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1
Uzunaslan, Abdurrahman. "The Honouring of the Legio Chief Physician L. Hortensius Paulinus." Belleten 80, no. 289 (December 1, 2016): 719–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2016.719.
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An inscription dated to the beginning of the 3rd century AD, and found within the city limits of Antiocheia in 2011, honors the legion Chief Physician L. Hortensius Paulinus, who is believed to have settled in the city following his retirement. According to this inscription, L. Hortensius Paulinus assumed highly important public offices and duties in the city. This person had also served in the legio IV Flavia Felix and Legio II Italica, although the legion with which he first arrived to the East, as well as his exact assignment within these two legions, remain unclear. Possible reasons for his presence in the East might have been the exacerbation of the war between the Roman and Parthia Empires towards the end of the 2nd century AD, or the civil war between Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger since most of the legions from the Danube Basin and the Balkan Peninsula had sided with Septimius Severus during this civil war, including legio IV Flavia Felix and the Legio II Italica. The chronological order and content of the inscription suggest that L. Hortensius Paulinus had most likely traveled to the East with the legio II Italica due to the civil war; if this was indeed the case, L. Hortensius Paulinus must have arrived to the East in 193/4 AD at the earliest. The fact that the legio II Italica created by Marcus Aurelius was entirely constituted of solders from Northern Italy is strong evidence that L. Hortensius Paulinus and his family were native to this region. Another interesting aspect concerning this document is the fact that it is the first inscription found within Antiocheia mentioning the legions IV Flavia Felix and II Italica. Therefore, this new inscription not only demonstrates the presence of officials belonging to these legions in Antiocheia, but also clarifies a disputed and unclear aspect of the inscription regarding C. Flavonius Paullinus Lollianus published by Byrne-Labarre in 2006. Finally, the new inscriptions found within the city suggest that members of the legio II Italica who participated in civil wars or the Parthian campaign in the East might have settled in Antiocheia at the end of their military service.
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Cesarik, Nikola. "THE PRESENCE OF LEGIO XX IN ILLYRICUM: A RECONSIDERATION." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 278–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000247.
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Since Sir Ronald Syme wrote a paper on the legions under Augustus, there has not been much development on the movement of legions in Illyricum before a.d. 9. The basic reference work on the matter is still J.J. Wilkes's Dalmatia; and the last considerable upgrade was made in this very journal—in the paper by Stephen Mitchell, who showed that legio VII was most probably one of the legions that Marcus Silvanus brought from Galatia to fight the Pannonians at the Volcaean marches in a.d. 7. Since the presence and the movements of the legions in Illyricum during the Augustan era is clouded by the lack of new discoveries of inscriptions, I find it suitable to quote L. Keppie's note from the preface of the second edition of The Making of the Roman Army: ‘The pace of epigraphic discovery has not slackened, though the number of military inscriptions which can confidently be dated to before a.d. 14 remains disappointingly small.’
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Holmes, Matilda. "Legends, legions and the Roman eagle." Quaternary International 543 (March 2020): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2020.02.006.
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Matthew, Christopher. "The Battle of Vercellae and the Alteration of the Heavy Javelin (Pilum) by Gaius Marius – 101 BC." Antichthon 44 (November 2010): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002070.
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Gaius Marius (157-86 BC) is widely known as one of the most innovative commanders of the Roman military. In 101 BC Marius implemented an alteration to the design of the heavy legionary javelin (pilum). However, unlike Marius' previous reforms, this modification of an elemental aspect of the Roman legions was not adopted as a standard military practice. An examination of the evidence relating to the reform and of the events surrounding the time of its implementation demonstrates that the benefit of the modification was different from that currently accepted by scholars. Furthermore, the evidence indicates that the reason why this reform failed to be adopted by the legions was not that it provided no clear tactical advantage on the battlefield, but was due to the course of Roman political and military history immediately after it had first been implemented.
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Mekhamadiev, Е. А. "The Danube legions of the Late Roman Empire (I Italica and V Macedonica) during the second half and middle of the fourth c. a. d.: on the ways of interaction between the frontier and expeditionary armies." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 608–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-608-619.
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Since 325 A. D., when the Emperor Constantine the Great established a self-sufficient and single expeditionary army of the Roman Empire (previously, before 353, it constantly had stood in Thrace, but then it was split in some smaller military groups), military units of this army have interacted to units of frontier armies during many military campaigns. But epigraphic data from the Lower Danube regions (the provinces of Lower Moesia and Dacia Ripensis (River)) give a chance to trace one another way of interaction, which was an absolutely disregarded before. The author means a food supply of frontier units from the provinces where the expeditionary troops (or imperial bodyguards) had their service. The inscriptions covered by this paper contain evidence about two important Danube frontier legions, that are I Italica (Lower Moesia) and V Macedonica (Dacia Ripensis (River)), which received a food from the Roman Near East provinces (the author means Hellespontus at the North-West of the Asia Minor and Syria Foenice and Syria Palestina just at the Persian frontier), but not from the Danube regions. As the author supposes, the reason of such a way of supply was that some military units (vexillations) detached from the staff of the Danube frontier legions served within the Near East Roman provinces, these vexillations moved at the Near East during the time of the Tetrarchy (293–324) or the sole reign of Constantine the Great (324–337). After their relocation to the Near East, vexillations of the Danube frontier legions have never returned in their home Danube provinces, in contrast, they were parts of the Near East expeditionary armies. But, as a matter of award for diminishing of their staff, the Danube frontier («maternal») legions received a food from the provinces, where their «child» vexillations located and served.
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Bennett, Julian. "New evidence from Ankara for the collegia veteranorum and the albata decursio." Anatolian Studies 56 (December 2006): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000776.
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AbstractA tombstone of a legionary centurion found in Ankara proves to be of wider and greater significance than was originally recognised. Not only does it offer valuable evidence for early local recruitment patterns into the Roman legions, but, more importantly, it supplies the fifth recorded reference in the entire Roman Empire for a collegium veteranorum, a fraternity of army veterans; and the fourth known record in the whole epigraphic corpus for the albata decursio, or ‘white parade uniform’.
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Ritaine, Eleanor Cashin. "Harmonising European Private International Law: A Replay of Hannibal's Crossing of the Alps?" International Journal of Legal Information 34, no. 2 (2006): 419–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500001542.
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In 218 BC, the Carthaginian general Hannibal (247-182) achieved a most extraordinary feat: he crossed both the Pyrenees Mountains and the Alps with an army of about 38.000 soldiers, 8.000 Cavalry and 37 elephants, aiming to win the Second Punic War by a bold invasion of Italy before the Romans were prepared. Even if his attempts to defeat the Roman legions failed in the end, common lore stills tells the story of the elephants crossing the Col du Mont Genevre in deep snow, setting thus an example of a near impossible achievement for generations to come.
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Speidel, M. Alexander. "Roman Army Pay Scales." Journal of Roman Studies 82 (November 1992): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301286.
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How much did Rome pay the soldiers serving in the legions and the auxilia, who expanded and defended her empire? The answer is of some significance not only to the history of the Roman army but to the political, social, and economic history of the Roman Empire in general. Many a learned article has therefore been devoted to this matter and steady progress has been made. Yet problems remain, the evidence being scanty and often not readily intelligible. Work on the 600 and more writing-tablets from the legionary fortress of Vindonissa (Switzerland), currently in progress, has turned up a missing link in the chain of evidence. The new text, a pay receipt of an auxiliary soldier, reveals a new sum and thus allows the reconstruction of the Roman army's pay scales through the first three centuries A.D. The overall pay model given below reconciles all the hitherto known evidence.
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Rubtsov, S. M. "The Defeat of Marc Macrinius Vindex. To the History of the Marcomannic Wars in the Middle Danube." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 2(118) (June 4, 2021): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2021)2-09.
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The article is devoted to the military action of the Roman Empire in the Middle-Danube valley in the early spring 170 year 2-nd centuries A.D. The main aim of this article consists in reconstruction one of the important events in Roman wars against the Germans tribe marcomanni, who lived on the territory of modern-day Czechia (ancient Boygemia). The author uses the analytical and comparative methods, analyzing the historical works of Roman authors and epigraphic facts. One of the main new aspects of article consists in chronology of events. The author tries to prove that defeat of Roman army and death of praefectus Marc Macrinius Vindex took place at the same time in early spring 170 year 2-nd centuries A.D.. This defeat had the important influence on the other military operations in the next time. Marcomanni and his allies seriously threatened the Roman province of Pannonia situated on the right bank of the Danube. The emperor Marcus Aurelius (161 — 180 A.D) waged several wars against the marcomanni and their allies quadi in 167 — 180 A.D. In winter 169 A.D. Marcus Aurelius became the sole emperor. He came back in Carnuntum in Upper Pannonia and began to complete the army for the offensive against marcomanni. The legatus Augusti Marc Macrinius Avitus Catonius Vindex with vexillationes of five Pannonia's legions and a few auxiliums forced a crossing the Danube in the early spring 170 A.D. Marcomanni defeated the Roman army and killed the legatus Augusti. The Germans captivated many soldiers from legions and auxiliums, burned several war-camps in Upper and Lower Pannonias. They reached the borders of the North Italy and besieged the Aquileja again. The author comes to the conclusion, that in result of the defeat of Marc Macrinius Vindex the Roman troops in the Middle and Lower Danube stood on the defensive.
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Biglino, Fabrizio. "The Silent Revolution: The Roman Army between Polybius and Marius." Sapiens ubique civis 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2020.1.65-88.
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Traditionally, Polybius’ description of the Roman army in Book VI of his Histories is considered the de facto image of the mid-Republican Roman legions until the major changes introduced by the reforms attributed to Gaius Marius. However, there are several elements highlighting the fact that Polybius’ description actually depicts a rather outdated military system, making it hard to accept it as an up-to-date portrait of the army by the mid-second century. By examining hints within the sources, this paper aims to proper examine the major variations that interested the Roman military system from the mid-third to the late second centuries and to highlight their overall impact.
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Keppie, Lawrence. "The changing face of the Roman legions (49 BC–AD 69)." Papers of the British School at Rome 65 (November 1997): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824620001059x.
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IL MUTEVOLE ASPETTO DELLE LEGIONI ROMANE (49 a.C. - 69 d.C.)I 125 anni tra le guerre civili della tarda Repubblica e la fine del periodo Giulio-Claudio testimoniarono un cambiamento drammatico nel personale delle legioni romane: i posti occupati dagli Italiani vennero gradualmente occupati da uomini provenienti dalle province dell'Impero, che quindi provenivano dalle più diverse culture. La prospettiva di lunghi anni di servizio su distanti frontiere aveva alienato le tradizionali fonti di forza lavoro. Questo articolo suggerisce che il cambiamento era in atto prima di quanto fosse generalmente supposto. Pochi Italiani ritornavano a casa dopo il servizio. In genere i legionari non avevano alcun legame emotivo con la città di Roma, al punto che ben pochi avevano mai la possibilità di visitarla.
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Ridley, Ronald T. "‘A fanatical yet rational devotion’ Augustus and the Legions." Antichthon 39 (2005): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001556.
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There is surely no one any more who requires convincing that the basis of the Augustan principate was the control of the legions. Augustus may have paraded his tribunician power and played down his potestas as a magistrate, but the Res Gestae is above all else the record of the generalissimo in control of the entire military resources of the empire. That control remained almost unchallenged for forty-four years.William Harris brilliantly demonstrated that under the Republic military glory was the preeminent virtue of Roman politicians. The state was now in the control of one man, but nothing had changed, except that the stakes were higher. Edward Gibbon, of course, detected the truth. He had, after all, both political and military experience – however inglorious.
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Speidel, M. P., and R. Seider. "A Latin Papyrus with a Recruit's Request for Service in the Auxiliary Cohorts." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 74, no. 1 (August 1988): 242–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338807400133.
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Publication of a papyrus from the later years of Trajan, found at Theadelphia, which preserves a draft letter in Latin from a recruit to the Prefect of Egypt. The writer asks to be enrolled in the auxiliary cohorts, which shows that probatio in the Roman army was for a specific branch, such as the legions, the alae, the cohorts, or the fleet. Letters of recommendation were required, even if written by the applicant himself.
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Woolf, Greg. "Becoming Roman, staying Greek: Culture, identity and the civilizing process in the Roman East." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 40 (1994): 116–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500001875.
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The nature, and indeed the reality, of Romanization in the east is controversial. One of the most influential accounts of Romanization in the western provinces notes that ‘by contrast, where Greek was already the language of culture, of government and of inter-regional trade, the Romans carried further the process of Hellenization … in general what was specifically Latin in the common civilization of the empire made little impact in the east’, the exceptions being the influence of Roman law and the popularity of gladiatorial games. That verdict endorsed the view that ‘the emperors made no attempt to romanise the Greek speaking provinces’, which saw the foundation of cities as a continuance of Hellenistic royal practice, and which regarded the establishment of the rare eastern colonies as motivated by practical considerations rather than any attempt at encouraging cultural assimilation. More recently, a fuller survey of exceptions to this general rule nevertheless concluded that ‘On the one hand, the culture and identity of the Greek east remained fundamentally rooted in the Classical past. On the other hand, the visible presence of Rome, outside those zones where the legions were stationed, was extremely slight.’
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Faszcza, Michał Norbert. "RZYMSKA DYSCYPLINA WOJSKOWA W UJĘCIU NICCOLÒ MACHIAVELLEGO." Zeszyty Prawnicze 14, no. 4 (December 5, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2014.14.4.02.
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Machiavelli on Roman Military DisciplineSummaryThe importance of Niccolò Machiavelli’s work for the evolution of modern political ideas is indisputable, but the organisation of military forces was an equally important issue for him. Although most researchers usually ignore this aspect, Machiavelli’s ideas exerted a significant influence on subsequent developments in European military discipline. He was inspired to a large extent by the works of the ancien authors containing descriptions of terms of service in the Roman legions. His attention focused on the Republican period, though he also examined episodes from the Imperial era. Nowadays he is recognised as one of the most influential authors of military treatises, whose ideas on military discipline had a substantial influence on its evolution.
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James, Simon. "Writing the Legions: The Development and Future of Roman Military Studies in Britain." Archaeological Journal 159, no. 1 (January 2002): 1–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2002.11020514.
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Bileta, Vedran. "The last legions: The “barbarization” of military identity in the Late Roman West." Tabula : periodicus Facultatis philosophicae Polensis; rivista della Facoltà di lettere e filosofia; Journal od the Faculty of Humanities No.14 (2016): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/tab.14.2016.02.
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Speidel, M. P. "Commodus the God-Emperor and the Army." Journal of Roman Studies 83 (November 1993): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300981.
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In A.D. 192, the last year of his reign, Commodus threw restraint to the winds and had the senate declare him a god. He assumed such titles as Conqueror of the World, Roman Hercules, and All-Surpasser and named the twelve months of the year after himself. Founding Rome anew, he gave it the name Colonia Commodiana and ordered the legions likewise to be called Commodianae. Before the year was out, on 31 December, he was murdered, his memory cursed.
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Morgan, Daniel. "The Generalship of P. Quinctilius Varus in the Clades Variana." Antichthon 53 (2019): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2019.7.
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AbstractThe clades Variana was a major Roman defeat, occurring over three days of fighting in AD 9. Three Roman legions and several units of auxiliaries were destroyed, and their commander, Publius Quinctilius Varus, died at the climax of the fighting. Suetonius said that the army paid the price for its general's temeritas and neglegentia, and many other commentators, both ancient and modern, have condemned Varus as a general ever since. This paper re-evaluates Varus’ competence as a general by re-examining the extensive literary and archaeological evidence for the clades, with reference to comparative literary evidence that shows how Roman generals usually reacted in comparable situations. It will be argued that Varus’ aggressive march towards a rumoured rebellion with a large baggage train, his re-organisation of the baggage train, his change of course westwards, and even his fatal advance into the defile at Kalkriese, were logical decisions in the context of standard Roman military responses to crisis. It is shown that Varus was hamstrung by intelligence and logistical limitations that were not peculiar to him but were systemic to the Roman army at the time. Varus’ generalship is thus contextualised as relatively competent, although uninspired.
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Kozłowski, Jakub, and Krzysztof Królczyk. "Aspekty polityczne i militarne „roku czterech cesarzy” (68-69 r. po Chr.). Część 1: do śmierci Galby." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 11 (January 1, 2015): 29–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.2.
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The Year of the Four Emperors, as the period of civil wars in Rome after Nero’s death is often called, was the first major shake-up which affected the Roman state since a new system of rule, referred to as the Principate, had been established by Augustus. Following the imperial proclamation of Servius Sulpicius Galba, the governor of Spain (June 8th, 68) and the suicide of Nero (June 9th), the Roman state plunged into a profound political crisis. This was because the new emperor found no support either in the City itself, or among the soldiers of legions stationed on the Empire’s frontiers. On January 2nd, 69, Roman army on the Rhine hailed Aulus Vitellius, their commander, as the emperor. As Tacitus observed, this revealed the “secret of rule” (arcanum imperii) – namely one could become an emperor not only in the capital of the Empire but also on its remote periphery. Vitellius immediately began preparations for an armed contest with Galba. However, on January 15th, 69, the latter was murdered in Rome, and praetorians proclaimed M. Salvius Otho as the emperor.
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Biglino, Fabrizio. "Rethinking second-century BC military service: the speech of Spurius Ligustinus." Journal of Ancient History 8, no. 2 (November 27, 2020): 208–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2019-0021.
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AbstractSeveral elements suggest that Polybius’ description of the Roman army in Book VI of his Histories depicts a rather outdated military system, making it hard to accept it as an up-to-date portrait of the legions by the mid-second century BC. After all, the Roman army had been experiencing a series of changes since the mid-third century that were affecting both the army’ structure and how citizens experienced military service. This paper argues that the famous episode of Spurius Ligustinus (Livy 42.34) contains several suggestions about the nature of these changes and their social ramifications. Although Livy embellished his source for rhetorical reasons, this episode still offers crucial evidence not only on the Roman army but especially, through the figure of Ligustinus himself, on the mid-Republican citizen-soldiers. Through a careful examination of key sections of this episode this paper aims to explore how, by this point, the army already presented features traditionally associated with Gaius Marius and his reforms, thus further emphasizing the outdatedness of Polybius’ description. By offering the very unique profile of an individual Roman citizen of the mid-second century and his relationship with military service, the speech of Ligustinus depicts a more believable and up-to-date representation of military service during the crucial decades of Roman Mediterranean expansion.
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Zeichmann, Christopher B. "Military Forces in Judaea 6–130 ce: The status quaestionis and Relevance for New Testament Studies." Currents in Biblical Research 17, no. 1 (October 2018): 86–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x18791425.
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The study of the military in the Roman provinces of Judaea is not the most accessible topic. Though the data upon which scholars rely is familiar (e.g., epigraphs, papyri, ancient historians), its study requires significant methodological deviations from biblical studies. This article summarizes key points relevant for scholars of both Jewish antiquity and early Christianity. First, it provides a summary of recent developments in the social history of the Roman army in the Near East, attending especially to the question of the role and function of soldiers in that region. Second, this article provides a brief social history for all military units in Judaea before it was renamed Syria Palaestina in 130 ce (four legions, 14 infantry cohortes, and five cavalry alae), based on the latest discoveries. Finally, the article concludes with a section discussing two issues specific to New Testament studies: the presence of an Italian cohort in Judaea (Acts 10) and the issue of the Augustan cohort in Judaea and Batanaea (Acts 27).
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Sauer, Eberhard. "Roman Fortresses and their Legions: Papers in Honour of George C. Boon. Edited by RichardJ. Brewer." Archaeological Journal 158, no. 1 (January 2001): 395–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2001.11079028.
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Alston, R. "Roman Military Pay from Caesar to Diocletian." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300872.
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In a recent issue of this Journal, M. Alexander Speidel published a new document concerning Roman military pay, a receipt from Vindonissa dating to A.D. 38. This document, he claims, provides the missing link, which allows him to present a table of pay rates for legionaries and auxiliaries from Caesar to Diocletian and prove finally the proposition resurrected by M. P. Speidel that soldiers of the auxiliary cohorts were paid five sixths of the annual pay of legionaries. From a re-examination of the texts and documents traditionally used as evidence for the pay rates of the Roman military, I conclude that, although we can establish the rates of legionary infantry pay from the date of the increase under Caesar until A.D. 197, we have little evidence for legionary pay rates in the third century and, since most of the documents provide us with figures which are unknown proportions of the annual pay of the soldiers concerned, the evidence for auxiliary pay is not sufficient to allow the calculation of exact pay rates for any period. There are, therefore, no grounds for believing either the five-sixths theory as elaborated by M. Alexander Speidel or, indeed, any of the many other theories that have been proposed. Nevertheless, the documentation can be interpreted to establish likely minimum figures for auxiliary pay rates in the first century A.D. This interpretation of the documents suggests that there was, in fact, no difference between the rates of pay of auxiliary and legionary infantry and the cavalry of the legions and alae, a controversial conclusion that has previously been avoided for reasons central to much of Roman imperial military historiography.
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Becker, Thomas. "Women in Roman forts – lack of knowledge or a social claim?" Archaeological Dialogues 13, no. 1 (May 15, 2006): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203806261853.
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The classic idea of the Roman army, especially of the legions, is that of a man's world, where discipline and military drill dominate, and where there is no room for women, whatever their social status or function. This idea has been fostered by the picture painted by the antique authors, in which fighting by women is reserved to goddesses (Athena/Minerva) and exceptional personages. The normal female is described as a mother or wife, whose chief occupations were confined to the organization of the household, the up-bringing of the children, spinning and weaving (Marquardt 1975, 58). This role model fits in excellently with the social structure of 19th-century Europe, where women were also absent from military camps. This, in turn, can be traced back to the to the Prussian view of military virtues, which would be diminished by the presence of women. Many concepts of Roman military archaeology have their origin in this period. In many ways these traditions still influence our views on Roman life, as analyses of the roles of women and children in archaeological illustrations have shown (Röder 2002; Becker and Hölschen in press). German archaeological research, especially, concentrates on questions of building-structures, military units or dating, whilst social aspects of life in the camps or on the frontier are normally neglected.
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Chrissanthos, Stefan G. "Caesar and the Mutiny of 47 B.C." Journal of Roman Studies 91 (November 2001): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184770.
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In 47 B.C., despite victory at the Battle of Pharsalus and the subsequent death of Cn. Pompeius Magnus, the Civil War continued for C. Julius Caesar. He faced hostile Roman armies in Spain and North Africa. Rumours circulated that the African army was preparing to invade Italy. Order was kept in Rome only through the force employed by Caesar's lieutenant M. Antonius. Contemporaries certainly did not believe Caesar's victory was a foregone conclusion. In the midst of these crises, Caesar faced a mutiny amongst his veteran Gallic legions billeted in Campania. These troops refused his orders to move from Italy to Africa to fight the Pompeian army that had gathered there. Instead they marched to Rome to demand back pay, discharge, and promised bonuses of money and land. Caesar's power, and his very survival, were hanging in the balance.
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Tolksdorf, Johann Friedrich, Rengert Elburg, and Thomas Reuter. "Can 3D scanning of countermarks on Roman coins help to reconstruct the movement of Varus and his legions." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 11 (February 2017): 400–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2016.12.005.
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Khalapsis, Oleksiy. "Diocletian and the Third Republic." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 2, no. 2 (June 3, 2020): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-2-28-34.
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In 212 AD, Emperor Caracalla issued an edict granting Roman citizenship to the entire free population of the Roman Empire. The non-indigenous the Romans edict opened the way to the army, which allowed an increase in number of legions, but made them less loyal. All this contributed to revision of Augustus’ model and formation of a new political reality, which was called by historians the name “dominate”, the first version of which was Diocletian’s tetrarchy. For the tetrarchy system to work effectively, too many conditions were necessary, and the Romans were no longer ready for such a great responsibility. In addition, Diocletian’s model, solving some problems, created others, causing confusion and starting the process of the gradual division of the empire into the Eastern and the Western parts. If the principate system can be called as “The Second Republic”, then the system following it, under which “masters” began to govern free citizens, it would be logical to call “The Third Republic”. The Emperor is one of the titles of the republican ruler of Rome, along with the titles “Augustus”, “Caesar”, “princeps senatus”, “pontifex maximus”, etc. The legal and factual significance of each of these titles has undergone evolution, but the Romans themselves would never have agreed that a monarchy had been established in their empire; they quite sincerely considered their state to be a republic. This republic was led by a person who has a whole set of temporary and lifelong titles, including the title of emperor, which complemented other the highest ranking magistrates. At the same time, there was a transition from representations of power as a civil (and, as a result, military and religious) to power as a military (and only then – civil and religious) function. If the princeps themselves could not have been military leaders, then for the dominus it became a necessity, the logical expression of which was the institution of tetrarchy.
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Beltramini, Luca, and Marco Rocco. "LIVY ON SCIPIO AFRICANUS. THE COMMANDER'S PORTRAIT AT 26.19.3–9." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 230–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000348.
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According to Livy (26.18.3–26.19.2), in late 211 Publius Cornelius Scipio was elected priuatus cum imperio pro consule by the comitia centuriata and sent to Spain in charge of the legions formerly led by his father Publius and his uncle Gnaeus. This was the beginning of a new phase in the Hannibalic War, which would ultimately lead Rome to victory against its most dangerous enemy. As has long been recognized, Livy assigns Scipio a central role in the narrative development of the Third Decade. For most critics, this centrality coincides with (and is the result of) Livy's admiration: in his view, Scipio is the fatalis dux, the commander sent by Providence to lead Rome to victory; he is Hannibal's rival par excellence, the only leader capable of matching the enemy's military genius and blocking his relentless advance against the Republic; he is, above all, the most shining example of the Roman virtues.
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Loska, Elżbieta. "‘CIVES PESSIMO IURE’. AKTORZY A UPRAWNIENIA RZYMSKICH OBYWATELI W PRAWIE PUBLICZNYM REPUBLIKI I WCZESNEGO PRYNCYPATU." Zeszyty Prawnicze 14, no. 3 (December 6, 2016): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2014.14.3.08.
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CIVES PESSIMO IURE: ACTORS AND THE RIGHTS OF ROMAN CITIZENS IN THE PUBLIC LAW OF THE REPUBLIC AND EARLY PRINCIPATESummaryRoman public law recognised the following citizens’ rights: the right to serve in the legions, ius suffragii (the right to vote at assemblies of the people), ius honorum (the right to hold office), ius provocationis (the right to appeal to the People’s Assembly against a magistrate’s decision), ius auxilii (the right to obtain assistance from the tribune of the plebs). Sometimes a restriction of a citizen’s civil rights was due to his profession, and the actor’s profession was such a case. The legal status of actors was the resultant of many factors. They performed in public, were paid for their services, and they had a bad reputation. Even actors who were Roman citizens were not entitled to all the public rights. Citizens’ rights were interlinked, hence the lack of one of them could entail further restrictions. A ban on the right to military service prevented actors from voting in the comitia centuriata; and their exclusion from the most important tribus deprived them of the vote in the comitia tributa. Hence there was a restriction on the availability of the ius provocationis to actors; and they could neither vote nor hold office. Thespians could thus be regarded as cives pessimo iure – second-class citizens.
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Furasiev, Aleksey. "Cloisonne Zoomorphic Mounts of the Early 5th Century from Kertch: Function and Meaning." Nizhnevolzhskiy Arheologicheskiy Vestnik, no. 2 (December 2019): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/nav.jvolsu.2019.2.12.
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Among the finds from two vaults of the late antique necropolis of Bosporus discovered by robbers on June 24, 1904 there is a pair of zoomorphic mounts made in the technique of cloisonné inlay. In modern scientific literature, the issue of the interpretation and semantics of this zoomorphic image has not been considered so far. According to the author, the things reproduce the image of the Roman Capricorn. The composition of doubled figures or a protomes of these creatures turning their heads in different directions was first encountered on rare items of the Augustian time, most often on coins (1st c. BC – 1st c. AD). The composition in the form of a double Capricorn was first noted on the cameo of Augustus from the Metropolitan Museum (early 1st c. AD), as well as on the coins of Titus (79–81). In the period of 4th – 5th centuries, corresponding to the time of burials in the crypts, this composition was depicted on miniatures of Notitia Dignitatum reproducing shield emblems of various units of the late Roman army. Although the actual image of Capricorn on the emblems of Notitia Dignitatum is absent (most likely it is the result of some modernization carried out by medieval painters), this compositional principle of dual zoomorphic figures fully corresponds to the inlaid mounts from Kerch. It was suggested that these mounts found in the crypts of “June 24, 1904” were also the emblems of any of the Roman legions mounted to the leather upholstery of the shield. Other details of the parade shields (gilded umbo and rivets) are represented in the materials from these burials.
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Brice, Lee L. "The Complete Roman Legions. By Nigel Pollard and Joanne Berry. (New York, NY: Thames and Hudson, 2012. Pp. 240. $39.95.)." Historian 76, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 622–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.12048_43.
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Volynkin, Dmitrii Georgievich. "The structure and organization of mobile army of the Emperor Gallienus in 260 – 268." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.3.35700.
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In the middle of the III century, the Roman Empire marked the advent of a prolonged crisis. In order to confront the barbarian invasions and usurpers revolt, military transformations, the Roman Empire was in needed for military transformations and revision of the military machine that has formed in the previous periods. In the late 250s – early 260s, the Emperor Gallienus created a mobile army corps, which in the ancient sources received a name of the “Dalmatian horsemen”. The following questions arise on the structure and size of this mobile corps. Relying on numismatic, narrative, and epigraphic sources, this article examines the changes in organizational and staffing structure of the Roman army in the middle of the III century; assesses the size and composition, and tasks of the Gallienus’ mobile corps. The author analyzes the opinions that have accumulated in the Russian and foreign historiography throughout 200 years, and develops a relevant perspective on the problem of creating a field army during the third century crisis. The conclusion is made that the Emperor Gallienus had formed a strong mobile army. It was not just a cavalry, but was based on the vexilationes of the border legions of infantry and horsemen. Gallienus did not seek to create a permanent mobile army, being guided by the prevailing military and political circumstances. He used the mobile corps for retaining the controlled territories, repelled the barbarian invasions and suppressed the usurpers. Gallienus’ mobile army has proven to be an effective instrument in hands of the central government. Aurelian reinforced the army with additional detachments, and later on successfully used it against Palmyrene and Gallic separatists, having restored the unity of the empire.
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Nedelea, Luciana. "Graffiti, Tituli Picti and Manufacturer Stamps Identified on Roman Earthenware from the Potaissa Legionary Fortress (2nd-3rd centuries AD)." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 65, no. 1 (February 15, 2021): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2020.1.03.
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"Abstract: From the ceramic lot (circa 10.000 Roman wares) identified within the legionary fortress at Potaissa, only 10 of them bear graffiti, tituli picti and manufacturer stamps on their body (0,1% of the total). The ceramic wares were recovered from various areas of the fortress, namely the barracks (praetentura sinistra, praetentura dextra, latus praetorii dextrum, retentura), the legionary baths (thermae), the western gate (porta decumana), and the headquarters building (Principia). In the present study I will offer an interpretation of the finds, as well as an explanation for the extremely rare occurance of manufacturer stamps within the Potaissa legionary fortress. Keywords: Graffiti; Roman pottery; Potaissa; legio V Macedonica; legionary fortress. Rezumat: Din întregul lot ceramic (circa 10.000 de vase de factură romană) identificat in castrul legionar de la Potaissa, doar 10 vase prezintă graffiti, tituli picti şi ştampile de producător pe corpul lor (0,1% din total). Piesele ceramice au fost descoperite în diverse zone ale castrului, respectiv cazărmile soldaţilor (praetentura sinistra, praetentura dextra, latus praetorii dextrum, retentura), termele castrului (thermae), poarta de vest (porta decumana) şi clădirea comandamentului (Principia). În studiul de faţă voi oferi o interpretare a materialului descoperit, cât şi o explicaţie privind problema frecvenţei extrem de reduse a ştampilelor de producător în castrul legionar de la Potaissa. Cuvinte cheie: Graffiti; ceramică romană; Potaissa; legio V Macedonica; castru legionar. "
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Flower, Harriet I. "Rethinking "Damnatio Memoriae": The Case of Cn. Calpurnius Piso Pater in AD 20." Classical Antiquity 17, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 155–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011081.
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This article offers a detailed analysis of the penalties imposed on Cn. Calpurnius Piso pater in AD 20 after he had been posthumously convicted of maiestas (treason). Piso was accused of leaving his province (Syria) without permission and then returning to try to retake it after the death of Germanicus in AD 19. He was also believed by many to be implicated in the death of Germanicus. The details of his case have been revealed by a new inscription from Spain, the Senatus Consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, which was first published in 1996. Part of this long and well-preserved inscription records the post-mortem sanctions against memory imposed by the senate and Tiberius on Piso after his suicide. The verdicts for his family members and accomplices are also included. The decree was posted on bronze in the major cities of the Empire and in the winter quarters of all the legions. The article argues for the following conclusions. The decree should be taken at face value and its punishments considered harsh for a member of the Roman office-holding élite. It was widely published throughout the Empire after there had been extravagant mourning for Germanicus. Consequently, it seems that post-mortem disgrace did not necessarily involve the family as a whole. Indeed, sanctions against memory appear to be consciously designed to preserve the Roman élite family, its assets, and social position by removing its erring member. Such sanctions reveal both a tension and an accommodation between remembering and forgetting, between the family and the community, between history and memory.
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Erdkamp, Paul. "Late-annalistic Battle Scenes in Livy." Mnemosyne 59, no. 4 (2006): 525–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506778881049.
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AbstractLivy's books 21-44 contain roughly ninety battles, about half of which are mentioned only briefly, though usually including figures on casualties, captives and booty. Livy's full-scale narratives show differences in style, nature and content, including technical matters like the terminology used for units of the Roman army. Comparison between Livy's and Polybius' narratives on the battles of Cynoscephalae, the Great Plain and Zama show that Livy closely adhered to the terminology of his sources. Differences in terminology therefore reflect Livy's use of different sources. One set of Livian battle scenes is characterised by the numbering of legions and by details concerning allied units. Various elements indicate a late-annalistic origin for these battle narratives, identified here as Valerius Antias. Battle narratives of this type are limited to particular periods and regions: Italy during the Second Punic War; Spain and Gaul from the end of the Second Punic War onwards. This shows that Livy decided on this particular source for these particular theatres of war. Outside these parts of his account, Livy briefly summarised the battle narratives he found in his predecessor's work.
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Schwartz, Nancy. "Dreaming in Color: Anti-Essentialism in Legio Maria Dream Narratives." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 2 (2005): 159–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066054024631.
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AbstractThe article examines dreaming and dream narratives in Legio Maria, sub-Saharan Africa's largest African instituted church with a Roman Catholic background. Most Legios valorize a Black Christ and Black Mary but do so while espousing anti-essentialist attitudes towards racialization of the sacred. The social, cultural and symbolic hybridity of the Joluo (Kenya Luo), who still form the majority of the membership in this multi-ethnic, multi-national church, has influenced Legios' religious outlook. Legios' views are contrasted with some white and black theologies that take more monochrome, particularistic positions on the color of the Trinity, the Virgin Mary, Satan, saints, angels and demons. I discuss how Legios' eclectic altar iconography and dreams interact and influence one another. The article demonstrates that Legio Maria's theology of color has resonances with the perspectives on postmodern humanism and postmodern blackness formulated by scholars like Michel Foucault, Kwame Anthony Appiah, Vincent Anderson and bell hooks.
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Poulter, Sebastian. "African Customs in an English Setting: Legal and Policy Aspects of Recognition." Journal of African Law 31, no. 1-2 (1987): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300009335.
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Although there are no reliable, detailed official figures as to the present ethnic composition of the population of Great Britain, a recent survey by the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys has estimated that the number of Africans settled here is just over 100,000. Many more, of course, arrive in Britain each year as students or visitors. Indeed, in 1986 the volume of visitors from Nigeria and Ghana was considered by the British Government to be placing such burdens on immigration officials at the ports of entry that it was felt necessary to alter the immigration rules; people coming from those two countries now have to be in possession of visas before they arrive in the United Kingdom.The presence of a significant number of Africans in England today is nothing new. There were at least 10,000 here in the late eighteenth century and possibly as many as 30,000, at a time when the total population of the country was only about a sixth of what it is today. West African slaves were brought to England from the 1570s onward. Most of them were used as household servants, often by the aristocracy, and some were employed as court entertainers. Indeed, at the beginning of the sixteenth century Henry VII had a black trumpeter (of uncertain origin) in his retinue. Much earlier, Africans served as soldiers in the Roman legions which occupied Britain during the first four centuries A.D.
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Malone, Steve. "The Positioning of the Roman Imperial Legions. By J.H. Farnum. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1458. Archaeopress, Oxford, 2005. Pp. 121, maps. Price: £26.00. ISBN 978 1 84171 896 5." Britannia 39 (November 2008): 398–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/006811308785916872.
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Skibińska, Alina, and Joanna Tokarska-Bakir. "“Barabasz” and the Jews: From the history of the “Wybraniecki” Home Army Partisan Detachment." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, Holocaust Studies and Materials (February 20, 2013): 13–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.781.
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The article demonstrates hitherto not described events from the history of the Home Army partisan detachment “Wybraniecki”, which was famous in the Kielce region. It was under command of the legendary Marian Sołtysiak (nom de guerre “Barabasz”), who was at the same time the commanding officer of the Kielce Home Army Sabotage Directorate (Kedyw). Initially, the detachment was a seven-person strong sabotage group. In June 1943 it already had a few dozen members and was quartered in a forest camp. In spring 1944 it was transformed into a partisan detachment, which belonged to the 4th Infantry Regiment of the Home Army Legions and which participated in the Operation Tempest. The events described in the article took place between the autumn of 1943 and spring of 1944, when the detachment’s squads were quartered in a few separate places and met from time to time during the concentrations ordered by the commander. At that time some Jews in hiding were murdered. Among those shot were: the group kept in hiding by the Pole Stefan Sawa (posthumously decorated with the Righteous among the Nations medal) in a cottage near Daleszyce, Michał Ferenc – Zajączków municipality clerk, Roman Olizarowski “Pomsta” – a “Wybraniecki” detachment soldier, who was liquidated after the discovery of his Jewish origin, Izaak Grynbaum from Chęciny and about three Jews hiding in bunkers near Mosty. After the war the following people stood trial: Edward Skrobot, Józef Molenda, Władysław Dziewiór, Mieczysław Szumielewicz and Marian Sołtysiak. The authors reconstruct the facts of those executions, discuss the motivations of the perpetrators and analyze them against the background of the functioning of the underground judiciary, and call into question the validity of some of its sentences. They also discuss the methods and line of defense of the accused ex-partisans.
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Pictet, Jean. "The First Geneva Convention." International Review of the Red Cross 29, no. 271 (August 1989): 277–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400074489.
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In ancient times some of the great commanders were accompanied on their campaigns by their personal doctors. The Romans had at least one doctor for each cohort (about 500 to 600 men), and a legion, which consisted of ten cohorts, had a medicus legionis, probably a sort of chief medical officer. At the time of the Crusades, the Sultan Saladin gave an example of humanity by authorizing the doctors of the adverse party to care for the Christian prisoners and then to return through the lines. Arab doctors treated Saint Louis. But it was not until the sixteenth century that an organized medical service was started in European armies. It was still, however, sadly inadequate.
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Kalmykov, Vitaliy S. "Tactics of the Roman legion against the Hellenistic armies: The superiority of the Romans or the mistakes of the Hellenistic commanders?" LOCUS people society cultures meaning 11, no. 2 (2020): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2500-2988-2020-11-2-40-56.
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The article discusses the battles of the Roman army against the armies of the Hellenistic states. The analysis of the tactics of the Roman and Hellenistic armies is given. The battles at Heracles with the army of King Pyrrhus, as well as the battles at Bagrad under the command of the Spartan Xanthippus against the army of Carthage are presented as examples. Special attention is given to the battles of the Romans with the Macedonians during the Second Macedonian War. The reasons for the victories and defeats of the Roman and Hellenistic armies are determined. It is concluded that the Roman Republic won thanks to its perseverance, great human resources, and skillful diplomacy. The Hellenistic generals knew Roman tactics and their features very well but did not fully understand the essence of Roman society and the state. That was their major mistake.
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Tsuk, Tsvika. "The Aqueduct to Legio and the Location of the Camp of the VIth Roman Legion." Tel Aviv 15, no. 1 (March 1988): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/tav.1988.1988.1.92.
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Kubrak, Oskar, Paulina Kubrak, and Mkrtich H. Zardaryan. "In search of the camp of the IV Scythian legion near ancient Artaxata: research at Pokr Vedi 2015–2018." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean, no. 29/2 (December 31, 2020): 409–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam29.2.17.
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During the last years of Emperor Trajan’s reign, the Legio IV Scythica was stationed in the capital of Armenia at that time, Artaxata. It had made its way there within the scope of the Roman campaign against the Parthians. Its presence was immortalised on stamped rooftiles, bricks and a monumental inscription discovered by the southern border of the present-day village of Pokr Vedi. The inscription carved into limestone confirms the building activities of the Roman army. Similar inscriptions were frequently placed on the gates and most important buildings in legionary camps. Polish and Armenian archaeologists undertook a joint search for the supposed camp of the Fourth Scythian Legion in the vicinity of the present-day village of Pokr Vedi, where the above-mentioned construction inscription had been found. The field surveys conducted within the framework of the Pokr Vedi Project were mainly of a non-invasive character. The following were applied: surface prospection, aerial photography, interviews with the inhabitants, scanning of part of the terrain and geophysical measurements done using two methods: electrical resistivity and magnetic measurements. The accumulated data enabled the selection of sites in which survey trenches were located
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Rubio-Campillo, Xavier, Pau Valdés Matías, and Eduard Ble. "Centurions in the Roman Legion: Computer Simulation and Complex Systems." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 46, no. 2 (August 2015): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00833.
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The role of centurions in Roman warfare has never been decisively established. Historical sources suggest that centurions exerted an influence on the performance of the Roman battle line that was highly disproportionate to their numbers, as well as to their particular actions. However, the lack of a formal framework of Roman tactics does not allow this proposition to be tested. The results obtained from an agent-based model (abm) of Roman warfare, a computer-simulation technique, however, suggest that battle formations benefited greatly from the presence of even a small percentage of psychologically resilient soldiers, especially along the first line, even if these individuals displayed no more than average levels of skill and aggression. Hence, the model’s simulated patterns of Roman warfare indicate that the multiple roles performed by the centurions as described in the sources were not distinguished so much by tactics as by experience and imperviousness to the stress of combat.
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Hoffmann, Birgitta. "A conference honouring G. C. Boon's work on fortresses and legions - RICHARD J. BREWER (ed.), ROMAN FORTRESSES AND THEIR LEGIONS. PAPERS IN HONOUR OF GEORGE C. BOON, FSA, FRHistS (Occasional Papers of the Society of Antiquaries of London, No. 20; Society of Antiquaries of London and National Museums and Galleries of Wales, 2000). Pp. xvii + 187, figs. 55. ISBN 0 85431 274 9; ISSN 0953-7155. £30." Journal of Roman Archaeology 17 (2004): 663–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400008679.
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Mehmeti, Sami. "Magna Carta And The Roman Law Tradition." SEEU Review 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 139–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2015-0017.
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Abstract Magna Carta is one of the most important illustrations of the exceptionalism of English common law. Within a completely feudal framework it gave the clearest possible articulation to the concept of the rule of law and at the same time it also showed that there were certain basic rights which every freeman enjoyed without any specific conferment by the king. From English perspective, continental European law after the process of the reception of Roman law was commonly regarded to be apart and different from the English legal tradition, as well as being perceived to pose a continual threat. The English Parliament constantly turned down royal attempts to emulate the continental reception of Roman law by characterizing it as something entirely foreign to English law. Roman law was supposed to promote an authoritarian and absolutist vision of the relationship between rule and subjection and this was expressed in the famous phrases 'princeps legibus solutus' and 'quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem'. Roman law was also anti-feudal, because one of its main principles that all power originated from one central source was the antithesis of the distribution of power over multiple centers, which was a crucial element of the feudal society. Many English historians have held the view that the English law is democratic, whereas the continental tradition is undemocratic and authoritarian, and this is why the Roman law succeeded on the Continent and failed in England.
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Schmidt, Karl Matthias. "Zu Wasser und zu Land." Millennium 14, no. 1 (February 23, 2017): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2017-0001.
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Abstract The paper lines up with studies that discuss the impact of the Jewish War and Vespasian’s advancement on the composition of the Gospel According toMark. Its topic is to show that Mk 4,35-41 and Mk 5,1-20 form a structural unity that insinuates the idea of a Christian peace, distinguished from Roman warfare and peace. Following those scholars who read Mk 5,1-20 as an allusion to the legio X Fretensis it is argued that Mk 4,35-41 and Mk 5,1-20 are tied together in light of the Roman peace propaganda that claimed apeace by land and by sea - as did Vespasian after the civil war, when he reminded the Romans of Octavian’s victory at fretum Siculum.
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Rossi, Luiz Alexandre Solano. "Cross and Roman legion: popular imaginary in the first century." Heródoto: Revista do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre a Antiguidade Clássica e suas Conexões Afro-asiáticas 2, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 419–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31669/herodoto.v2i2.288.
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From the year 63 BCE the new imperial order arrives in Palestine. An empire desired by the gods and considered eternal as the gods themselves are. Nevertheless, the eternity of the Empire passes through instruments of violence against the peoples subjugated in the present. Thus, the cross and the Roman legion will become symbols in the social imaginary of the Palestine’s peasants. Imaginary that is constructed from images present in the daily routine. Crosses and soldiers were present in the Palestinian scenario to remind any peasants of their vulnerability and at the same time to reaffirm the perennity of an empire deified by force.
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BURTON, PHILIP. "Rosemary Sutcliff's The Eagle of the Ninth: A Festival of Britain?" Greece and Rome 58, no. 1 (April 2011): 82–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383510000549.
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Some time about the year A. D. 117, the Ninth Legion…marched north to deal with a rising among the Caledonian tribes, and was never heard of again.During the excavations at Silchester nearly eighteen hundred years later, there was dug up…a wingless Roman Eagle, a cast of which can be seen to this day in Reading Museum. Different people have had different ideas as to how it came to be there, but no one knows, just as no one knows what happened to the Ninth Legion after it marched into the northern mists.It is from these two mysteries, brought together, that I have made the story of ‘The Eagle of the Ninth’.