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1
Estácio, Públio Papínio, and Daniel Da Silva Moreira. "Estácio, "Aquileida", I.318-337, Apresentação e tradução." Scientia Traductionis, no. 16 (June 23, 2016): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1980-4237.2014n16p184.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1980-4237.2014n16p184Este texto apresenta e contextualiza uma tradução versificada de uma importante passagem do primeiro livro da Aquileida (Achilleis), de Públio Papínio Estácio, poeta romano do século I d.C.ABSTRACTThis text presents and contextualizes a versified translation of an important passage from the first book of the Achilleid, by Publius Papinius Statius, a Roman poet from the first century a.D.Keywords: Statius; Achilleid; epic poetry; translation.
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Merriam, Carol U. "Sulpicia: Just Another Roman Poet." Classical World 100, no. 1 (2006): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25433970.
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Mannion, John B. "Advice From a Roman Poet." Journal - American Water Works Association 86, no. 10 (1994): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1551-8833.1994.tb06251.x.
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Merriam, Carol U. "Sulpicia: Just Another Roman Poet." Classical World 100, no. 1 (2006): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2006.0096.
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Versiani dos Anjos, Carlos. "A Arcádia Romana e a Arcádia Ultramarina: diálogos literários entre a Itália e o Brasil na segunda metade do século XVIII / The Roman Arcadia and the Arcadia Ultramarina: Literary Dialogues between Italy and Brazil in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century." O Eixo e a Roda: Revista de Literatura Brasileira 28, no. 3 (2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2358-9787.28.3.83-114.
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Resumo: Este trabalho visa apresentar as relações literárias entre árcades brasileiros da segunda metade do século XVIII e a Arcádia Romana, a que alguns destes árcades eram filiados, ou a ela associados por intermédio da chamada Arcádia Ultramarina, academia criada no Brasil, na capitania de Minas Gerais, por Cláudio Manuel da Costa. O artigo analisa os primórdios da Arcádia Romana e seus teóricos precursores; o movimento dos poetas brasileiros na Europa e no Brasil, para a criação de uma colônia ultramarina daquela Academia; os esforços de Basílio da Gama, Seixas Brandão e Cláudio Manuel neste empreendimento; a participação do poeta Silva Alvarenga, também como crítico literário; e a recepção crítica sobre a existência e significado da Arcádia Ultramarina, nas suas relações com a Arcádia Romana, entre estudiosos contemporâneos da Itália e do Brasil.Palavras-chave: Arcádia Romana; Arcádia Ultramarina; século XVIII; Literatura Arcádica; História da Literatura.Abstract: We aim to present the literary relations between Brazilian arcadians in the second half of the eighteenth century and the Roman Arcadia, in which some of these arcadians were affiliated or associated to the so-called Arcadia Ultramarina, an academy created in Brazil, in the captaincy of Minas Gerais, by Cláudio Manuel da Costa. We analyze the beginning of the Roman Arcadia and its precursor theorists; the movement of Brazilian poets in Europe and Brazil, for the creation of an overseas colony of that Academy; the efforts of Basilio da Gama, Seixas Brandão and Cláudio Manuel in this venture; the participation of the poet Silva Alvarenga, also as a literary critic; and the critical reception on the existence and significance of the Arcadia Ultramarina in its relations with the Roman Arcadia among contemporary scholars from Italy and Brazil.Keywords: Roman Arcadia; Arcadia Ultramarina; XVIII Century; Arcadian Literature; History of Literature.
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Yardley, J. C. "Propertius 4.5, Ovid Amores 1.6 and Roman Comedy." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 33 (1987): 179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500004983.
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‘The absence of Roman comedy … from the influences which the [Augustan] poets like to name proves only that they were not creditable, not in fashion, not that they had made no contribution.’ So Jasper Griffin in his recent book on the Roman poets. Griffin observes that scholars have been deterred from postulating Roman comic influence on the Augustan poets merely by the ‘magisterial pronouncements of the great scholars’, and he amasses considerable circumstantial evidence to support his theory that the Augustan poets, and especially the elegists, were indeed indebted to Roman comedy. He observes, for example, that Cicero provides evidence for the continuing popularity of Roman drama; that (a very important point) Horace complains of the popularity of the Roman comedians whom ‘powerful Rome learns by heart’ (Epist.2.1.60-1); that the same poet, despite his denigration of Roman comedy, obviously knew and referred to it; that Roman comedy seems to be the source, or a source, for the ‘naughtiness’ of elegy and the rejection of traditional Roman values (with the comicamatoresdistressed by contemporarymoresand the elegists flouting them); that if the elegists do not acknowledge their debt to the Roman comic poets, then no more does Horace in theOdesacknowledge his manifest indebtedness to Hellenistic poetry, claiming instead to be following Sappho and Alcaeus.
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Hallett, Judith P. "Catullus and Horace on Roman Women Poets." Antichthon 40 (2006): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001660.
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We treasure both Gaius Valerius Catullus and Quintus Horatius Flaccus for their literary gifts and for their lyrics on the power of love and the pleasures of sophisticated urban living. We also, and often, treasure Catullus and Horace together; after all, both poets share a number of distinctive interests: metrically, stylistically, thematically, and what one might call professionally.Among these common professional interests is their shared literary debt to a female predecessor, the early sixth century BCE Greek poet Sappho. For this reason alone, one might expect Catullus and Horace to acknowledge the presence and activity of female poets, and especially women erotic poets, in their own Roman milieu. I would like to argue that both Catullus and Horace in fact make such acknowledgments, but do so in strikingly different ways.
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Harrison, S. J. "Drink, suspicion and comedy in Propertius 1.3." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 40 (1994): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500001802.
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Propertius 1.3 famously begins with the drunken poet returning from a night out to find his puella Cynthia asleep. The sleeping Cynthia is then apparently idealised by the poet through a series of comparisons with mythological heroines, until she wakes up and shows her true and less elevated character, shrewishly nagging the poet for staying out late with another woman, and thereby destroying his illusions. Some of the wit and irony of the situation has been pointed out in previous accounts of the poem; this treatment takes a closer look at the text, especially at the mythical analogues for Cynthia applied at the beginning of the poem, and argues that part of the wit and amusement of the poem derives from its articulation of the poet's suspicions of Cynthia's infidelity. This is not a tragic or dramatic effect, but rather a clever and amusing comedy; the amusing self-characterisation of the poet as a drunken bumbler racked with lust and suspicion is fully consistent with the kind of elegist envisaged by Paul Veyne, who rightly stresses that Roman love-elegy has much more to do with literary entertainment than with the intense analysis of passion. The scene is being narrated by the poet with retrospective wit and irony against himself; to use the convenient terms employed by Winkler in his book on Apuleius, the poet as auctor (writer of the poem) provides an entertaining view of the poet as actor (character in the poem's story).
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Gilman, Donald. "Teaching the Truth: Thomas More, Germanus Brixius, and Horace’s Ars poetica." Moreana 42 (Number 164), no. 4 (2005): 43–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2005.42.4.7.
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In his Letter to Brixius (1520) Thomas More proposes a poetics that incorporates Horatian prescriptions of structure, style, and the role of the poet. In attacking the untruths in the poem Chordigerae navis conflagratio (1513) by the French humanist Germanus Brixius or Germain de Brie, More alludes frequently to loci classici in Horace’s Ars poetica and, at the same time, presents three poetic principles: (1) the use of history in imaginative literature; (2) the significance of decorum and verisimilitude in the creation of fictional representation; (3) the nature of the poet who, similar to the Roman orator, contributes to society through moral example and teaching. In drawing upon precepts set forth by Horace and Roman rhetoricians and interpreted by Renaissance critics, More defines the means of teaching the truth in humanist fiction.
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Carolli, Fábio Paifer. "O fragmento de Galo." Nuntius Antiquus 5 (June 30, 2010): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.5.0.1-19.
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<span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: small;"><p>ABSTRACT: The few remaining fragments from the works of the Latin poet Cornelius Gallus (c. 70-26 BC), discovered in Egypt in 1978, are presented, translated and analyzed in this paper. The role of these works among the books dated from the time of the poet, as well as some critical appreciation left by poets that lived during the Augustan reign and elected Cornelius Gallus as a model, are also brought into discussion. In addition, a poetic translation is also suggested.</p> <p>KEYWORDS: Cornelius Gallus (c. 70-26 BC); epigram; elegy; poetic translation; elegiac couplet.</p></span></span>
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Griffiths, J. Gwyn. "Lycophron on Io and Isis." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (1986): 472–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012209.
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The Hellenistic poet Lycophron, who wrote tragedies and assembled the texts of comedy under Ptolemy Philadelphus for the Library at Alexandria, was probably also the author of the long poem Alexandra, which deals mainly with the theme of Troy. Recent studies by Stephanie West have appreciably advanced our understanding of this rather difficult poet. For the passages where Lycophron surprisingly presents phases of Roman history she cogently adduces a later poet, a ‘Deutero-Lycophron, …to be sought among the artists of Dionysus in southern Italy’. A theme in Graeco-Egyptian mythology is the subject of the present paper; and one of my main points is that recent Egyptological research has a clear bearing on one of the problems.
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Leerintveld, Ad, and Vincent Klooster. "Een onbekend gedicht van Vondel uit 1667: ‘Uitvaert van Jonckvrouw Geertruidt Hinloopen Vermaes’." Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde 135, no. 3 (2019): 248–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tntl2019.3.004.leer.
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Abstract This article deals with a hitherto unknown poem by Joost van den Von-del. The poem, written by Vondel to comfort Ursula vanden Bergen on the death of her eight-year-old daughter Geertruidt Hinloopen Vermaes, was discovered in a family archive. This consolation poem fits perfectly in the oeuvre of the elder Roman Catholic poet and sheds light upon his relation with the prominent Am-sterdam family Hinloopen.
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Clinton Simms, R. "Persius' Prologue and Early Modern English Satire." Translation and Literature 22, no. 1 (2013): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2013.0098.
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The established perception that early modern English satirists imitated either Juvenal or Horace has left the reception of Persius under-explored. This paper demonstrates with particular reference to the ‘Prologue’ to Satire 1 that early modern writers were eager to engage the Roman poet, indeed more eager to adapt Persius than merely imitate him. Persius is less easy to detect, being so often more creatively interwoven with English poets’ own concerns, than the other two Roman satirists. What makes his satiric presence among these authors unique is the variety of modulations.
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Myers, K. Sara. "The Poet and the Procuress: TheLenain Latin Love Elegy." Journal of Roman Studies 86 (November 1996): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300420.
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This paper investigates the figure of thelenain the elegies of Tibullus (I.5; II.6), Propertius (IV.5), and Ovid (AmoresI.8). While each poet treats the character of thelenain importantly different ways, each has in common a deep interest in contrasting his own position as both lover and poet with the activities of thelena, a bawd or procuress. All three poets curse thelena, denouncing primarily her malevolent magical powers, hercarmina, which are directed against them and theircarmina. Thelenanot only preaches an erotic code which in its emphasis on remuneration and the denigration of poetry directly opposes that of the poet-lover, she also usurps his role as instructor and constructor of the elegiacpuella. It is the elegiac poet's prerogative to describe and construct the elegiac mistress. By usurping his role aspraeceptor, thelenathreatens the poet with both sexual and literary impotence. It is precisely because thelenachallenges the male poet-lover's control over these terms that she is such a potent enemy; the woman with a pen, as Pollack writes inThe Poetics of Sexual Myth, ‘threatens to undermine a system of signification that defines her both as vulnerable and as victim’. If the elegiac mistress can be said to play a more masterful role asdominain Roman love poetry than in conventional Roman ideology, it must nevertheless be qualified with the reminder that she only plays a role constructed for her by elegy's first-person narrator who demands complete control over the discourse of their relationship, of the rules of the amatory game.
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GREEN, STEVEN J. "SAVE OUR COWS? AUGUSTAN DISCOURSE AND ANIMAL SACRIFICE IN OVID’S FASTI." Greece and Rome 55, no. 1 (2008): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383507000307.
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The interaction between Roman religion and Ovid’s ostensibly religious poem, Fasti, has only begun to be appreciated in the past twenty years or so. Before this time, scholars were typically either uncritical of Ovid’s poem – taking it at face value as a quarry from which to mine reliable gems of information on Roman religion – or far too critical, chastizing the poet for what they saw as errors from a man ignorant of his own national religion. From the mid 1980s, however, there has emerged a better understanding of the complex nature of Roman religion. Scholars now stress the fundamental role of exegesis (multiple interpretation) in a religion which has no underlying orthodoxy. As such, it is argued that Roman religion was not something concrete, tangible, and external, to which literature related faithfully or otherwise, but that literature had a central role in articulating the dynamics of the religious experience of the Romans.One can now duly expect and appreciate, therefore, a variety of contrasting views on Roman religious activity presented in Fasti, without resorting to arguments about Ovidian ignorance or the apparently incomplete state of the poem itself.
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Kaczor, Idaliana. "The Sacred and the Poetic: The Use of Religious Terminology in Ovid’s Words." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 29, no. 2 (2019): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2020.xxix.2.2.
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The article investigates Ovid’s use of religious terminology and imagery, in particular in the Fasti and the Metamorphoses. As an educated Roman citizen, Ovid was conversant with Roman ritual practices and frequently drew on facets of the Roman religious experience in his writing, exploring topics such as ritual performance, religious nomenclature, festivals, customs and traditions. In the article, I argue that Ovid’s treatment of religious material is deliberately uneven. The poet, well-versed in the Roman ritual nomenclature, nevertheless flaunted his technical competence only in the rite-oriented Fasti: in his other works, above all in the myth-laden Metamorphoses, he abandoned drier technical details for artistic flair and poetic imagery, unconstrained by traditional practices of Roman piety. The mythological setting of the latter poem gave Ovid a chance to comment upon universal truths of human nature, espousing the prevailing Roman belief that maintaining good relations with the gods (pax deorum) through collective piety would win Rome divine favour in all her initiatives.
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Karabowicz, Tadeusz. "LITERARY STUDIES OF THE CREATIVITY OF ROMAN BABOVAL IN THE RESEARCH OF THE NEW YORK GROUP." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.167-175.
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The article is devoted to the scientific interests of Ukrainian literary critics by the work of the Ukrainian poet Roman Baboval, against the backdrop of wider studies of the New York Group. Therefore, features of ontological models of creativity of a well-known representative of Ukrainian diaspora poetry are highlighted. The aspect of the genre and style dynamics of the poet’s creative resources is considered. Characterized by the evolution of the work of Roman Baboval against the background of the New York group in different dimensions of the artistic systems that the poet found- ed. It is proposed to provide the creative phenomenon of Roman Baboval, a poet of the second half of the 20th century, an axiomatic aspect in Ukrainian diaspora literature, but against the backdrop of scientific literary rethinking. Roman Babowal – Ukrainian Belgian poet, a member of the New York Group and author of many books of poetry in Ukrainian and French, among them “The Deceit of Milk,” “Letters to Lovers,” and “Travelers of the Probable.” He also compiled and implemented on the Internet “A Virtual Anthology of the Poetry of the New York Group” Roman Babowal died on June 15 in Mintigny-le-Tilleul, Belgium. He is survived by his wife and daughter. The phenomenon of the New York Group com- prises two generations of Ukrainian émigré poets residing, despite the group’s name, on three continents (North America, South America and Europe). New York City, however, has always constituted a seminal point of reference and its name signified an innovative approach to Ukrainian poetry. Yet the significance of New York is not just symbolic. This is indeed the place where in the mid-1950s the group originated, imbuing the postwar Ukrainian literary émigré milieu with the avant-gardist spirit and fresh designs. The poets eagerly experimented with poetic forms, privileging vers libre and meta- phor as well as embraced such fashionable at the time artistic and philosophical trends as surrealism and existentialism. By the early 1960s all seven members of the New York Group (Bohdan Boychuk, Yuriy Tarnawsky, Zhenia Vasyl’kivs’ka, Bohdan Rubchak, Patricia Kylyna, Emma Andijewska and Vira Vovk) published at least one poetry collection; in fact, a majority had by then two or even three books to their credit. In addition, the author focuses on the group’s initial, and most active, period—from the mid-1950s to 1971. There were also latecomers: Yuriy Kolomyiets, Oleh Kowerko, Marco Carynnyk, and Roman Babowal, all of whom joined the NYG in the late 1960s, and Maria Rewakowicz herself, who be- came part of the group during the time of its revival in the mid-1980s; these poets are mentioned only briefly and in pass- ing. At that early stage the poetic output of the group’s members formed a genuine aesthetic alternative to socialist realism, still much prevalent in Ukraine of the 1950s under the communist regime. This informal association of Ukrainian– émigré modernist poets—loosely connected with New York, in spite of the fact that their actual places of residence were sometimes as far as Munich or Rio de Janeiro—was not widely influential at the time that it was active. Today, however, the work of these poets is generally accepted as an important stage in the evolution of Ukrainian modernist literature.
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Trevizam, Matheus. "OS ENSINAMENTOS AMOROSOS DE OVÍDIO COTEJADOS COM OS DE LUCRÉCIO ('DE RERUM NATURA' IV) | OVID’S TEACHINGS ON LOVE COMPARED WITH LUCRETIUS’ ('DE RERUM NATURA' IV)." Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, no. 55 (December 1, 2016): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/2176-4794ell.v0i55.16591.
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<p>A preceptística galante de Ovídio, constituída pela <em>Ars amatoria </em>e pelos <em>Remedia amoris</em>, encontra paralelos no final do livro IV do <em>De rerum natura</em> de Lucrécio, no qual esse poeta desenvolve assuntos em nexo com os temas de <em>amor </em>e <em>Venus</em>. Em Lucrécio, as ideias expressas sobre o amor vinculam-se, sobretudo, ao Epicurismo, enquanto Ovídio transforma <em>tópoi</em> e situações da elegia erótica romana para a composição temática de seus poemas. Nosso objetivo, nesta exposição, será apontar eventuais pontos de contato entre as “teorias do amor” de um e outro autor romano, bem como algumas de suas diferenças. </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong><em> </em><em>Ovid’s teachings on love, which constitutes </em>Ars Amatoria<em> and </em>Remedia Amoris<em>, evokes parallels in the final part of Lucretius’ </em>De Rerum Natura<em> IV, where this poet develops themes related to the subjects of </em>amor<em> and Venus. In </em>De Rerum Natura <em>IV</em>, <em>the ideas expressed about love are mainly connected with Epicureanism, whereas Ovid transforms </em>tópoi<em> and situations from Roman love elegy in order to achieve the thematic composition of his poems. The purpose of this discussion is to point out potential coincidences between the “theories of love” of both Roman poets as well as some points of divergence between them</em>.</p>
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Byrne, Shannon N. "Horace Carm. 2.12, Maecenas, and Prose History." Antichthon 34 (November 2000): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001155.
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Carm. 2.12 has often received attention because scholiasts observe that Licymnia is a pseudonym for Maecenas' wife Terentia. The poem is also interesting for the originality of the recusatio it contains, and for the comments it elicits from scholars on Maecenas. Horace begins with a polite refusal to incorporate epic themes into his poetry, and in lines 9-12 he announces that Maecenas will better tell of Caesar's deeds in prose (‘pedestribus historiis’). Rejections of grand themes are found in Greek poetry, but for Roman poets the recusatio acquired the added function of dismissing apparent requests for weighty poetry, and poets on occasion address Maecenas in recusationes that supposedly decline his requests. Typically the poet recommends another poet to undertake the rejected task in a more elevated style, usually because the other person's talent (ingenium) is better suited to the job. In the case of Carm. 2.12.9-12, however, Maecenas himself is the suggested alternate, and he is not asked to compose a poem, but to write about Caesar's deeds in prose. Interpretations of these lines tend to focus on Horace's motives for suggesting that Maecenas, whose literary style was notoriously bad, should compose anything, much less prose history, for Caesar. In fact there are no motives or hidden meanings concerning Maecenas as a writer. Horace merely turned to a genre that better represented both his patron's status and the weightiness of Caesar's deeds.
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Kwapisz, Jan. "An Odd Latin Word and the Date ofanon.155 FGE." Trends in Classics 12, no. 2 (2020): 359–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2020-0021.
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AbstractThis note argues, against a recent article published in this journal, that the traditional Hellenistic dates of anon. 155 FGE, an experimental anonymous epigram composed of eccentric compounds, and accordingly of Hegesander of Delphi, who is Athenaeus’ source for this epigram, are correct, since an allusion to this poem is found in the early Roman poet Laevius. Anon. 155 FGE is an attack not on Cynics, but philosophers in general.
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Brouwers, J. H. "Einige Bemerkungen zu Grotius' Lucan-Nachahmung." Grotiana 9, no. 1 (1988): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607588x00064.
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AbstractGrotius' Latin poetry is typical for its manifold reminiscences of examples from Roman antiquity. His favourite Latin poets were Lucan, Manilius, Statius and Claudian. Especially the influence of the first-mentioned poet (whose work was also edited by Grotius with critical notes) is prominent. It is shown here by some examples from the Genealogia Nassaviorum (1601), the Silva in Annales Borrhii (1603) and other poems in what way Grotius made use of Lucan.
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ΠΑΠΠΑΣ, Βασίλειος Λ. "Οι "Caesares" του Αυσονίου. Παρατηρήσεις και επισημάνσεις". Byzantina Symmeikta 26, № 2 (2016): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1191.
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Ausonius was a latin poet, born in Burdigala (Bordeaux), who, <em>inter alios</em>, composed the poetic work entitled "Caesares" between 379-383 A.D. This collection is an exposition of the lives of Roman emperors in verse (in hexameter and elegiac couplets). The collection is not complete. The work stops suddenly at the incomplete quatrain of Elagabalus. In this paper the author deals with the literary genre of the collection, the style of the poem, while he also attempts to trace the texts the poet used (Suetonius, Tacitus, the so[called <em>Kaisergeschichte</em>, Marius Maximus etc.). Finally he refers to the proposals concerning the missing part of the collection as put forth by various scholars in recent years.
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Schwitter, Raphael. "A “Roman” Wedding in Vandal Africa." Studies in Late Antiquity 4, no. 1 (2020): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.1.114.
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The Epithalamium Fridi is a sixth-century Virgilian cento that commemorates the marriage of the Vandal noble Fridus with his unnamed bride. Its author, the African poet Luxurius, engages in versatile poetic play fusing Virgil with multiple epithalamial models such as Statius, Claudian, and Ausonius. Through the dynamics of triangular intertextuality the centonist is able to strengthen the wedding poem's generic bonds and to connect himself and his work firmly to the classical Roman tradition. At the same time, echoes of distinctive African idiosyncrasies as prefigured by Dracontius highlight the hybrid character of sixth-century Romano-Vandal elite culture and its celebration of what appears to be a distinctive African Romanness.
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Jansson, Victoria. "Towards a ‘Political’ Tibullus: Ceres and Grain in Elegies Books 1 and 2." New England Classical Journal 48, no. 1 (2021): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.52284/necj/48.1/article/jansson.
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This article argues that unfulfilled prayers to Ceres in Tibullus’ elegies are symptomatic of Rome’s grain crises at the end of the Republic and beginning of Empire. My approach includes philological, socioeconomic, and psychoanalytic analysis of the elegies, in which the poet examines the shifting definition of a ‘Roman’ in his day. I seek to demonstrate the ways in which the poet grapples with the political and economic forces at work during the most turbulent period of Roman history: a time when income inequality was roughly equivalent to that of the U.S. and E.U. today.1
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Fantham, Elaine. "Ceres, Liber and Flora: Georgic and Anti-Georgic Elements in Ovid's Fasti." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 38 (1993): 39–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500001619.
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The Georgics stand at the threshold of Augustan literature, the Fasti at its end, but despite Ovid's respect for Rome's first great didactic poem, Lucretius' De rerum natura, and despite all the intervening achievements of Augustan poets in incorporating national and aetiological themes into other poetic genres, Ovid's poem repeatedly acknowledges by echoes of form and theme the primacy of the Georgics as model for his aetiological work.This paper attempts to measure Ovidian response to the Georgics at two levels, the level of formal, verbal allusion and the level of themes and values. I have been led to focus on Ovid's treatment of Ceres/Demeter (and less prominently Liber/Bacchus) because Ceres as teacher of agriculture and benefactor of men is central to Virgil's representation of evolving human culture. But Ceres is equally important to the Fasti (although her sober personality makes her unappealing as a candidate for interview by the poet) as a major deity in the largely rural Roman calendar, as a symbol of the didactic principle, and for her very centrality in the Virgilian poem that Ovid is emulating.
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Prescott, Anne Lake. "Translatio Lupae: Du Bellay's Roman Whore Goes North." Renaissance Quarterly 42, no. 3 (1989): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2862077.
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In 1609 Gervase Markham, England's leading authority on horses, Sir John Harington's cousin, and not a truly bad poet, invited readers of The Famous Whore to give the prostitute “a kind welcome out of Italy.” According to the headnote of this long poem, the elderly woman who here makes her “lamentable complaint” was “Paulina the famous Roman Curtezan, sometimes M[istress] unto the great Cardinal Hypolito of Est.” Since Markham seems so confidently to direct our eyes to Rome, it is understandable both that the entry on him in the Dictionary of National Biography posits an unknown Italian model and that neither the modern bibliography of his works nor the revised Short Title Catalogue can identify his source. In fact, Markham's work is a fairly close imitation of Joachim Du Bellay's’ ‘Vieille courtisanne,'’ first published in 15 5 8 as part of a collection somewhat misleadingly entitled Divers jeux rustiques.
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Feldherr, Andrew. "Non inter nota sepulcra: Catullus 101 and Roman Funerary Ritual." Classical Antiquity 19, no. 2 (2000): 209–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011120.
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According to many recent interpretations of Catullus 101, the ritual performance it describes serves primarily as a foil, highlighting the greater expressiveness and communicative power of the poem itself. I argue instead for using the complexities of Roman funerary ritual as a model for understanding the poem's ambiguities. As funerary offerings at once establish a bond between family members and the dead and affirm a distinction between them that allows the survivors to rejoin the society of the living, so the poem articulates a tension between assertions of the brother's absence and intimations of his presence as addressee, even as speaker. Similarly, the split between the poem's fictional context as a one-time-only farewell to the brother and its existence as a repeatable literary artifact further accentuates the double allegiance of the poet. In the second section I consider how the poem, without being an epitaph itself, fulfills the functions of an epitaph, by allowing for the re-performance of the ritual, constructing the opposition between permanence and temporality present in the epitaph/monument complex, "inscribing" the brother's death at the prominent literary "crossroads" of the beginning of the Odyssey, and finally making the commemoration of the brother performed through each reading of the poem a sacrum that builds its audience into a community.
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Szörényi, László. "Johannes Valentini Lucubrata opuscula poeticohistorica in unum collecta [Az éjjeli mécs világánál alkotott költői-történeti művecskéim egybegyűjtése] (1808) című kötetének őstörténeti vonatkozásai." Antikvitás & Reneszánsz, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/antikren.2019.4.151-168.
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As a poet, the parish priest Johannes Valentini (Turčiansky Michal, 1756 – Kláštor pod Znievom, 1812) is very much tied to the other Neo-Latin priest-poets living in Hungary and the other countries of the Habsburg Empire by the tradition of laudation in occasional poetry, which flourished from the antiquity until the end of the 19th century and was a tool to praise or mourn religious superiors or secular patronising potentates. Valentini, however, is different from the other poets in his very extensive interest in prehistory. When he poeticises the history of the provostry of Thurocz, he engages in lengthy explanations which are far bigger in size than the poem itself, and are also supplemented with footnotes.From a viewpoint of history of science this approach is probably connected mostly to the research initiated by the Jesuit historian Georgius Papánek, but Valentini’s work – similarly to authors of all other nationalities of that time in the Kingdom of Hungary – of course contains mythical and legendary elements, to which he naturally utilizes the reports of antique Greek and Roman writers about Eastern-origin exotic peoples. The Nagykároly (Carei, Szatmár county)-based Ferdinandus Thomas, for example, derives the origin of Hungarians from Ethiops! But we can name examples from either Romanian or South Slav literatures.Valentini is of high significance, because in many ways he – with his poet colleagues, writing in Slovak or other language – clears the way for Orientalism, an important trend of European Romanticism.
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Pieri, Giuliana. "Gabriele d’Annunzio and the self-fashioning of a national icon." Modern Italy 21, no. 4 (2016): 329–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2016.49.
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This article charts the rise to fame of Gabriele D’Annunzio by focusing on a number of key moments in his life and the strategies he employed to shape his public image. The Roman years and the 1890s saw the writer’s first iconic transformation into Italy’s aesthete par excellence, a myth and related iconography that still shapes our view of the poet. The years in Florence, spent at the Villa Capponcina, coincided with the time in which d’Annunzio re-fashioned himself into a self-appointed national poet. The war years were central to the creation of an entirely new figure, the poeta soldato, whose military heroics and charismatic leadership provided novel and dubious models of engagement with contemporary politics and culture. Finally the years of the self-imposed exile at Gardone focus on the late, and as yet undocumented, use of photographs employed by d’Annunzio to keep the myth of the national poet-soldier alive under Fascism. These subsequent transformations resulted in a highly successful and thoroughly modern staging of his personality which turned him into a national icon.
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Babnis, Tomasz. "Eutropius as an oriental." Classica Cracoviensia 23 (August 6, 2021): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.23.2020.23.01.
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Eutropius, eunuch who became the consul of the Roman Empire in 399 AD under Arcadius, is a villain of Claudius Claudian’s invective In Eutropium. Argumentation in this piece is based on many negative topoi employed in the earlier Roman poetry. In doing this, the poet makes a particular use of stereotypes connected with the East, by dint of which he can attribute these features to the Eastern Roman Empire (epitomised by Eutropius) and – at the same time – to show that the right Roman virtues are fostered in the Western Roman Empire, controlled by the poet’s patron, Stilicho.
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Laird, Andrew. "Roman Epic Theatre? Reception, performance, and the poet in Virgil'sAeneid." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 49 (2003): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500000936.
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Past responses to ancient literature and the reading practices of previous centuries are of central relevance to the contemporary exegesis of Greek and Roman authors. Professional classicists have at last come to recognise this. However, accounts of reception still tend to engage in a traditional form ofNachleben, as they unselfconsciously describe the extent of classical influences on later literary production. This process of influence is not as straightforward as it may first seem. It is often taken for granted in practice, if not in theory, that the movement is in one direction only – from antiquity to some later point - and also that the ancient text which ‘impacts on’ on the culture of a later period is the same ancient text that we apprehend today. Of course it isneverthe same text, even leaving aside the problems of transmission. The interaction between a text and its reception in another place, in another time, in another text, is really a dynamic two-way process. That interaction (which has much in common with intertextuality) involves, or is rather constituted by, our own interpretation of it.
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Cichoń, Natalia. "Drakoncjusz w więzieniu: siła poezji przeciwko sile władzy." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3255.
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In this paper I examine presumed reasons for the imprisonment of the Carthaginian poet of the fifth century A.D., Blossius Aemilius Dracontius. He wrote a panegyric for a dominus ignotus making a political faux pas – in the result Guntamund, the vandal king, imprisoned him – analyzing Dracontius’s poetry and taking into consideration the political and the cultural background I aim to find out who was the most probable recipient of the poem. These reflections lead in the conclusion to the presentation of the peculiar character of the agreement between Romano-African people and barbarians, mostly on the cultural and literary level. In his poetry Dracontius gives us very important message about the relations between the educated classes of both nations on the Vandal royal court – we can assume that in the Vandal Kingdom still existed literary patronage on a very similar basis as it existed earlier in the Roman Empire.
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López González, Luis F. "The Afrenta de Corpes: Embodied Empathy in Cantar de Mio Cid." Revista de Literatura Medieval 31 (December 31, 2019): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/rpm.2019.31.0.67332.
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This study is an effort to understand the ways in which the poet of the Cantar de Mio Cid employs rhetorical devices as a way of enhancing the embodied empathy in his audience. I look into theories of performativity extant during the composition of the Cantar that the Cid-poet may have utilized to heighten the dramatic effect of his poem. The Hispano-Roman rhetorician, Quintilian, offers a guideline for orators and performers on how to put themselves «in the shoes» of abused victims and in doing so, move their audience to tears and/or anger. Following these rhetorical strategies, the author of the Cantar stages a performative act of the Afrenta de Corpes, in which the Infantes de Carrión nearly killed their wives, to move the public to feel the harrowing pain of the victims as their own as well as intense anger toward the evildoers.
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Kuliniak, Radosław, and Mariusz Pandura. "Poeta sam na sam z sobą – dziennik osobisty Romana Witolda Ingardena." Konteksty Kultury 18, no. 1 (2021): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23531991kk.21.010.13540.
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W Archiwum Rodziny Ingardenów zachował się liczący ponad 400 stron pamiętnik Romana Witolda Ingardena. Ten osobisty dokument nie jest zupełnie nieznany w polskiej literaturze fachowej na temat życia i twórczości fenomenologa. Ingarden jako autor dzieła autobiograficznego nie był z pewnością wyjątkiem w swoich czasach. Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku wiele osób pisało pamiętniki i inne narracje życiowe. Warto wspomnieć, że osobiste dzienniki (później opublikowane lub pozostające do dziś w formie rękopiśmiennej) tworzyli Kazimierz Twardowski, Władysław Tatarkiewicz i inni polscy filozofowie. Ponadto niezwykle popularna była praktyka pisania listów, a także poezji noszącej znamiona autobiograficzne. Należy zaznaczyć, że tekst ten nie powstał pierwotnie jako dokument autobiograficzny filozofa, ale jako zapis życia niedoszłego artysty. Ingarden był poetą przez dużą część swojego życia i pisał wiersze również po drugiej wojnie światowej. Poet Confronted with Himself – Personal Journal of Roman Witold Ingarden The Ingarden family archive includes the diary of Roman Witold Ingarden, over 400 pages long. This personal document is not completely unknown in Polish specialist literature dealing with the life and work of the phenomenologist. As an author of an autobiographical work, Ingarden was certainly not an exception in his times. At the turn of the 19th and the 20th century, many people wrote diaries and other life narratives. It is worth noting that personal journals (some later published and some still available only in handwritten form) were written by Kazimierz Twardowski, Władysław Tatarkiewicz, and other Polish philosophers. It was also enormously popular to write letters and poetry bearing autobiographical traces. It should be noted that the text analysed in the article was not originally created as an autobiographical document of a philosopher, but as an account of the life of an aspiring artist. Ingarden was a poet for a large part of his life and continued to write poetry even after the Second World War.
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Afnan Arummi, Ikhti Nur Halimah,. "KONDISI SOSIAL PENYAIR DALAM TEKS SYAIR 1999 KARYA ACHMAD MATHAR (KAJIAN STRATA NORMA ROMAN INGARDEN)." Jurnal CMES 12, no. 2 (2019): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/cmes.12.2.37884.
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<p>This research discusses the text structure and social condition of the poet in poetry “1999” by Achmad Mathar. The purpose of this research is to outline and to describe the text structure, and the social condition of the poet in that poetry. This research uses qualitative-descriptive method by elaborating of data text that contains words, phrases, or verses. The data were analyzed using the theory of strata Roman Ingarden norm and theory of solipsism. The result shows that the text structure in the poetry ”1999” by Achmad Mathar has five layers, namely the sound layer, the meaning layer, layer of things, the world layer, and metaphysical layer. The five layers of strata give rise to the impression of reading and provide in-depth meaning which can arouse the spirit of fighting to achieve independence. As for the social conditions of the poet expressed through two interrelated phenomenasof the poet. The phenomenons namely: Saddam Hussein's life story and cartoon Hanzhala by Nājī al-'Alī. Both have lofty ideals for freeing the Middle East from the influence of the West and its allies importances.</p>
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Marton, József. "Két elfelejtett vers Márton Áronról." Studia Theologica Transsylvaniensia 24, no. 1 (2021): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.52258/stthtr.2021.1.08.
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Jones, Julian Ward. "Catullus' Passer as Passer." Greece and Rome 45, no. 2 (1998): 188–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500033684.
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Poem 2 of the Liber Catullianus – the first of the passer poems – was probably the poet's most famous piece. The poem presents a charming and fascinating picture of a Roman matron who is said by the poet to divert her mind from her passion by playing with her pet bird. Of this seemingly innocent picture a peculiar esoteric interpretation was offered in the time of the Italian Renaissance. Toward the end of the fifteenth century, the Florentine scholar Angelo Poliziano suggested that Catullus had woven an obscene allegory into his poem, and he supported his argument by reference to the sixth epigram of Martial's eleventh book. This epigram is a vulgar poem that ends with the words ‘passerem Catulli’. It will figure prominently in our discussion below. Poliziano only hinted at an indecent meaning. The Dutch scholar, Isaac Voss, in his Observations on Catullus published in 1684, makes the matter explicit. The Greeks, he alleges, often used the names of birds to refer to a man's penis, and similarly passer in poem is ambiguous and at one level represents the poet's penis. By this obscene interpretation, the basic allegory of the poem would be something like this. Lesbia has great familiarity with the poet's male member. She delights in playing with it and in this way seems to satisfy her erotic impulses. The poet by means of similar play would like to take similar satisfaction for himself. He cannot because masturbation gives him no pleasure. According to Voss, this allegory continues in poem 3, the famous dirge for the dead passer. Here, he declares, we should suppose that the poet wishes to represent himself as ‘confectum et exhaustum lucta Venerea et funerata… ea parte quae virum facit’ (‘worn out and exhausted by a physical exertion erotic and deadly in regard to that part which makes a person a man’).
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Matthews, Victor J. "Propertius' Talking Horse." Classical Quarterly 41, no. 1 (1991): 259–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800003803.
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Squire, Michael. "‘HOW TO READ A ROMAN PORTRAIT’? OPTATIAN PORFYRY, CONSTANTINE AND THEVVLTVS AVGVSTI." Papers of the British School at Rome 84 (September 20, 2016): 179–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246216000064.
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This article takes its lead from research into the ‘language’ of Roman portraiture. More specifically, it explores a work that literalizes the idea of ‘reading’ a Roman portrait (to quote Sheldon Nodelman's classic phrase): a picture-poem by Publilius Optatianus Porfyrius — a much maligned poet active in the first decades of the fourth centuryad— that purports, through its iconotextual form, to visualize the countenance of the emperor Constantine (uultus Augusti). After a brief introduction to Optatian and hisœuvre, the article offers a close reading of his third poem, demonstrating the sophisticated ways in which it probes the latent iconic potential of written script. What particularly interests me about this case study is its underlying paradox: on the one hand, Optatian boasts that his painted page will outstrip antiquity's most celebrated painter (it ‘will dare outdo the waxes of Apelles’,uincere Apelleas audebit pagina ceras); on the other, the actual form of the picture seems to eschew mimetic modes of representation, rendering Constantine's ‘portrait’ a geometric pattern. So how should we make sense of this image? What does the poem reveal about ideas of portraiture in the fourth century? And how might we contextualize Optatian's abiding fascination with the limits of ‘seeing’ and ‘reading’?
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Carrasco García, Consuelo. "Una compraventa poética, Horacio, Epistola 2.2." Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis 85, no. 1-2 (2017): 79–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08512p04.
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A poetic sale. Horace, Epistula 2.2. Starting from the analysis of a poem by Horace, I have tried to highlight the image of the Law that was held by Roman society in the first century BC, that is, both by the poet and by the public that he wanted to entertain with his works. He chose a legal topic as the theme of his narrative – the responsibility for hidden defects in the contract of sale –; he applied the Roman legal lexicon with total precision and, more specifically, he showed that he was aware of the debate about the case-law related to the Edict by which the magistrates regulated the sale of slaves in the public markets. This is apparent from a comparison of the poem with book 21, title 1 of Justinian’s Digest concerning the Edict of the curule aediles and with documents from legal practice (testatio) that record the agreement of the will of the parties. A study of this kind, moreover, also contributes to a better understanding of poetic composition.
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Fernández Zambudio, Josefa. "Roma en la poesía de Ida Vitale: lengua, literatura y civilización." Nova Tellus 38, no. 2 (2020): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2020.38.2.0007.
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In this paper we focus on significant examples of the dialogue between the uruguayan poet Ida Vitale and the Roman World. We explore her reception of Rome through Latin Language and Roman Literature, Religion, Society, History and Archaeology. These elements are linked to the search of an accurate expression. The lack of studies on Ida Vitale, especially on Classical tradition, and the contextualization in her Poetics justify our contribution itself.
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Cullhed, Eric. "Bakgrunden till Kellgrens ”Öfver Propertii Buste”." 1700-tal: Nordic Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 11 (August 17, 2014): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/4.3085.
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The Background to Kellgren’s ”On a bust of Propertius”. This article examines the Swedish eighteenth-century poet Johan Henric Kellgren’s widely celebrated epigram “On a bust of Propertius” (“Öfver Propertii Buste eller Porträt”), published posthumously. An attractive but fanciful story about the poem as Kellgren’s autobiographical reflection and personal farewell on his deathbed has triggered an unwillingness among scholars to explore what the writer himself declares: that the piece is a translation of the epigram In statuam Propertii by the virtually unknown Italian Renaissance poet Guido Postumo Silvestri of Pesaro. The first section of the article surveys the intertextual field of Postumo’s poem and analyses its fusion of common tropes and motifs in the Greco-Roman and Neo-Latin ekphrastic epigram traditions. The second section traces the subsequent textual history of Postumo’s poem and the changes it underwent in reprints as well as in the eighteenth-century Danish philologist Frederik Plum’s translation into his native language. The third and final section focuses on Kellgren’s interpretation of the Danish text. It was through a process in several steps of reproductions and translations that the Neo-Latin creation was strained of its manierism, mythological references and allusions to late antique poetry, producing this pathos-driven swansong.
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Antunes, Leonardo. "O uso da sonoridade nas Odes Píticas de Píndaro." Nuntius Antiquus 5 (June 30, 2010): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.5.0.44-56.
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0cm 0cm 0pt; text-align: justify; line-height: normal; mso-layout-grid-align: none;"><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times-Roman; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">In this article, we will attempt to analyse certain aspects of Pindar’s style through the study of a few figures of speech that were used by the poet in the </span><em><span style="font-family: Times-Italic; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times-Italic; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">Pythian Odes</span></em><span style="font-family: Times-Roman; font-size: 10.5pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Times-Roman; mso-ansi-language: EN-US;" lang="EN-US">. We will also strive to understand the way by which those structural elements, mostly tied to sound, interact with the remaining aspects and content of those poems. During that analysis, it will become clear that, when studying a poet of great genius such as Pindar, one must read the text and see it through its own rules and, conversely, not by those commonly applied to similar types of poetry.</span></p>
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Hudon, William V., and William Crelly. "Marcello Giovanetti (1598-1631): A Poet of the Early Roman Baroque." Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 2 (1992): 398. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541935.
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Pomeroy, Arthur J. "Silius' Rome: The Rewriting of Vergil's Vision." Ramus 29, no. 2 (2000): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00001636.
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A recent English-language textbook on Greek and Roman historical epic begins its account of Silius Italicus by describing the author of the Punica as ‘not a literary person. Most of his long life was spent in the Roman civil service’. Then, after suggesting that the poet was seeking to make up for earlier missed opportunities by writing what is the longest surviving Latin epic, the potted biography concludes by declaring that his actual demise was in line with Stoic theory: ‘Silius met a bookish end…he starved himself to death.’While these remarks will not be left unchallenged, the very venom of the reaction to them is instructive. Scandalised, a reader of an earlier version of this paper thought that they should never be mentioned or at best buried in a footnote. After all, Wallace Stevens worked for a living too. No, show us that Silius is a good poet.
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Cain, Andrew. "TWO ALLUSIONS TO TERENCE,EUNUCHUS579 IN JEROME." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (2013): 407–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000559.
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During the Late Roman Empire Terence was the most revered and the most quoted classical Latin poet after Virgil. Among authors both pagan and Christian, none (to judge, of course, by the surviving written record) made as frequent or as creative literary use of his comedies as Jerome, one of the most accomplished polymaths in all of Latin antiquity. In his estimation Terence ranked, alongside Homer, Menander and Virgil, as one of the greatest of all poets. Jerome had an encyclopedic knowledge of Terence's dramatic corpus and quoted or appropriated phraseology from all six of his comedies. A significant number of these reminiscences have already been identified, but others await discovery. The purpose of the present study is to make a further contribution to this particular branch of HieronymianQuellenforschungby adducing and analysing two hitherto unrecognized allusions in Jerome's correspondence to Terence'sEunuchus, apparently one of the biggest blockbusters in the history of the Roman stage.
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Lahti, Katherine. "Ideophones in Vladimir Mayakovsky’s work." Pragmatics and Society 5, no. 3 (2014): 419–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.5.3.06lah.
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The Russian poet Vladimir Mayakovsky used ideophones to create meaning. In fact Mayakovsky constantly used ideophones in his poetic expression, part and parcel of the emphasis on sound in his poetry. In the 1910s he worked alongside the Moscow Linguistic Circle. To the end of his life in 1930 (due to suicide) the poet remained close friends with the important linguist Roman Jakobson. There is no doubt that his association with linguists led to Mayakovsky’s paying more attention to verbal form in his work; in particular, his use of ideophones is remarkable.
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Hunt, Maurice. "Jonson vs. Shakespeare: The Roman Plays." Ben Jonson Journal 23, no. 1 (2016): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.2016.0153.
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Critics rarely bring Ben Jonson's two Roman tragedies – Sejanus and Catiline – into proximity with Shakespeare's four Roman tragedies – Titus Andronicus, Julius Caesar, Antony and Cleopatra, and Coriolanus. Yet doing so in terms of some dramatic features they share illuminates qualities of these plays not easily discernible by other approaches to them. This is especially the case when one adds Shakespeare's tragicomedy Cymbeline to this grouping. Establishing metaphysical perspectives based on ironic Christian allusions in all but one of Shakespeare's Roman plays throws into relief a Catholic dimension of Sejanus and religious dynamics of Catiline more involved in this tragedy than previous critics have realized. Bringing Jonson's and Shakespeare's Roman drama into mutual play also focuses the homeopathic, neo-Aristotelian catharsis of Coriolanus by reference to those in Sejanus and Catiline, as well as the dangerous position of historians and poets in Roman society, as evidenced by the fates of Cordus in Sejanus and Cinna in Julius Caesar. The perceived bad verse of the latter writer clinches judgment against him, even as the vile rhymes of the nameless poet in Julius Caesar disqualifies him from forging amity between Cassius and Brutus. Analysis of the complexity of the most complicated character in Jonson's and Shakespeare's tragedies, respectively Brutus and the Cicero of Catiline, reveals that Jonson's orator combines traits identified with three characters of Julius Caesar: Cassius's capacity for cunning practices, Antony's oratorical eloquence, and Brutus's tragically unrealistic, naïve thinking. This inquiry thus suggests something rarely said of Jonson's tragedies: that he was capable of giving a character in tragedy complexity if not equal to that produced by Shakespeare, yet nevertheless approaching it.
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Grek, Leon, and Aaron Kachuck. "Tragic Time in Ben Jonson's Sejanus and Catiline." Translation and Literature 29, no. 1 (2020): 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2020.0413.
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This essay explores Ben Jonson's treatment of dramatic and historical time in his Roman tragedies, Sejanus His Fall (1603) and Catiline His Conspiracy (1611). Although the plays conspicuously fail to respect neoclassical strictures about the unity of time, both reproduce the temporal compression of Greek and Roman tragedy through their sustained intertextual engagements with a wide range of Roman source texts, including, above all, Lucan's Bellum Civile, and the works of the late antique court poet Claudian. The ultimate effect of these quotations, allusions, and reminiscences is to transform Jonson's dramas of early imperial corruption and late Republican civil conflict into proleptic visions of Roman history as a phantasmagoria of unceasing political violence, extending to the ends of both classical antiquity and classical literature.
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Hine, Harry M. "Rome, the Cosmos, and the Emperor in Seneca's Natural Questions." Journal of Roman Studies 96 (November 2006): 42–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000006784016224.
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This paper examines the political content and context of Seneca's Natural Questions. It argues that, on the one hand, Rome is marginalized in the context of the immensity of the cosmos; and philosophy is elevated above traditional Roman pursuits, including political activity and historical writing. But at the same time the work is firmly anchored in its Roman geo-political context; Seneca situates himself in a long and continuing tradition of investigation of the natural world, where Roman writers can stand alongside Greeks and others; and the current emperor Nero is presented not just as princeps and poet, but as sponsor of geographical and scientific investigation.