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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Magic'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Eckardt, Hella, and Sandie Williams. "The Sound of Magic? Bells in Roman Britain." Britannia 49 (March 8, 2018): 179–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x18000028.

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AbstractBells are recorded in many published excavation reports from Roman sites, but there has been no previous study of the British material. This paper explores the significance of bells in the Roman world from both a ritual and a functional perspective. We create a first typology of Romano-British bells, provide an understanding of their chronology and examine any spatial and social differences in their use. Special attention is paid to bells from funerary or ritual contexts in order to explore the symbolic significance of these small objects. Bells from other parts of the Roman world are

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2

Han, Chandra. "From Jerusalem to Rome: The Geographical Aspect of Magic." Diligentia: Journal of Theology and Christian Education 4, no. 2 (2022): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/dil.v4i2.5303.

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Just as magic was undermined in the Acts of the Apostles, its spread throughout the whole region of the Greco-Roman Region was also undermined. Although the magic episode occurred six times in the Acts of the Apostles, the demonstration of the geographical aspect of magic in the Acts of the Apostles was undermined. The prominent question regarding the presence of magic in the Greco-Roman reigns is how serious was magic during the Greco-Roman Era for Christianity so that the gospel could be proclaimed to the end of the world? This article will demonstrate the seriousness of magic to impede the

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Bailliot, Magali. "Roman Magic Figurines from the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire: An Archaeological Survey." Britannia 46 (April 8, 2015): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x15000112.

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AbstractThis paper deals with magic figurines from the Western provinces of the Roman Empire based on an inventory of twelve figurines and their archaeological context. It underlines the place of the figurines in the ritual ofdefixioand demonstrates that complex curse rituals such as those described in the Greek Magical Papyri (GMP) were not performed only in the Mediterranean basin. It also notes that these magic Western figurines are often found in important places (such as cities and large villas) and in late contexts.

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Nuño, Antón Alvar. "Morality, Emotions and Reason: New Perspectives in the Study of Roman Magic." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 18-19, no. 1 (2017): 307–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2016-0016.

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Abstract Academic interest in magic has grown considerably during the last twenty years. Leaving aside the old stereotyped dichotomy between magic and religion, I consider magic a pragmatic subsystem of religion whose function is to alleviate or deal with daily life’s misfortunes. I suggest in this paper some possible approaches that might be interesting to deepen in the social study of Roman magic. This paper is divided in three sections. The first one deals with morality and magic: even if legal sanctions on magic can be influential in the individual’s decision to resort to magical practices

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RIVES, JAMES B. "Magic in Roman Law: The Reconstruction of a Crime." Classical Antiquity 22, no. 2 (2003): 313–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2003.22.2.313.

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In this paper I reconsider the Roman law on magic through an examination of three key ““moments””: the Lex Cornelia de sicariis et veneficiis; the trial of Apuleius as known from his Apology; and a passage from The Opinions of Paulus. I argue that the Roman law on magic grounded in the Lex Cornelia gradually shifted from a focus on harmful and uncanny actions to a concern with religious deviance. This shift was already underway at the time of Apuleius' trial, if only on an ad hoc basis, and was firmly established in the formal discourse of Roman law by ca. 300 CE, the date of The Opinions of P

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Chronopoulou, Eleni. "Placebo is Magic or Magic is Placebo? The Greco-Roman Iatromagical Texts." Trends in Classics 13, no. 1 (2021): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2021-0002.

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Abstract Many of the numerous magical recipes and spells from the Greco-Roman world aim to heal or protect the practitioner. The text, however, show great diversity and heterogeneity and many of them seem to be an elaborate amalgam of different religious influences, analogies, and interactions. This variety can, among other things, play into certain aspects of the placebo effect. Here, I present a systematic categorization of Greco-Roman amulets according to physical support, format, chronology, and purpose, which together with a study of their terminology may point towards different placebo e

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Klenysheva, N. D. "Elements of Magic in the Medicinal Recipes of Cato the Elder and Pliny." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 3/2 (June 30, 2023): 324–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2023-3-324-336.

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The article deals with magical elements in medicinal prescriptions of Cato the Elder and Pliny. The term “magic” in general is not characteristic for Roman authors, most often they used carmen, incantamentum and veneficium. Our understanding of “magic” differed significantly from the Roman: for them it was primarily harmful practices. Cato the Elder and Pliny used the following magical components in healing practices: incantations (including words without dictionary meaning), gestures, fumigation and odors, “strong” materials and plants, transfer of influence to another object, and magic numbe

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Mahdi, Batool Mutar. "Xenotransplantation: Fact or Magic." AL-Kindy College Medical Journal 18, no. 2 (2022): 82–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.47723/kcmj.v18i2.869.

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The knowledge of transferring body organs or tissues appears in the ancient mythology of Roman, Greek, Indian, Chinese, and Egyptian civilizations. The stories of organ transplants performed by GODs and health care’s using organs from cadaveric and after that transplantation change from lore to medical training

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9

LEE-STECUM, PARSHIA. "DANGEROUS REPUTATIONS: CHARIOTEERS AND MAGIC IN FOURTH-CENTURY ROME." Greece and Rome 53, no. 2 (2006): 224–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383506000295.

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Roman charioteers had a reputation, and not just for living fast and dying young. Nor was their reputation solely based on the glamour of their occupation, although it is clear that some charioteers could achieve something approaching celebrity status. Roman charioteers (by which I mean charioteers throughout the ancient Roman world) had a reputation of a rather darker stripe. The violence of their occupation, reflected and enhanced by the riotous violence of their supporters, contributed to the perception of charioteers in general as rough, uncouth characters. The gulf between some charioteer

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10

Dickie, Mathew W. "Who practised love-magic in classical antiquity and in the late Roman world?" Classical Quarterly 50, no. 2 (2000): 563–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.2.563.

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INTRODUCTIONVery soon after I began working on the identity of magic-workers in classical antiquity, I realized that it was necessary to come to terms with a thesis about depictions of erotic magic-working in Greek and Roman literature. It asserted that male writers engaged in a systematic misrepresentation of the realities of magic-working in portraying erotic magic as an exclusively female preserve; the reality was that men were the main participants in this form of magic-working. The thesis is based on the supposition that the truth about erotic magic and the people who performed it is to b

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Eidinow, Esther. "Ancient Greco-Roman Magic and the Agency of Victimhood." Numen 64, no. 4 (2017): 394–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341472.

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Scholarship on ancient Greco-Roman magic over time and place, has largely focused on the role and identity of ritual practitioners, investigating the nature and source of their perceived expertise and often locating it in their linguistic skills. Less attention has been paid to those identified as the targets of magical rituals, who tend to be described as passive recipients of the ritual or victims of the social power of another. In contrast, drawing on the theory of ritual form developed by Robert McCauley and E. Thomas Lawson, alongside the ritualization theories of Catherine Bell, this art

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Sarischouli, Panagiota. "Hope for Cure and the Placebo Effect: The Case of the Greco-Egyptian Iatromagical Formularies." Trends in Classics 13, no. 1 (2021): 254–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2021-0009.

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Abstract The present paper focuses on healing rituals from Greco-Roman Egypt, where medicine and religion were inextricably linked to each other and further connected to the art of magic. In Pharaonic Egypt, healing magic was especially attributed to the priests who served a fearsome goddess named Sekhmet; although Sekhmet was associated with war and retribution, she was also believed to be able to avert plague and cure disease. It then comes as no surprise that the majority of healing spells or other types of iatromagical papyri dating from the Roman period are written in Demotic, following a

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Davila, James R. "Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman and Ancient Jewish Worlds." Gnosis 7, no. 1 (2022): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-00701005.

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Abstract In Drawing Down the Moon: Magic in the Ancient Greco-Roman World, Radcliffe Edmonds provides us with a new etic framework for understanding ancient magic, but one steeped in the emic perspectives of the actual practitioners and clients as preserved in the literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence. In this paper I examine Edmonds’s findings in relation to the ancient Jewish magical and mystical traditions found mainly in Sefer HaRazim, “The Book of the Mysteries,” a late-antique ritual handbook written in Hebrew.

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Nagy, Árpád M. "Figuring out the Anguipede (‘snake-legged god’) and his relation to Judaism." Journal of Roman Archaeology 15 (2002): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104775940001388x.

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So-called magical gems constitute an especially rich body of material evidence for magic and religion in the Roman Empire. They differ from the ordinary run of gems in three respects: in their selection of iconographic types, normally divine images of one sort or another; by their use of magic words and occasionally longer texts, primarily in Greek script; and by their use of magic signs, usually called characteres. At least one of these three elements must be present for a gem to be identifiable as magical. These “Zaubergemmen” form the most easily distinguishable sub-group of the wider class

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Bailliot, Magali, and Robert Symmons. "Note from the Roman Palace at Fishbourne (Sussex): A Roman Magic Lead Figurine?" Britannia 43 (July 13, 2012): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x12000256.

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Karivieri, Arja. "MAGIC AND SYNCRETIC RELIGIOUS CULTURE IN THE EAST." Late Antique Archaeology 6, no. 1 (2010): 399–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000140.

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This paper presents a general introduction to magic and syncretic religious culture in the Eastern Roman empire in Late Antiquity. Examples of magical rituals, texts and the materials used in the rites are presented. Imperial edicts against pagan religions and magic rituals in the 4th and early 5th c. changed the scene, and practising pagans were forced to perform these rituals in private. Neoplatonists in Athens emphasised the importance of magic and ancient rites, as vehicles for contact with the gods. In Attica, the extensive use of cave sanctuaries in Late Antiquity can possibly be connect

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KIEBRE, Paul Youba. "Le broutage dans le roman africain: entre revendication post-coloniale et échec de la gouvernance en Afrique." Langues & Cultures 4, no. 02 (2023): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.62339/jlc.v4i02.200.

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Derrière leurs ordinateurs ou leurs smartphones, parfois loin du vieux continent, ils se font de l’argent grâce à la magie de l’internet et à la magie noire, on les appelle les brouteurs. Plusieurs jeunes africains, désespérés de toute attente d’employabilité et de réussite sociale, choisissent la voie du broutage pour mener une lutte doublement politique. D’une part, ils s’en prennent aux Occidentaux, en quête d’amour sur les réseaux sociaux, qu’ils pillent et subtilisent à travers des faux profils sur internet et ce, au nom d’une réclamation politisée, la dette coloniale. D’autre part, ils s

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Aune, David E. "The Apocalypse of John and Graeco-Roman Revelatory Magic." New Testament Studies 33, no. 4 (1987): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500020968.

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The Apocalypse of John mirrors in a very distinctive way the social and cultural amalgam which constituted late first century Christianity. Though a Christian document it is heavily indebted to Jewish religious and apocalyptic traditions. It also exhibits both the influences of and the reactions to Hellenism. The purpose of this paper is to examine selected Hellenistic magical traditions which have been taken up consciously by John and fashioned into an anti-magic apologetic.

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Rüpke, Jörg. "Triumphator and Ancestor Rituals Between Symbolic Anthropology and Magic." Numen 53, no. 3 (2006): 251–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852706778544997.

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AbstractThis article argues that the Roman triumph with the figure of the triumphator and the burial of Roman nobles with the pompa imaginum should be interpreted within the framework of the prestige and practices related to honori fic statues. Using the red colour of the triumphator's skin as the main argument, the figure of the triumphator is interpreted as a temporary statue, and the triumph as an attempt on part of the senate to regulate the prestige of honori fic statues by tying it to a public ritual. Likewise, the bearers of imagines are interpreted as representing the ensemble of all l

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Garland, Nicky. "Magical Places: An Archaeological Exploration of Magic and Time at Stanway, Essex." Preternature: Critical and Historical Studies on the Preternatural 11, no. 1 (2022): 151–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/preternature.11.1.0151.

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ABSTRACT Past research has highlighted how the definition of ancient magic is situationally specific, both in terms of its social and cultural context and between different time periods. However, there have been few attempts to understand how the meaning of magic in the past transformed over time. This article argues that the concept of “place,” defined as a focus for past social action, can form a useful linchpin onto which our interpretation of magic can be situated and explored. In Britain, the Late Iron Age to Early Roman transition was a period of dramatic sociopolitical change. Using arc

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Dasen, Véronique. "Métamorphoses de l'utérus d'Hippocrate à Ambroise Paré." Gesnerus 59, no. 3-4 (2002): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0590304003.

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The treatise Des monstres etprodiges (1579,1585) by Ambroise Paré includes a vignette depicting a monstrous embryo in the form of a human head surrounded by snakes. This picture belongs to the iconographic tradition relating to the Graeco-Roman mythology of sexuality and procreation. It derives from the belief in the womb's animal nature, illustrated on magic Graeco-Roman and Byzantine gemstones, where the uterus is shown in turn as a cupping vessel, a scarab-beetle, an octopus or the head of Gorgo.

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Tuerk-Stonberg, Jacquelyn. "Magical Amulets, Magical Thinking, and Semiotics in Early Byzantium." Old World: Journal of Ancient Africa and Eurasia 1, no. 1 (2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26670755-01010004.

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Abstract The term ‘magic’ is problematic. Magic studies have rapidly developed in recent decades and have suggested various ways of understanding the term, especially regarding objects from the medieval Roman Empire, Byzantium. Two early Byzantine amulets (as case studies) display conventional semiotic structures, which include persuasive analogy, speech-acts, and show-acts. Persuasive analogy, speech-acts, and show-acts – and how they organize information – operate also in religious, medical, and philosophical examples. Accordingly, art, archaeology, and texts of ritual power exemplify inters

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Zubareva, Alyona V. "A LUNAR ECLIPSE AND AN APOTROPAIC NOISE IN ROMAN MAGIC." Journal of historical philological and cultural studies 1, no. 71 (2021): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18503/1992-0431-2021-1-71-164-175.

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Migdał, Justyna. "Old Women: Divination and Magic or anus in Roman Literature." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 24, no. 2 (2014): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2014.xxiv.2.5.

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Costantini, Leonardo. "The Real Tools of Magic: Pamphile’s Macabre Paraphernalia (Apuleius, Met. 3,17,4-5)." Ancient Narrative 15 (February 14, 2019): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/5c643a8f3ae8f.

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This study aims to shed new light on the references to the materiality of magic in the description of the witch Pamphile’s laboratory at Apul. Met. 3,17,4-5. Through comparing this passage with earlier descriptions of magical paraphernalia in Horace, Lucan, and Petronius and by drawing parallels with non-literary evidence – especially the Papyri Graecae Magicae and the Defixionum Tabellae – it will be shown how Apuleius borrows from the material culture of magic to provide his readership with an exceptionally realistic and gruesome account. Leonardo Costantini is a postdoctoral research fellow

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Németh, György. "Jewish Elements in the Greek Magic of Pannonia." Journal of Ancient Judaism 1, no. 2 (2010): 181–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00102006.

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Numerous names and terms related to Jewish tradition are known from the territory of Roman Pannonia. Pannonian magical inscriptions raise the question, to what extent do names and terms of Hebrew origin bear witness to the presence of Jews in Pannonia in the first three centuries of the imperial age? An almost simultaneous appearance of the silver lamella from Aquincum and the golden lamella from Halbturn proves that the Jewish population of Pannonia not only commemorated itself in official inscriptions but also preserved its identity through amulets.

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Han, Chandra. "Magic in Greco-Roman Era: A Historical Context to Understand Magic in the Acts of the Apostles." Jurnal Jaffray 18, no. 1 (2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25278/jj.v18i1.398.

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Panteleev, Aleksey. "MIRACLE, MAGIC AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY." Odysseus. Man in History 30, no. 1 (2023): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/1607-6184-2023-30-1-35-59.

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The article describes the continuity between pagan and Christian views on miracle and magic and examines the dialogue about miracles that unfolded between them in the 2nd – 3rd centuries. The author explores such issues as the ancient Greek or Roman and Jewish traditions concerning sorcerers, the terms for describing miracle workers and sorcerers, evidence from early Christian literature of miracles in the Apostolic period and later, the role of miracles in the spreading of Christianity, and the controversy between Christians and pagans, especially Origen and Celsus, about the nature of the mi

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TARRANT, NEIL. "Giambattista Della Porta and the Roman Inquisition: censorship and the definition of Nature's limits in sixteenth-century Italy." British Journal for the History of Science 46, no. 4 (2012): 601–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007087412000684.

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AbstractIt has long been noted that towards the end of the sixteenth century the Catholic Church began to use its instruments of censorship – the Inquisition and the Index of Forbidden Books – to prosecute magic with increased vigour. These developments are often deemed to have had important consequences for the development of modern science in Italy, for they delimited areas of legitimate investigation of the natural world. Previous accounts of the censorship of magic have tended to suggest that the Church as an institution was opposed to, and sought to eradicate, the practice of magic. I do

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Latteur, Olivier. "Observing, Interpreting, and Excavating Roman Barrows." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 3, no. 2 (2018): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-00302002.

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Even today, the landscape of some Belgian regions is deeply marked by the presence of dozens of Roman barrows. These mounds have survived the passage of time and have shaped the landscape, from antiquity up to the present-day. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a period characterized by the rediscovery of classical antiquity and the emergence of antiquarianism, travellers and scholars took a fresh look at these remains. The development of a proto-archaeological approach to the landscape gradually transformed the relationship between man and his surrounds, and contributed to a better u

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Ferreira, Ana Paula Ramos. "Brief approach on religiousnes, superstition and magic in Roman agronomy treaties." Conimbriga 52 (2013): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8657_52_4.

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Davidowicz, Klaus, and Armin Lange. "A Jewish Magic Device in Pannonia Superior?" Journal of Ancient Judaism 1, no. 2 (2010): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00102012.

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A comparison with Jewish magic as well as Jewish and non-Jewish amulets shows that the exclusive use of Deut 6:4 in the Halbturn amulet for apotropaic purposes points to its Jewish origin. A Jewish oil lamp found in Carnutum, the capital of the Roman province of Pannonia Superior, demonstrates that Jews lived not far away from Halbturn and poses the question of whether the amulet was produced in Carnuntum. While the magician who produced the Halbturn amulet was most probably a Jew, the archaeological evidence of the grave in which the Halbturn amulet was found is inconclusive with regard to th

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Gordon, Richard L. "A Babel of Voices: Styling Malign Magic in the Roman World." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 14, no. 2 (2019): 155–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.2019.0016.

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Pollard, Elizabeth Ann. "Indian Spices and Roman “Magic” in Imperial and Late Antique Indomediterranea." Journal of World History 24, no. 1 (2013): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2013.0012.

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Omissi, Adrastos. "The Cap of Liberty: Roman Slavery, Cultural Memory, and Magic Mushrooms." Folklore 127, no. 3 (2016): 270–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.2016.1155371.

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Versnel, H. S. "Some Reflections On the Relationship Magic-Religion." Numen 38, no. 2 (1991): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852791x00114.

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AbstractThe well-known substantialist-'Frazerian'-definitions of magic as distinct from religion by its immediate and individual goals, the concomitant manipulative and coercive attitude, the instrumental and mechanical type of action etc., have been under attack for more than half a century. Anthropologists in particular have argued that no meaningful contrast between religion and magic can be gained from this approach and that our notion 'magic' is a modern-western biased construct which does not fit representations of other cultures. Consequently, in the view of some of them, the term 'magi

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Dodykhudoeva, Leyli. "Shughnani translation of Wilhelm Hauff’s fairy tale “Little Muck”." Rodnoy Yazyk. Linguistic journal, no. 1 (June 2023): 90–149. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2313-5816-2023-1-90-149.

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This article presents the Shughnani translation of “Little Muck”, a fairy tale by the 19th century German writer Wilhelm Hauff. This is the story of a tiny man whose appearance causes others to make fun of him. When he comes into possession of a pair of magic shoes, Muck’s hopes of attaining happiness are close, but then envious people take the shoes away. With the help of some magic fruit, Muck gets his shoes back and punishes the offenders. In the 1930s, as part of the Soviet campaign to create alphabets for non-written languages of the Mountainous Badakhshan Autonomous Region, work began on

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CAMBOSE, ASTRID. "Reflections on Christian Magic." Martor. The Museum of the Romanian Peasant Anthropology Review 28 (November 15, 2023): 138–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.57225/martor.2023.28.09.

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This article tackles the much-disputed borderline between religion and magic, focusing on a sensitive subject that is still under debate: the Christian magic. The Christian doctrine states its irreconcilable opposition to magic, but in a practical perspective the line of separation between the two is quite blurred. The paper argues that many Christian priests and most of the Christian believers can be seen as practitioners of magic, like shamans, clairvoyants, or witches in more marginal cults. These practitioners form a very large community with shared practices of confronting evil. They inte

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Sánchez Vendramini, Darío N. "Alexander the Great on Late Roman contorniates: religion, magic or history?" Journal of Ancient History 10, no. 2 (2022): 262–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2022-0003.

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Abstract In this paper, I want to focus on a specific set of numismatic images of Alexander the Great, which has received less attention than comparable ones: the depictions on the Late Roman medallions known as contorniates. First, in two introductory sections, I connect the tradition of Alexander's numismatic imagery with the contorniates and present the general characteristics of these medallions. Next, I offer a detailed analysis of the different depictions of Alexander on contorniates. Thirdly, I briefly summarise the discussion of the functions of the contorniates and, on this basis, que

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Smith, Morton, and Georg Luck. "Arcana Mundi: Magic and the Occult in the Greek and Roman Worlds." Classical World 80, no. 5 (1987): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350076.

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Teplyakova, Daria. "JEAN RENART’S NOVELS (L’ESCOUFLE, GUILLAUME DE DOLE) AND THE ISSUE OF THE “REALISTIC MEDIEVAL NOVEL”." Lomonosov Journal of Philology, no. 6 (March 19, 2023): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0075-9-2022-6-124-132.

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This article highlights the difference between Jean Renart’s novels and French novels of the “golden” 12th century. Its main feature is the absence of magic and Breton material. Instead, Jean Renart and some other 13th-century authors build their novels on the “material of reality”. During the 20th century, these novels were considered examples of the so-called “medieval realism”. Th e idea was introduced by French medievalist Anthime Fourier, who distinguished an “escape novel” (roman évasion) and a “mirror novel” (roman mirroir). Th e latter is a “refl ection” of reality, and the former is b

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Kiel, Yishai. "Negotiating “White Rooster” Magic and Binitarian Christology." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 2 (2018): 259–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00902007.

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The article explores a set of religious and mythical motifs found in a Jewish Babylonian Aramaic magic bowl from the Moussaieff collection (M 163), which includes references to the sun god Šamaš(-Mithra); Jesus, his heavenly Father, and the cross; binitarian Christology; the oppression of the Great Man of the End and Suffering Messiah; a cosmic bird referred to as White Rooster; and a semi-divine angelic figure called ḤRWM AḤRWM. These motifs are situated in the broader context of contemporaneous Jewish Babylonian traditions incorporated in the talmudic, mystical, and magical corpora, on the o

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Grimes, Shannon. "Defining Greco-Egyptian Alchemy." Gnosis 7, no. 1 (2022): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-00701004.

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Abstract This paper was originally written for a conference panel responding to Radcliffe Edmonds’s survey of Greco-Roman magic, Drawing Down the Moon. I discuss his chapter on alchemy in light of two new books on Greco-Egyptian alchemy that were published while his manuscript was in press: my own work, Becoming Gold and Olivier Dufault’s Early Greek Alchemy, Patronage and Innovation in Late Antiquity. I explain why new definitions of Greco-Egyptian alchemy are needed and provide one at the end.

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Dzwiza, Kirsten. "Rekonstruktion des Ursprungs und Neudatierung zweier magischer Gemmen mit Hilfe einer Zauberzeichensequenz." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 147, no. 2 (2020): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2020-0033.

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SummaryThere are only a few sequences of ancient magic signs known to us today that have been preserved on multiple artefacts. A previously unnoticed sequence of 17 signs on a gem in the Museum of Fine Arts in Vienna occurs with minor but significant variations on two other gems in the State Museum of Egyptian Art in Munich. The Viennese gem is dated to the 16th century and is documented as a drawing in a 17th century publication. The first Munich gem has been assigned to the Graeco-Roman period. The second gem, which, according to the inventory card of the museum, also belongs to the Graeco-R

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Gopkalo, O. V. "CHERNYAKHIV «BULLAS» (METAL AND LEATHER PENDANTS-FOLDING IN THE CHERNYAKHIV—SINTANA-DE-MURES CULTURE’S AREA)." Archaeology and Early History of Ukraine 38, no. 1 (2021): 304–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.37445/adiu.2021.01.22.

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Decorations of the Chernyakhiv—Sintana-de-Mures Culture (ChSM) includes metal and leather pendants which by some morphological features can be considered as derivatives of the roman bulla. Bulla is a small capsule pendant folded from two identical halves. It’s assumed that bulla originated with the Etruscans in the VIIth century BC. The bulla was later borrowed by romans, who originally intended it for boys — the children of aristocrats from the ninth day of birth to 14—16 years, until receiving the status of a Roman citizen. Later the golden bulla lost the meaning of a social marker and becam

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Boersema, Gert. "Roman Lead ‘Iao Abrasax’ Amulets: Magical Pendants, Rings, and Beads." KOINON: The International Journal of Classical Numismatic Studies 5 (November 9, 2022): 84–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/k.v5i.1658.

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The practice of magic was widespread in the Graeco-Roman world. Traces are found abundantly, both in literary sources and in material culture. Particularly well-known and surviving in large numbers are the magical hardstone gems bearing esoteric inscriptions and a range of imaginative imagery. The majority of these were set into the bezels of rings and worn as pendants. The largest number of magical gems can be dated to the late 2nd to 4th centuries and they are provenanced to virtually every part of the Roman empire. A class of lead objects consisting of magical pendants, rings and beads has

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Petkovic, Sofija, Dragica Gojkovic, and Jelena Bulatovic. "Early medieval burial of woman and fox at the slog necropolis in Ravna (Timacum Minus) in Eastern Serbia." Starinar, no. 70 (2020): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta2070239p.

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On the eastern slope of Slog Hill in Ravna, some 400 m to the west of the Roman fortification of Timacum Minus, a multilayered necropolis was investigated from 1994 to 1996 and from 2013 to 2015. There are two main horizons of the necropolis - Late Roman and Early Medieval. The late Roman necropolis has three phases dated from the middle of the 4th to the middle of the 5th century. The early medieval necropolis, according to the new excavations, has two phases, the earlier dated to the 8th - 9th centuries and the later from the end of the 9th to the beginning of the 11th century. An interestin

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Tuzlak, Ayse. "Coins out of fishes: Money, magic, and miracle in the Gospel of Matthew." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, no. 2 (2007): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600205.

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The story of the coin in the fish's mouth in Matthew 17:27 has usually been interpreted as an artificial, folkloric interpolation into a straightforward pericope about providence. This article argues that the miracle is in fact an essential element of the pericope, and that it illuminates Matthew's understanding of Jewish-Roman relations. The concept of "occult economies," as developed by the anthropologists John and Jean Comaroff, illustrates how certain cultures see supernatural events as having a direct impact on economic systems. The miracle in this story can therefore be seen as a stateme

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Horstmanshoff, Manfred. "Ancient medicine between hope and fear: Medicament, magic and poison in the Roman Empire." European Review 7, no. 1 (1999): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003720.

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Any reader of Tacitus' Annals may have noticed that poison played a prominent part at the imperial court during the Early Principate. In this article seven cases of suspected poisoning, mentioned by Tacitus in his Annals, are analysed and commented upon in some detail. The use of poison in general is studied against the background of Roman society, culture and mentality. It is argued that modern ideas about physicians, pharmacists, poisons and drugs may induce anachronistic interpretations of the texts. If the ambiguous position of the doctor, the root cutter, the drug-seller, the magician and

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Stoian, Svitlana. "The Multidimensionality of the Symbolic Universe of Roman Romanyshyn." Culturology Ideas, no. 16 (2'2019) (2019): 128–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.37627/2311-9489-16-2019-2.128-135.

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The article presents an analysis of the symbolic contexts of the creativity of Lviv artist Roman Romanyshyn, whose works are distinguished not only by filigree execution technique and innovativeness but also by multilayered symbolic meanings, which in the space of his personal exhibition have become a deep and consistent visual story. The artist uses symbolic codes at a subconscious level, not by a pre-conceived concept, which is the most consistent with the nature of symbolic masterpieces, creating and decoding of which one cannot accomplish solely by reason. The author turns to geometric sym

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