraphic data from the Lower Danube regions (the provinces of Lower Moesia and Dacia Ripensis (River)) give a chance to trace one another way of interaction, which was an absolutely disregarded before. The author means a food supply of frontier units from the provinces where the expeditionary troops (or imperial bodyguards) had their service. The inscriptions covered by this paper contain evidence about two important Danube frontier legions, that are I Italica (Lower Moesia) and V Macedonica (Dacia Ripensis (River)), which received a food from the Roman Near East provinces (the author means Hellespontus at the North-West of the Asia Minor and Syria Foenice and Syria Palestina just at the Persian frontier), but not from the Danube regions. As the author supposes, the reason of such a way of supply was that some military units (vexillations) detached from the staff of the Danube frontier legions served within the Near East Roman provinces, these vexillations moved at the Near East during the time of the Tetrarchy (293–324) or the sole reign of Constantine the Great (324–337). After their relocation to the Near East, vexillations of the Danube frontier legions have never returned in their home Danube provinces, in contrast, they were parts of the Near East expeditionary armies. But, as a matter of award for diminishing of their staff, the Danube frontier («maternal») legions received a food from the provinces, where their «child» vexillations located and served.
6
Bennett, Julian. "New evidence from Ankara for the collegia veteranorum and the albata decursio." Anatolian Studies 56 (December 2006): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000776.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractA tombstone of a legionary centurion found in Ankara proves to be of wider and greater significance than was originally recognised. Not only does it offer valuable evidence for early local recruitment patterns into the Roman legions, but, more importantly, it supplies the fifth recorded reference in the entire Roman Empire for a collegium veteranorum, a fraternity of army veterans; and the fourth known record in the whole epigraphic corpus for the albata decursio, or ‘white parade uniform’.
7
Ritaine, Eleanor Cashin. "Harmonising European Private International Law: A Replay of Hannibal's Crossing of the Alps?" International Journal of Legal Information 34, no. 2 (2006): 419–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500001542.
Full textAbstract:
In 218 BC, the Carthaginian general Hannibal (247-182) achieved a most extraordinary feat: he crossed both the Pyrenees Mountains and the Alps with an army of about 38.000 soldiers, 8.000 Cavalry and 37 elephants, aiming to win the Second Punic War by a bold invasion of Italy before the Romans were prepared. Even if his attempts to defeat the Roman legions failed in the end, common lore stills tells the story of the elephants crossing the Col du Mont Genevre in deep snow, setting thus an example of a near impossible achievement for generations to come.
8
Speidel, M. Alexander. "Roman Army Pay Scales." Journal of Roman Studies 82 (November 1992): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301286.
Full textAbstract:
How much did Rome pay the soldiers serving in the legions and the auxilia, who expanded and defended her empire? The answer is of some significance not only to the history of the Roman army but to the political, social, and economic history of the Roman Empire in general. Many a learned article has therefore been devoted to this matter and steady progress has been made. Yet problems remain, the evidence being scanty and often not readily intelligible. Work on the 600 and more writing-tablets from the legionary fortress of Vindonissa (Switzerland), currently in progress, has turned up a missing link in the chain of evidence. The new text, a pay receipt of an auxiliary soldier, reveals a new sum and thus allows the reconstruction of the Roman army's pay scales through the first three centuries A.D. The overall pay model given below reconciles all the hitherto known evidence.
9
Rubtsov, S. M. "The Defeat of Marc Macrinius Vindex. To the History of the Marcomannic Wars in the Middle Danube." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 2(118) (June 4, 2021): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)2-09.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the military action of the Roman Empire in the Middle-Danube valley in the early spring 170 year 2-nd centuries A.D. The main aim of this article consists in reconstruction one of the important events in Roman wars against the Germans tribe marcomanni, who lived on the territory of modern-day Czechia (ancient Boygemia). The author uses the analytical and comparative methods, analyzing the historical works of Roman authors and epigraphic facts. One of the main new aspects of article consists in chronology of events. The author tries to prove that defeat of Roman army and death of praefectus Marc Macrinius Vindex took place at the same time in early spring 170 year 2-nd centuries A.D.. This defeat had the important influence on the other military operations in the next time. Marcomanni and his allies seriously threatened the Roman province of Pannonia situated on the right bank of the Danube. The emperor Marcus Aurelius (161 — 180 A.D) waged several wars against the marcomanni and their allies quadi in 167 — 180 A.D. In winter 169 A.D. Marcus Aurelius became the sole emperor. He came back in Carnuntum in Upper Pannonia and began to complete the army for the offensive against marcomanni. The legatus Augusti Marc Macrinius Avitus Catonius Vindex with vexillationes of five Pannonia's legions and a few auxiliums forced a crossing the Danube in the early spring 170 A.D. Marcomanni defeated the Roman army and killed the legatus Augusti. The Germans captivated many soldiers from legions and auxiliums, burned several war-camps in Upper and Lower Pannonias. They reached the borders of the North Italy and besieged the Aquileja again. The author comes to the conclusion, that in result of the defeat of Marc Macrinius Vindex the Roman troops in the Middle and Lower Danube stood on the defensive.
10
Biglino, Fabrizio. "The Silent Revolution: The Roman Army between Polybius and Marius." Sapiens ubique civis 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2020.1.65-88.
Full textAbstract:
Traditionally, Polybius’ description of the Roman army in Book VI of his Histories is considered the de facto image of the mid-Republican Roman legions until the major changes introduced by the reforms attributed to Gaius Marius. However, there are several elements highlighting the fact that Polybius’ description actually depicts a rather outdated military system, making it hard to accept it as an up-to-date portrait of the army by the mid-second century. By examining hints within the sources, this paper aims to proper examine the major variations that interested the Roman military system from the mid-third to the late second centuries and to highlight their overall impact.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "ROMAN LEGIONS"
1
Berriman, Andrew. "Domestic politics and the movement of Roman legions, from Gaius to Trajan." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243665.
Full text
2
Omar, Idris. "Les légions romaines de la province de Syrie sous le Haut-Empire d’après les inscriptions latines et grecques." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PSLEP050/document.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse s'agit d'un corpus des inscriptions militaires des légions syriennes, la III Gallica, la IV Scythica, la XVI Flavia Firma et la VI Ferrata. Cependant, le manque d’études prosopographiques concernant ces unités m’a encouragé à élargir cette recherche en y ajoutant une étude prosopographique pour chaque légion présentant tous les militaires connus de la légion, selon leur grade, en ordre alphabétique. J’ai essayé dans cette partie de mettre à jour les listes données par E. Ritterling et tous les autres chercheurs intéressés par ce sujet, comme E. Dąbrowa, M.-A. Speidel et H. Devijver. À la fin de chaque grade militaire, j’ai effectué un tableau dans l’ordre chronologique suivi par l’analyse des origines et des cursus honorumThe thesis is a corpus of the military inscriptions of the Syrian legions, III Gallica, IV Scythica, XVI Flavia Firma and VI Ferrata. However, the lack of prosopographic studies of these units encouraged me to broaden this research by adding a prosopographic study for each legion presenting all known military members of the legion according to rank in alphabetical order. I have tried in this part to update the lists given by E. Ritterling and all other researchers interested in this subject, such as E. Dąbrowa, M.-A. Speidel and H. Devijver. At the end of each military rank, I made a table in chronological order followed by the analysis of the origins and the cursus honorum
3
Porte, François. "Le ravitaillement des armées romaines pendant les guerres civiles (49-30 avant J.-C.)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PESC0030/document.
Full textAbstract:
Les guerres civiles des dernières décennies de la République, de 49 à 30 avant J.-C., mettent en avant le savoir faire des élites romaines dans la conduite des opérations militaires, éclairent les limites et précipitent les transformations de l’outil militaire et des pratiques guerrières.À partir des effectifs comptabilisés et des besoins ensuite estimés, il apparaît que le ravitaillement sur le terrain ne constitue qu’un complément occasionnel et conjoncturel à un approvisionnement depuis l’arrière.À l’échelle stratégique, la mobilisation des ressources de l’Empire romain connaît alors une ampleur sans précédent. Aucune province n’est épargnée. Le partage du monde romain entre l’Occident et l’Orient, modifie les schémas habituels de mobilisation des ressources et sollicite des régions récemment intégrées au monde romain dans de nouveaux réseaux logistiques. L’ampleur et la nature des besoins des effectifs engagés vont nécessiter des bases stratégiques étendues et faire du transport maritime un axe essentiel des systèmes logistiques.À l’échelle opérationnelle, les infrastructures indispensables pour supporter le réseau logistique réduisent les choix possibles pour l’établissement des bases arrières. Les armées romaines ne bénéficient visiblement pas de structures déjà constituées à cet effet.Enfin, l’acquisition des fournitures et le financement de la logistique nécessitent des bouleversements fiscaux, parfois accompagnés d’exactions et du pillage des ressources provinciales, en raison de l’absence d’une fiscalité efficace. Ces conflits mettent en lumière la perte de pouvoir du Sénat au profit d’imperatores autonomes et indépendants, jusqu’à la confiscation définitive du pouvoir par l’un d’entre euxThe civil wars that took place during the last decades of the Roman Republic (49-30 B.C.) reveal the expertise of Roman elites in the art of war, along with its limits, and accelerate the transformations of the military tool and Roman warfare.After the manpower and needs of the Roman armies estimation, living off the land doesn’t seem to have been more than an occasional mean of supply, supplemented by a more effective logistical support from the rear.The resources of the Roman Empire are mobilized at an unprecedented scale, sparing no province, as the split of the Roman world between western and eastern sides transforms the usual patterns of logistical mobilization. Recently conquered provinces are therefore added to newly raised logistical systems in the Eastern Mediterranean. The maritime transportation plays a central role, as the amount of the supplies needed requires large strategic bases across the Mediterranean sea.The infrastructures needed to support the logistical network at an operational scale are rare among the Mediterranean cities and restrain the choice of operational bases. The Roman armies can obviously not rely on previous established military structures.Finally, the Roman tax system has to go through deep changes to face the financial needs of the logistical system, along with plunder and spoil. The Senate loses its power during the civil wars to the benefit of independent imperatores, until Octavian’s final rise to supreme power
4
González, Rendón Diony. "Cicero Platonis Aemulus : une étude sur le De Legibus de Cicéron." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040009.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse étudie la réception de la philosophie de Platon à Rome au cours du premier siècle av. J.-C., en s´attachant plus particulièrement à la façon dont Marco Tulio Cicéron interprète, étudie, traduit et imite l´œuvre du philosophe grec. Nous y analysons également la réception qu´en font les stoïciens étant donné que le platonisme romain et plus concrètement celui que Cicéron connait, est tributaire des enseignements des maîtres stoïciens de Rome.Cette réception sera le point de départ pour comprendre comment Cicéron imite et émule le style et le contenu des dialogues de Platon et cela afin de rendre compte des différences et des similitudes entre leurs doctrines philosophiques. Cette thèse permettra de révéler l´influence que la philosophie de Platon a eu sur la configuration de la pensée et du langage philosophique à Rome ainsi que sur celle du domaine religieux et de celui de la législation romaine.Le De Legibus de Marco Tulio Cicéron sera l´œuvre-pivot de notre recherche. Ce dialogue n´a pas été exclusivement rédigé en tant qu´une imitation du style et du contenu des Lois de Platon; en effet, son contenu reflète non seulement l´importance qu´a eu le dialogue platonicien en tant que modèle dans l´élaboration des dialogues philosophiques de Cicéron, mais plus exactement celle de sa perspective politique et philosophique telle qu´elle est exposée dans le De Oratore, De Re Publica et le De Legibus.C´est à partir du langage que nous aborderons le processus d´imitation et d´émulation, c´est-à-dire que dans un premier temps, nous analyserons la façon dont Cicéron traduit l´œuvre de Platon. Nous observerons ensuite comment Cicéron adopte la structure rhétorique du dialogue platonicien. Finalement, nous présenterons la notion de loi naturelle comme élément grâce auquel nous montrerons l´empreinte du platonisme contenu dans le De Legibus. Il est pertinent de souligner que ce platonisme cicéronien a été marqué par un dialogue constant entre les différentes traditions stoïciennes, académiciennes et péripatéticiennes tout autant que par les disputes contre les épicuriens et les griefs nourris par une réalité romaine déchirée par une crise politique et spirituelleThe following dissertation examines the reception of Plato’s philosophy in Rome, with special focus on how Marcus Tullius Cicero, between the years I to C. approximately, receives, studies, translates and imitates the work of the Greek philosopher. Furthermore, it analyses the way in which the Stoics received Plato’s philosophy, considering the fact that Roman Platonism, and that of Cicero in particular, was communicated by the Stoic teachers of Rome.This reception will be the starting point in order to comprehend Cicero’s imitation and emulation of the style andcontent in the dialogues of Plato, and to perceive similarities as well as dissimilarities in his philosophic doctrines. This dissertation will highlight the influence that Plato’s philosophy exerted on the development of the thoughts and philosophic language of Rome, as well as its contribution to Roman religion and legislation.The point of reference for this paper is the De Legibus by Marcus Tullius Cicero. The dialogue was not composedexclusively as an imitation of the style and content of Plato’s The Laws; instead, it reflects the importance of the Platonic dialogue as a model for the philosophic dialogues which Cicero formed, specifically the political and philosophical proposition that Cicero presents in De Oratore, De Re Publica and De Legibus.The process of imitation and emulation will be addressed from a linguistic perspective. In other words, an analysis ofhow Cicero translates the work of Plato will be followed by an observation of how Cicero adapts the rhetorical structure of the Platonic dialogue. Finally, the paper will discuss the notion of the natural law as an element through which it is possible to demonstrate the Platonism that encompasses Cicero’s De Legibus. It is also worth mentioning that Cicero’s Platonism was characterized by the continuous interchange with the various Stoic, Academics and Peripatetic traditions, the disputes with Epicureans, and the objections of a Roman society immersed in a political and spiritual crisis
5
Martín, Hernández Esperanza. "Cerámica romana de paredes finas de época Julioclaudia en el Campamento de la Legio VI Victrix en Léon los materiales del polígono de la Palomera /." [León] : Universidad de León, Secretariado de Publicaciones, 2008. http://www.ilibri.casalini.it/toc/60656407.pdf.
Full text
6
Chino, Hadrien. "L'autorité de la loi sous le Haut-Empire : contribution à l'étude de la relation entre la loi et le prince." Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020084.
Full textAbstract:
La restauration de la République conduite par Octavien vit renaître l’activité législative, « florissante » selon les mots d’Ovide (Met., 2.141) « sous la conduite du très juste » Auguste (Met., 5.833). L’association entre Auguste et son oeuvre législative fut telle que parmi les honneurs funèbres, il fut proposé que le nom de chacune des lois figure sur des écriteaux du cortège funéraire. La lex accompagnait Auguste au tombeau. Ses successeurs abandonnèrent progressivement le recours à la lex et quelques décennies après la disparition d’Auguste, la loi recevait comme seule fonction de sanctionner les pouvoirs et honneurs décidés par le Sénat et conférés à l’empereur à chaque début de principat. Cette loi était la dernière traduction formelle de la volonté du populus Romanus : parce qu’elle émanait du peuple et qu’elle établissait un fondement entre le prince et son statut, ses pouvoirs et les activités auxquelles elle donnait lieu, elle retint particulièrement l’attention des Prudents. S’ils constatèrent le bouleversement général des sources du droit que l’enracinement du prince dans l’édifice constitutionnel républicain et le développement de ses interventions normatives avaient entraînés, seule la partie des Prudents que le prince avait associée à l’exercice de sa justice et de sa production normative, amplifia la normativité des formes qu’empruntait la volonté impériale. La formulation de l’identité de la constitution impériale à la lex marqua l’avènement d’un ordre juridique dont la cohérence reposait sur le consensus, non plus des divers organes de la République mais de l’empereur et des Prudents. Le recours à l’autorité de la loi pour caractériser les constitutions impériales leur assurait, au-delà des mutations dont ils surent prendre la mesure, la continuité d’une activité qui s’originait dans les premiers temps de la civitasThe restoration of the Republic led by Octavian marked a new start of legislative activity, said to be "flourishing" by Ovid (Met.,2.141), "under the leadership of the righteous" Augustus (Met.,2.141). As part of his funeral honours, Augustus being so closely related to his legislative work was made clear when it was suggested that the name of each law were to be inscribed on the banners for the funeral procession. The lex accompanied Augustus to his tomb. Little by little his successors no longer resorted to the lex and a few decades after Augustus decease, the unique function of the law was to acknowledge the powers and honours decided by the Senate and conferred to the Emperor at the beginning of his reign. That law was the last formal expression of the will of the populus Romanus: because it originated from the people and established the basis between the Prince and his status, his power and the activities that rose from it, it particularly caught the attention of the Prudentes. Though they may have noted the general disruption of the sources of the Law, resulting from the normative interventions of the emperor, it was only the part of jurisprudence that the prince had associated with his justice and therefore the production of norms,, that enhanced the normativity of the forms expressing the imperial will. The identity of the imperial constitution formed on the lex was the beginning of a new legal order, coherently based upon the consensus between the emperor and the Prudentes rather than upon the various organs of the Republic. Their resorting to the authority of the Law to characterize the imperial constitutions and their ability to assess change, ensured that an activity that started at the beginning of the civitas could continue
7
Forcadet, Pierre-Anne. "Conquestus fuit Domino regi : Etude sur le recours au roi de France d'après les arrêts du Parlement (1223-1285)." Thesis, Orléans, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012ORLE0002.
Full textAbstract:
Le riche et complexe « siècle de saint Louis » est celui du déploiement d’une justice royale hiérarchisée et professionnelle employant des centaines de maîtres formés dans les universités. La Cour du roi se réunit à Paris à intervalles réguliers lors de sessions en parlement. La monarchie adopte plusieurs réformes qui permettent aux justiciables d’avoir accès à la justice. Les recours sont alors portés, pour une large part, contre le roi lui-même et les exactions de ses agents. Tant de recours différents peuvent être formés qu’une forme de responsabilité de l’administration royale paraît se mettre en place.Un important contentieux est par ailleurs soulevé par les hommes contre leurs seigneurs laïcs ou ecclésiastiques. La justice royale apparaît alors comme un régulateur des relations féodales. L’appel judiciaire au Parlement, qui se systématise contre les jugements des justices concurrentes, ouvre la voie à la concrétisation de la supériorité de la justice royale, que l’on commence à appeler en français : « souveraineté ».Par acculturation, l’offre et la demande de justice se rencontrent et tendent à consacrer les institutions royales en justice de « droit commun ». Les résistances sont nombreuses de la part des justices concurrentes, mais la Cour du roi reçoit aussi leurs plaintes et, tout en étendant son influence, statue dessus en toute impartialité, ce qui contribue également à légitimer la mise en place d’un État de droitThe rich and complex « Saint Louis’ Century » is a time of development of a hierarchical and professional royal justice. Hundreds of Masters are trained at the Universities. The king’s Court regularly assembles in Paris during sessions « in parlemento ». The monarchy adopts several reforms allowing an easier access to justice. The recourses are also carried against the king himself and the exactions of his agents. There are so many different types of recourses that the concept of responsibility of the royal administration seems to appear.On the other hand, an important part of the litigations is raised by men against their laïcs or ecclesiastics lords. Royal justice settles as a regulator of the feudal relationships. The judiciary appeal to the Parlement is becoming usual against the other justices. Indeed, it contributes to give concrete expression to the superiority of the king’s justice, which is now called, in French « souveraineté ».By acculturation, the demand and the supply meet and tend to dedicate royal institutions to an « ordinary court ». There are a lot of resistances from other judges, but the curia regis receives and judge impartially these complaints too, which contribute to set of a State under the rule of law
8
Ibarra, Alvaro. "Legions and locals : Roman provincial communities and their trophy monuments." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/6904.
Full textAbstract:
This study considers five Roman trophy monuments in the context of global
versus local culture in the provinces: the Sullan trophy at Chaeroneia, Pompey’s trophy at
Panissars, Octavian’s campsite memorial at Nikopolis, Augustus’s Alpine trophy at La
Turbie, and Trajan’s Dacian trophy at Adamklissi.
Each trophy represents a unique case study of an identifiable Roman form and
tradition deemed appropriate for/by a provincial community. These individualized
characteristics imply localized negotiation of imperial or global ideas—specifically, a
non-Roman’s ability to manipulate Roman concepts emanating from the capital and/or
the desire for Romans to these ideas to appeal to a provincial audience. My study of
these trophies uncovers a widespread phenomenon that contradicts the assumption that
culture was dictated from the center to the periphery, from the elite to the non-elite and
from the urban to the rural in the Roman Empire. This dissertation is a response to Simon Keay’s and Nicola Terrenato’s
lamentation over the lack of comparative analysis for these recent theories and Andrew
Wallace-Hadrill’s challenge to concretize definitions of Romanization. In fact, I
demonstrate how these five Roman trophies featured themes legible to a broad audience
in the ancient world and specialized narratives that catered to the local scene. Altogether,
these case studies represent compelling examples of a much more dynamic kind of
Romanization than current scholarship admits.text
9
Назаров, А. Д., and A. D. Nazarov. "Римская армия в восточных провинциях Империи в I в. н. э.: организация, комплектование, командный состав : магистерская диссертация." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/41092.
Full textAbstract:
Диссертация посвящена эволюции военно-административной системы Римской империи в восточных провинциях в I в. н. э. Состояние источников позволяет утверждать, что регион Ближнего Востока наиболее репрезентативен для изучения данной проблемы. В I в. н. э. Рим начал переход от завоевательной стратегии к обороне границ. Одновременно с этим, провинции стали играть важную роль во всех сферах жизни Римского государства. Эти процессы обусловили значительные преобразования в римской армии. Автором установлено, что особенности римской военной системы на Востоке империи – дислокация армейских контингентов, организация обороны границ, снабжение и комплектование воинских подразделений – зависели от внешнеполитической ситуации и комплекса внутриполитических причин.The dissertation is devoted to evolution of the Roman military-administrative system in the Eastern provinces of the Empire in the first century A. D. During the studied period, Rome was beginning transition from offensive wars to defense of the frontiers. In the same time, the provinces of the Empire began to play a greater role in the state. These processes contributed to transformation of the Roman armed forces, which were evolutionary character. Roman foreign policy activity in the Near East allows suggesting, that this region is the most representative for research of evolution of the Roman military organization in the first century A. D. The author ascertained that special aspects of the Roman military machine in the Eastern provinces of the Empire (dislocation of the armed forces, organization of defense of the frontiers, supply and recruitment of various military units) depended on foreign policy situation and complex of internal political reasons.
Books on the topic "ROMAN LEGIONS"
1
Legions of Rome: The definitive history of every Imperial Roman legion. New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin's Press, 2010.
Find full text
2
Roman Legionary Museum (Caerleon, Wales) and National Museum of Wales, eds. The legions in the later Roman Empire. Cardiff: National Museum of Wales, 1991.
Find full text
3
Beller, Susan Provost. Roman legions on the march: Soldiering in the ancient Roman Army. Minneapolis: Twenty-First Century Books, 2008.
Find full text
4
Ford, Michael Curtis. Gods & legions: A novel of the Roman Empire. London: Orion, 2002.
Find full text
7
Clunn, Tony. In quest of the lost legions: The Varusschlacht. London: Minerva, 1999.
Find full text
8
Ford, Michael Curtis. Gods and legions: A novel of the Roman Empire. New York: Thomas Dunne Books/St. Martin's Press, 2002.
Find full text
10
Simon, Northwood, Simkins Michael 1944-, Hook Richard, McBride Angus, and Embleton Ron 1930-1988, eds. Caesar's legions: The Roman soldier 753 BC to 117 AD. Oxford: Osprey History, 2000.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "ROMAN LEGIONS"
1
Bartel, Hans-Georg, Hans-Joachim Mucha, and Jens Dolata. "Geochemical and Statistical Investigation of Roman Stamped Tiles of the Legio XXI Rapax." In Studies in Classification, Data Analysis, and Knowledge Organization, 427–34. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-10745-0_46.
Full text
2
"The Roman Legions." In The Routledge Atlas of Classical History, 68. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315539072-68.
Full text
3
"Legions Destroyed, or Disbanded." In The Making of the Roman Army, 197. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203025611-18.
Full text
4
"Catalogues and Legions." In Procopius on Soldiers and Military Institutions in the Sixth-Century Roman Empire, 58–94. BRILL, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004461611_005.
Full text
5
"3. Between Roman and Chinese Legions." In Empires of the Silk Road, 78–92. Princeton University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400829941-008.
Full text
6
"The Emergence of the Imperial Legions." In The Making of the Roman Army, 127–37. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203025611-12.
Full text
7
"Appendix 1 The Civil War Legions." In The Making of the Roman Army, 180–88. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203025611-15.
Full text
8
Hinton, David A. "Adapting to Life Without the Legions." In Gold and Gilt, Pots and Pins. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199264537.003.0006.
Full textAbstract:
If gold and silver are a measure of wealth, late Roman Britain was very rich. Hoards of coins, jewellery, and plate buried in the late fourth and early fifth centuries show that their owners’ lifestyle was coming to an end as central imperial authority broke down, troops were withdrawn from the island, villas fell into disuse, and towns lost their markets and trade. Raiders threatened by land and sea: Irish from the west, Pictish from the north, Frisian, Saxon, and others from the east; and as civic order broke down, the likelihood of robbery by people living south of Hadrian’s Wall grew worse. The hoards’ owners were right to worry, and their subsequent failure to retrieve their valuables must testify to many personal catastrophes. Hoards containing dishes, bowls, and spoons as well as coins and jewellery have been found on the east side of Roman Britain from Canterbury, Kent, in the south to Whorlton, Yorkshire, in the north. Further west, coin-hoards are quite plentiful, although none has any plate. Some contain jewellery, like one found in 1843 at Amesbury, Wiltshire, that included three silver finger-rings; in the same area, another hoard with eight gold coins and one of silver was found in 1990, apparently concealed in a pot around the year 405, to judge from the date of the latest coin. But as with plate so with jewellery, the contrast with the east is still considerable; Thetford, Norfolk, has gold finger-rings as well as ornamental chains, bracelets, and a buckle; Hoxne, Suffolk, has gold bracelets, and again chains, these with elaborate mounts. Some of the craftsmanship shown in these pieces is of a high order, that only well-off patrons could have afforded. The plate suggests displays of tableware by a society that set great store on being able to offer lavish feasts and entertainment. These late Roman treasures may be giving a slightly false impression of Britain’s prosperity. Silver was probably extracted from the same native deposits that yielded lead, so would have been more available than in most parts of the Empire. Some may also have entered Britain from Ireland, where evidence of Roman intervention is accumulating.
9
"Appendix 3 New Legions Raised During the Early Empire." In The Making of the Roman Army, 196. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203025611-17.
Full text
10
"Appendix 2 The Origin and Early History of the Imperial Legions." In The Making of the Roman Army, 189–95. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203025611-16.
Full textConference papers on the topic "ROMAN LEGIONS"
1
Ernenwein, Eileen G., Matthew J. Adams, and Yotam Tepper. "New results from GPR at Legio: A Roman Legionary Base in the Jezreel Valley, Israel." In 18th International Conference on Ground Penetrating Radar, Golden, Colorado, 14–19 June 2020. Society of Exploration Geophysicists, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/gpr2020-005.1.
Full text
2
López-Martínez, Teresa, Víctor J. Medina-Flórez, and Ana García Bueno. "Decoración parietal de un edificio paleocristiano en el Conjunto Arqueológico de Cástulo." In I Simposio anual de Patrimonio Natural y Cultural ICOMOS España. Valencia: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/icomos2019.2020.11698.
Full textAbstract:
El pasado octubre de 2014 se conoció el hallazgo, en el Conjunto Arqueológico de Cástulo, de una patena de vidrio decorada con la Traditio Legis. Coetáneamente, y en el mismo edificio, se hallaron unos revestimientos murales dat ados a mediados del siglo IV, objeto de estudio del trabajo que aquí se presenta. Se han conservado dos paños de pintura mural de considerables dimensiones que decorarían la pared de un banco corrido. Estos presentan un esquema de decoración contínua basada en elementos geométricos y motivos vegetales, más común en decoraciones de techos que de paredes. Las pinturas han sido ejecutadas al fresco sobre un solo estrato de mortero de cal y árido, para lo que se han empleado pigmentos típicos de la paleta romana.