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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman London'

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1

Polm, Martijn. "Museum Representations of Roman Britain and Roman London: A Post-colonial Perspective." Britannia 47 (June 2, 2016): 209–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x16000143.

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ABSTRACTThis paper offers a post-colonial analysis of past and present representations of the archaeological remains of Roman Britain and Roman London in the British Museum and Museum of London respectively. Since post-colonial criticism of Romano-British archaeology is highly relevant to such an analysis, a brief description is provided at the outset. Thereafter follows a series of six case studies — three for each museum. The first four focus on the history of the Romano-British collections at both museums and sometimes draw on post-colonial insights to explain the development of these collections and the ways in which they were exhibited. The last two case studies investigate how British post-colonial criticism of Roman archaeology has (or has not) impacted on the current displays of the Romano-British collections at both museums. Finally, some recommendations will be offered based on the outcomes of these two case studies. Recurring themes are the representation of: the Roman military; Roman imperialism; the (material) culture of Roman Britain and Roman London.
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2

Holder, Nick. "Mapping the Roman Inscriptions of London." Britannia 38 (November 2007): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000007784016359.

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This paper examines the corpus of over 500 Roman inscriptions from London by studying them as a unique category of archaeological find, one with data relating to the object, the inscription, and the find-spot. The author uses information published in the fascicules of Roman Inscriptions of Britain and in Britannia and links this data to maps of Roman London created for The Archaeology of Greater London (2000). Evidence for ‘zoning’ within Roman London is considered by comparing official and private inscriptions. Inscriptions suggesting retail activity are examined, as are the types of inscription found in London's waterfronts, which are used to suggest different areas of specialism within London's port. Finally, the paper looks at the inscriptions written by men and women, and by citizens and non-citizens.
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3

Fulford, Michael. "Roman London." London Journal 20, no. 2 (November 1995): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/ldn.1995.20.2.1.

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4

Galloway, James A. "Roman London unearthed." Lancet 356, no. 9242 (November 2000): 1691–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(00)03171-8.

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5

Millett, Martin. "Evaluating Roman London." Archaeological Journal 151, no. 1 (January 1994): 427–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1994.11078129.

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6

Rickman, G. E., and Gustav Milne. "The Port of Roman London." American Journal of Archaeology 91, no. 1 (January 1987): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505479.

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7

Marsden, Peter, and Barbara West. "Population Change in Roman London." Britannia 23 (1992): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526107.

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8

Merrifield, Ralph, and G. Milne. "The Port of Roman London." Britannia 18 (1987): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526479.

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9

Pritchard, Frances A. "Ornamental Stonework from Roman London." Britannia 17 (1986): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526544.

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10

Hall, Jenny. "Whither Roman Archaeology? Or Thither Roman Archaeology! Another London Perspective." Papers from the Institute of Archaeology 15 (November 15, 2004): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/pia.231.

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11

Hassall, Mark. "Whither Roman Archaeology? Or Wither Roman Archaeology! A London Perspective." Papers from the Institute of Archaeology 15 (November 15, 2004): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/pia.233.

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12

Brigham, T., and Jennifer Hillam. "The Late Roman Waterfront in London." Britannia 21 (1990): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526291.

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13

Blagg, Thomas F. C., and G. Milne. "English Heritage Book of Roman London." Britannia 29 (1998): 488. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526858.

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14

Todd, Malcolm, John Morris, and Sarah Macready. "Londinium: London in the Roman Empire." American Historical Review 90, no. 5 (December 1985): 1174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859680.

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15

Blair, Ian, Robert Spain, Dan Swift, Tony Taylor, and Damian Goodburn. "Wells and Bucket-Chains: Unforeseen Elements of Water Supply in Early Roman London." Britannia 37 (November 2006): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000006784016666.

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ABSTRACTExcavations by MoLAS at 30 Gresham Street and 12 Arthur Street in the City of London in 2001 have led to a complete reassessment of the provision of Roman London’s water supply. Four massive first- and second-century wells contained remains of two types of mechanical water-lifting machines or bucket-chain systems. The discoveries allowed identification of a similar bucket-chain from the Cheapside Roman baths, found 50 years earlier by Ivor Noël Hume of the Guildhall Museum. Archaeological and engineering analysis has revealed the water-lifting capacity of the machines, which could have supplied a significant proportion of the town’s population with clean water.
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16

Fittock, Matthew G. "Broken Deities: The Pipe-Clay Figurines from Roman London." Britannia 46 (June 3, 2015): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x15000148.

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ABSTRACTPipe-clay figurines are an important but under-examined category of Roman material culture in Britain. This paper presents the first typological catalogue of the 168 deity, animal and human figures imported to Roman London from Gaul during the first and second centuriesa.d. As in many other collections Venus figurines are the most common type, although there is considerable diversity in form. Comparison with continental collections highlights distinctive patterns of consumption between London, the rest of Britain and Gaul, with the city displaying relatively high numbers of exotic/unusual types, as appears to be typical ofLondiniumin general. The spatial distribution of the figurines is mapped across the settlement, while their contexts and social distribution on habitation, trade and religious sites throughout the city are explored. Whole specimens from burials and subtle patterns of fragmentation also provide a direct insight into the religious beliefs and symbolic practices of the people of Roman London.
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17

Rhodes, Michael. "Inscriptions on Leather Waste from Roman London." Britannia 18 (1987): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526444.

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18

Yule, Brian. "The ‘dark earth’ and late Roman London." Antiquity 64, no. 244 (September 1990): 620–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00078546.

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19

Monteil, Gwladys. "Samian and Consumer Choice in Roman London." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 2003 (March 26, 2004): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac2003_1_15.

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20

Sheldon, Harvey. "The Roman Port of London. By GustavMilne." Archaeological Journal 144, no. 1 (January 1987): 468–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1987.11021239.

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21

Powell, Clive. "Book Review: The Port of Roman London." Journal of Transport History 18, no. 2 (September 1997): 185–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002252669701800216.

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22

Sealey, P. R., and P. A. Tyers. "Olives from Roman Spain: A Unique Amphora find in British Waters." Antiquaries Journal 69, no. 1 (March 1989): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500043419.

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In 1983 a fisherman in the Thames estuary at Pan Sand trawled up a Roman amphora filled with olives which had been preserved indefrutumsyrup. The jar is dated c. AD 70 ± 15. An attempt is made to relate the olive varieties at Pan Sand to those described in the ancient documentary sources. The Pan Sand jar exemplifies a new category of amphora, called London 555. They were produced in the province of Baetica in Roman Spain; claims that the form was made in the Rhône valley are regarded as unproven. Stratified finds from Britain show the form was current from c. AD 50/55 until c. AD 125/150. London 555 develops from Haltern 70 and continues the trade represented by that form. The last London 555 amphoras explain part of the Dressel 17 phenomenon. London 555 was not the only category of amphora used to export preserved olives from Baetica after Haltern 70; the trade continued until the late Empire and helps explain finds of olives from late contexts in Roman Britain.
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23

Hassall, Mark. "Whither Roman Archaeology? Or Wither Roman Archaeology! A London Perspective – A Final Response." Papers from the Institute of Archaeology 15 (November 15, 2004): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/pia.228.

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24

ROGERS, ADAM. "REIMAGINING ROMAN PORTS AND HARBOURS: THE PORT OF ROMAN LONDON AND WATERFRONT ARCHAEOLOGY." Oxford Journal of Archaeology 30, no. 2 (April 14, 2011): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0092.2011.00365.x.

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25

Duggan, Eddie. "Stranger Games: The life and times of the spintriae." Board Game Studies Journal 11, no. 1 (October 26, 2017): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bgs-2017-0005.

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Abstract In 2010 a Roman token was discovered in the mud of the Thames near Putney Bridge in London. When the token was discovered to have an erotic image on one side and a Roman numeral on the other, and was identified in a Museum of London press release as a rare Roman “brothel token”, the press reported on the story in the expected manner, for example: “A Roman coin that was probably used by soldiers to pay for sex in brothels has been discovered on the banks of the River Thames” (Daily Telegraph, 4 Jan 2012) and “Bronze discs depicting sex acts, like the one discovered in London, were used to hire prostitutes-and directly led to the birth of pornography during the Renaissance” (The Guardian, 4 Jan 2012). Even before this particular spate of media interest, these curious tokens have generated confusion, speculation and prurience-often simultaneously. They are of interest to games scholars because the speculation often includes the suggestion these objects may have had a ludic function, and were used as game counters. This paper will look at some of the proposals that have been offered by way of explanation of these peculiar objects.
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26

Cowie, Robert, and Robert Whytehead. "Lundenwic: the archaeological evidence for middle Saxon London." Antiquity 63, no. 241 (December 1989): 706–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00076845.

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Where London was in the Roman and later medieval periods is clear enough: largely in the walled city, now under the modern financial district that is the City of London. But what of the period between? New evidence is assessed on this longstanding problem.
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27

Bayley, Justine, Ben Croxford, Martin Henig, and Bruce Watson. "A Gilt-Bronze Arm from London." Britannia 40 (November 2009): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/006811309789786098.

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ABSTRACTThe left hand and forearm from a slightly over life-size bronze or copper-alloy arm was excavated during 2001 at 20–30 Gresham Street, within the City of London. It was discarded in a quarry pit, which fooded with groundwater turning it into a pond and was subsequently backflled C.A.D. 60–70. The arm was presumably part of a public statue, perhaps of an emperor or god, which had been deliberately broken up. The Boudican revolt of A.D. 60/1 is one possible context for the destruction of Roman statuary in London, but the end of Nero's reign, some ten years later, is another period when any statues of this very unpopular emperor could have been broken up. The article includes a catalogue of previous fnds of bronze statuary from London (where more fragments of arms and hands have been recovered than anywhere else in Britain), the results of metallurgical examination of the arm, and a discussion of iconoclasm in Roman Britain.
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28

Cameron, Fiona. "The Roman Pottery." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 53, s1 (1987): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00078622.

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The general condition of the Roman pottery from this site, which is very fragmentary and badly abraded, probably indicates that it has been disturbed a good deal since its deposition by subsequent agricultural or other activity and it is therefore unlikely that much of it was found in its original contexts. By far the majority of the material consists of coarse ware body sherds and the limited proportion of fine wares for ¿ill periods is probably indicative of the humble, domestic nature of the occupation. The evidence from the pottery, such as it is, suggests that the site was occupied fairly continuously from the late first to the fourth century AD and possibly even on into the fifth, with no discernible gaps. In the absence of good internal dating evidence, the chronology must rely heavily on external comparisons, but almost all of the types found here can be readily paralleled in London and more especially in well-dated contexts in Southwark.
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29

Ortisi, Salvatore. "Lacey M. Wallace: The Origin of Roman London." Gnomon 91, no. 4 (2019): 360–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2019-4-360.

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30

Gerrard, James. "New Light on the End of Roman London." Archaeological Journal 168, no. 1 (January 2011): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2011.11020833.

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31

Barnstone, Willis. "London, The Roman Village Who Survived / Timid Borges." Poem 4, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20519842.2016.1159005.

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32

Russell, Ben. "Roman Sculpture from London and the South-East." Journal of the British Archaeological Association 169, no. 1 (January 2016): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00681288.2016.1221199.

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33

Gerrard, James. "WELLS AND BELIEF SYSTEMS AT THE END OF ROMAN BRITAIN: A CASE STUDY FROM ROMAN LONDON." Late Antique Archaeology 7, no. 1 (2011): 551–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000167.

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The recent discovery of a large hoard of copper-alloy, pewter and iron vessels in a late 4th to early 5th c. well at Drapers’ Gardens in the City of London highlights the role that wells and shafts played in late antique ritual life. Examination of the well’s contents reveals that these ‘pots and pans’ were not hidden in a time of crisis but were carefully placed alongside ritually killed objects and a dismembered juvenile red deer in a complex ritual act. This paper undertakes a speculative exploration of this act’s significance and its possible meaning.
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34

Sakalauskas, Darius. "PINIGAI VĖLYVŲJŲ VIDURAMŽIŲ VIDURIO EUROPOJE." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 39, no. 39 (July 24, 2017): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2017.39.10769.

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35

STEWART, Michael Edward. "Book Review: M. HEBBLEWHITE, The Emperor and the Army in the Later Roman Empire, AD 235-395, London- New York 2017." Byzantina Symmeikta 28 (December 5, 2018): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.18586.

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36

Ciardiello, Rosaria. "Katharine T. von Stackelberg: The Roman Garden: Space, Sense, and Society." Gnomon 83, no. 8 (2011): 731–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2011_8_731.

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37

Cleary, Simon Esmonde, and P. Marsden. "The Roman Forum Site in London: Discoveries before 1985." Britannia 20 (1989): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526188.

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38

Cleary, Simon Esmonde, J. Bird, M. Hassall, H. Sheldon, and B. Watson. "Interpreting Roman London: Papers in Memory of Hugh Chapman." Britannia 30 (1999): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526695.

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39

Brigham, Trevor, Damian Goodburn, Ian Tyers, and John Dillon. "A Roman Timber Building on the Southwark Waterfront, London." Archaeological Journal 152, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1995.11021428.

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40

Hall, Jenny. "With Criminal Intent? Forgers at Work in Roman London." Britannia 45 (April 16, 2014): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x14000191.

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AbstractOver 800 clay coin moulds, excavated from 85 London Wall in 1988, had been used for casting copies of silver denarii and copper-alloy dupondii and asses which dated from Trajan to Trebonianus Gallus. The discovery of the moulds in the ditch ofLondinium's defensive wall led initially to thoughts that this was the concealment of incriminating evidence, but it is now recognised that counterfeiting coins was rife and perhaps even uncontrollable. The wide variety of moulds made it a complicated task to identify the numbers and types of coins used to make the moulds. This article describes the types of moulds found, examines how the moulds were produced, and discusses the prevalence of coin moulds at differing periods and on differing sites in Roman Britain and on the Continent.
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41

Hodson, Claire M. "Outside Roman London: Roadside Burials by the Walbrook Stream." London Journal 45, no. 3 (May 28, 2020): 347–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03058034.2020.1770998.

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42

Gendusa, Ester. "Bernardine Evaristo’s The Emperor’s Babe: Re-narrating Roman Britannia, De-essentialising European History." Synthesis: an Anglophone Journal of Comparative Literary Studies, no. 8 (December 1, 2015): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/syn.16212.

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Bernardine Evaristo’s The Emperor’s Babe (2001) contributes to the imaginative disentanglement of the traditional British ethnicity-and-nation nexus and questions the related founding myth of racial purity by featuring the character of Zuleika, a young black woman who is born of Sudanese parents in Roman London. Through the depiction of Zuleika, Evaristo offers a subversive reshaping of some versions of the official British national history in the context of a wider revision of the European classical past. However, in spite of its temporal setting, Evaristo’s historical novel simultaneously engages with contemporary issues of gendered racialisation and national belonging. In its highly orchestrated poetic prose, Roman Londinium and today’s London are imaginatively interwoven. This enables the reader to correlate Zuleika’s attempts at negotiating her right to citizenship in the Roman empire to contemporary Black British feminist politics, committed as it is to resisting structures of sexist and racial discrimination at play in present-day Britain.
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43

Perea Yébenes, Sabino. "Reseña de: Aldhouse-Green, Miranda: Sacred Britannia. The Gods and Rituals of Roman Britain." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 33 (November 1, 2020): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.33.2020.28032.

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44

Gómez García, Natalia. "Ursula Rothe, The Toga and the Roman identity, London–New York, Bloomsbury Academic, 2020, ix, 241 pp. [ISBN: 978-1-4725-7154-0]." Gerión. Revista de Historia Antigua 39, no. 1 (March 23, 2021): 367–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geri.74804.

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45

Fadda, Salvatore. "Una nota su due urne e un’ara cineraria romana recentemente apparse sul mercato antiquario londinese." Anales de Arquelogía Cordobesa 29 (January 11, 2019): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/aac.v29i0.10107.

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ItalianoNel corso di un’asta di antichità della casa Bonham’s tenutasi a Londra il 30 novembre del 2016 sono riapparsi alcuni cinerari romani: due urne e un altare dei quali si ignorava la collocazione da quando furono alienati dalla collezione di Lowther Castle nel 1947. Gli oggetti, tutti di provenienza urbana, hanno viaggiato per l’Europa attraversando diverse collezioni private rimanendo perciò lontani dal grande pubblico e dalle indagini storico-artistiche. La conseguente estrema penuria di letteratura su questi manufatti ha reso opportuna la realizzazione di questa nota, con la quale si vuole ricostruire la provenienza degli oggetti, individuarne il momento della produzione sulla scorta delle loro caratteristiche stilistiche e formali cogliendo l’occasione per affrontare alcune tematiche specifiche dell’iconografia funeraria romana. EnglishDuring an auction of antiquities held by Bonham's in London on November 30, 2016, some Roman cineraries reappeared: two urns and an altar, which were believed lost after they were alienated from the Lowther Castle collection in 1947. The objects, all of urban origin, traveled across Europe through various private collections, thus far away from the public and historical-artistic investigations. The extreme shortage of literature on these three artifacts leaded to the writing of this note which objective is to reconstruct the provenance of the cineraries, to identify the time of production by analyzing their stylistic and formal features while facing some specific themes of Roman funerary iconography. EspañolDurante una subasta de antigüedades celebrada por Bonham's en Londres el 30 de noviembre de 2016, reaparecieron algunos cinerarios romanos: dos urnas y un altar lo que se creían perdidos después de haber sido alienados de la colección de Lowther Castle en 1947. Los objetos, todos de origen urbana, viajaron a través de Europa pasando por varias colecciones privadas, lejos de el público y de la investigación histórico-artística. La extrema escasez de literatura sobre estos tres artefactos condujo a la redacción de esta nota cuyo objetivo es reconstruir la procedencia de los cinerarios, identificar el tiempo de producción analizando sus rasgos estilísticos y formales mientras se enfrenta a algunos temas específicos de la iconografía funeraria romana. Palabras Clave: Urnas cinerarias, escultura romana, arte funerario, coleccionismo de antigüedades.Keywords: Cinerary urns, Roman sculpture, funerary art, collection of antiquities.
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46

Monrós-Gaspar, Laura. "A ‘Distinctive’ Map of London: Women, Theatre and the Classics in 1893." Nineteenth Century Theatre and Film 47, no. 1 (February 12, 2020): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748372719900453.

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Copious geographies of nineteenth-century London spectacle have been mapped following different scales and criteria. In this article, I invite readers to scrutinise London’s entertainment industry in 1893 focusing on the venues where modern reconfigurations and adaptations of Greek and Roman mythology by women were first staged. Such a map reveals microhistories of the streets, theatres, pleasure gardens and concert halls, where women as creators and agents of the classical revival played an essential role that has generally been forgotten by theatre historians and classical reception studies. As I aim to demonstrate, this new and gendered cartography challenges the notion of a classical repertoire and the boundaries between the popular and the legitimate.
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47

Johns, C. M., and T. W. Potter. "The Canterbury Late Roman Treasure." Antiquaries Journal 65, no. 2 (September 1985): 312–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500027165.

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In 1962, an important hoard of Christian late Roman silver was found at Canterbury and declared Treasure Trove. The assemblage, which dates to the end of the fourth century A.D. or the first decade of the fifth, and includes ingots and inscribed spoons, was published in 1965. In 1982, a spoon appeared on the London antiquities market which on investigation proved to be one of five objects (with two stamped ingots and two siliquae) that had formed part of the 1962 discovery, but had not been declared; they were pronounced Treasure Trove in 1983. This paper is an illustrated catalogue and discussion of all the items now known to constitute the Canterbury treasure. Two further sets of late Roman silver spoons are also catalogued, an unprovenanced group in private hands which displays marked links with the Canterbury treasure, and the Dorchester-on-Thames hoard, found in the late nineteenth century and typologically and chronologically closely related to Canterbury. X-ray fluorescence analyses of all the items have been carried out in the British Museum Research Laboratory, and the results are discussed.
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48

Bell, Catherine. "Funerary Artefacts, Cemetery Souvenirs and Final Resting Places." European Journal of Life Writing 9 (July 6, 2020): LW&D.CM34—LW&D.CM49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ejlw.9.36915.

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This photo essay discusses artworks that explore the commemorative dimensions of death through socially-engaged artistic processes, and the use of Oasis® floral foam—an ephemeral material that is integral to making flower arrangements that venerate the cycles of life and the celebratory milestones between birth and death. It examines the material’s uncanny corporeal associations when it is formed into vessels, and the ways in which the foam may be seen to transform meaning into materiality. It reflects on how the exhibition of cremated remains of Roman Londoners with associated funerary vessels, titled Roman Dead, at the Museum of London Docklands, informed a series of miniature foam gravestones adorned with custom-designed vessels created on site at East London’s Tower Hamlets Cemetery Park, and a series of art workshops in hospice settings with palliative care staff, which were designed to promote meaningful reflection and healthy discussion about death and dying.
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49

Cook, A. "A Roman correspondence: George Ent and Cassiano dal Pozzo, 1637–55." Notes and Records of the Royal Society 59, no. 1 (January 22, 2005): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2004.0074.

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George Ent (FRS 1663), a distinguished physician, was in Rome in 1636, visited the notable collector Cassiano dal Pozzo and saw his Paper Museum. After he returned to London he carried on a correspondence with Cassiano in letters of more than ordinary interest. Cassiano had sent Ent specimens of fossil wood and a table made from fossil wood. They had come from the estates at Acquasparta belonging to Prince Federico Cesi, the founder of the Accademia dei Lincei. The specimens and the table were shown to early meetings of The Royal Society and had a significant part in the developing debate on the origin of fossils. The letters also record exchanges of books between London and Rome. Among medical matters there is news of William Harvey and his works.
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50

Tomlin, R. S. O. "'The Girl in Question': A New Text from Roman London." Britannia 34 (2003): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3558537.

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