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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman poets'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Vardi, Amiel D. "An anthology of early Latin epigrams? A ghost reconsidered." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (May 2000): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.147.

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In Book 19, chapter 9 of the Nodes Atticae Gellius describes the birthday party of a young Greek of equestrian rank at which a group of professional singers entertained the guests by performing poems by Anacreon, Sappho, ‘et poetarum quoque recentium ⋯λεγεῖα quaedam erotica’ (4). After the singing, Gellius goes on, some of the Greek συμπόται present challenged Roman achievements in erotic poetry, excepting only Catullus and Calvus, and criticized in particular Laevius, Hortensius, Cinna, and Memmius. Rising to meet this charge, Gellius’ teacher of rhetoric, Antonius Julianus, admits the superiority of the Greeks in what he calls ‘cantilenarum mollitiae’ in general (8), but to show that the Romans too have some good erotic poets, he recites four early Latin love epigrams, by Valerius Aedituus (frs. 1 and 2), Porcius Licinus (fr. 6), and Lutatius Catulus (fr. I). The same three poets are listed in the same order in Apuleius’ Apology in a list of amatory poets which he provides in order to establish precedents and thus invalidate his prosecutors’ referral to his erotic poems in their accusation (Apul. Apol. 9). Catulus is also enumerated in Pliny's list of Roman dignitaries who composed ‘uersiculos seueros parum’ like his own (Ep. 5.3.5), and an amatory epigram of his is cited by Cicero in De Natura Deorum 1.79 (fr. 2). We possess no further evidence connecting the other two with the composition of either erotic or, more generally, ‘light’ verse, but a poem by Porcius Licinus on Roman literary history is attested by several sources including Varro, Suetonius, and Gellius himself.

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Mayer, Roland. "Geography and Roman Poets." Greece and Rome 33, no. 1 (April 1986): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500029958.

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The varied erudition of Catullus and of later Roman poets is wellknown. Among themselves doctus became a term of praise. So the modern reader has to spend some time acquiring the knack of appreciating this showy learning, and a student consults commentaries for instruction in myth and metre, star-lore, and place-names. My concern is with place-names, because they are not, speaking generally, given adequate treatment in the commentaries on Catullus, the Eclogues, or the Odes, which are designed for sixth-form and undergraduate use. An aspect of the learning of the poets goes largely unremarked, or if noticed, too often receives inadequate comment. The main purpose of this article is to restore to proper prominence the innovations made in the use of local names and adjectives by the Latin poets. Complete originality is not claimed; much of this knowledge, it will become clear, is to be found in the professional commentaries, for example, Pfeiffer on Callimachus, Nisbet-Hubbard on Horace, Gow-Page on the epigrammatists, Kroll on Catullus. But the information is scattered or patchy and needs to be brought together and fleshed out so that it impresses by its concentration. Only then will serious attention be paid to the poets' practice.

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Yardley, J. C. "Propertius 4.5, Ovid Amores 1.6 and Roman Comedy." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 33 (1987): 179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500004983.

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‘The absence of Roman comedy … from the influences which the [Augustan] poets like to name proves only that they were not creditable, not in fashion, not that they had made no contribution.’ So Jasper Griffin in his recent book on the Roman poets. Griffin observes that scholars have been deterred from postulating Roman comic influence on the Augustan poets merely by the ‘magisterial pronouncements of the great scholars’, and he amasses considerable circumstantial evidence to support his theory that the Augustan poets, and especially the elegists, were indeed indebted to Roman comedy. He observes, for example, that Cicero provides evidence for the continuing popularity of Roman drama; that (a very important point) Horace complains of the popularity of the Roman comedians whom ‘powerful Rome learns by heart’ (Epist.2.1.60-1); that the same poet, despite his denigration of Roman comedy, obviously knew and referred to it; that Roman comedy seems to be the source, or a source, for the ‘naughtiness’ of elegy and the rejection of traditional Roman values (with the comicamatoresdistressed by contemporarymoresand the elegists flouting them); that if the elegists do not acknowledge their debt to the Roman comic poets, then no more does Horace in theOdesacknowledge his manifest indebtedness to Hellenistic poetry, claiming instead to be following Sappho and Alcaeus.

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McNelis, Charles. "Greek Grammarians and Roman Society during the Early Empire: Statius' Father and his Contemporaries." Classical Antiquity 21, no. 1 (April 1, 2002): 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2002.21.1.67.

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Statius' Silvae 5.3 is a poem written in honor of the poet's dead father. In the course of the poem, Statius recounts his father's life and achievements. Prominent among these accomplishments are the years the elder Statius spent as a teacher of Greek poetry——a grammarian——in Naples. Statius tells us which Greek poets his father taught and to whom. The content and audience of Statius' father's instruction form the basis of this paper. A number of the Greek poets taught by Statius' father are not obvious candidates for inclusion in a course of instruction in Greek poetry. Lycophron, Corinna or Epicharmus, for instance, are not commonly found in other accounts of Greek education in Roman Italy during the early empire. The elder Statius' pedagogical activity has thus been viewed as a Neapolitan peculiarity. Yet, I argue, the same authors taught by Statius' father were the focus of grammarians who were working in Rome itself. The curriculum of Statius' father is thus representative of Greek intellectual activity in early imperial Rome. The pedagogical activity of Statius senior is relevant to Roman intellectual history in a second way. His students consisted of aristocrats from around the Bay of Naples and southern Italy. Some of these students were likely Roman. So too the students of the Greek grammarians working in Rome likely encountered young Romans. How did the study of some mainstream and some recondite Greek poets fit into the éélite discourse of the early empire? I argue that knowledge of the poets taught by the elder Statius was geared towards marking off the éélite from the non-éélite. Students of grammarians such as Statius' father were given the tools to engage in aristocratic discourse, which constituted a claim for prestige and honor in early imperial Rome.

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Putnam, Michael C. J., and Jasper Griffin. "Latin Poets and Roman Life." Classical World 80, no. 6 (1987): 458. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350113.

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6

Ziolkowski, Theodore. "Why Roman Poets In Modern Guise? Reception Of Roman Poets Since World War I." Arion: A Journal of the Humanities and the Classics 25, no. 2 (2017): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arn.2017.0036.

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Theodore Ziolkowski. "Why Roman Poets In Modern Guise? Reception Of Roman Poets Since World War I." Arion: A Journal of Humanities and the Classics 25, no. 2 (2017): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/arion.25.2.0015.

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Versiani dos Anjos, Carlos. "A Arcádia Romana e a Arcádia Ultramarina: diálogos literários entre a Itália e o Brasil na segunda metade do século XVIII / The Roman Arcadia and the Arcadia Ultramarina: Literary Dialogues between Italy and Brazil in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century." O Eixo e a Roda: Revista de Literatura Brasileira 28, no. 3 (September 3, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2358-9787.28.3.83-114.

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Resumo: Este trabalho visa apresentar as relações literárias entre árcades brasileiros da segunda metade do século XVIII e a Arcádia Romana, a que alguns destes árcades eram filiados, ou a ela associados por intermédio da chamada Arcádia Ultramarina, academia criada no Brasil, na capitania de Minas Gerais, por Cláudio Manuel da Costa. O artigo analisa os primórdios da Arcádia Romana e seus teóricos precursores; o movimento dos poetas brasileiros na Europa e no Brasil, para a criação de uma colônia ultramarina daquela Academia; os esforços de Basílio da Gama, Seixas Brandão e Cláudio Manuel neste empreendimento; a participação do poeta Silva Alvarenga, também como crítico literário; e a recepção crítica sobre a existência e significado da Arcádia Ultramarina, nas suas relações com a Arcádia Romana, entre estudiosos contemporâneos da Itália e do Brasil.Palavras-chave: Arcádia Romana; Arcádia Ultramarina; século XVIII; Literatura Arcádica; História da Literatura.Abstract: We aim to present the literary relations between Brazilian arcadians in the second half of the eighteenth century and the Roman Arcadia, in which some of these arcadians were affiliated or associated to the so-called Arcadia Ultramarina, an academy created in Brazil, in the captaincy of Minas Gerais, by Cláudio Manuel da Costa. We analyze the beginning of the Roman Arcadia and its precursor theorists; the movement of Brazilian poets in Europe and Brazil, for the creation of an overseas colony of that Academy; the efforts of Basilio da Gama, Seixas Brandão and Cláudio Manuel in this venture; the participation of the poet Silva Alvarenga, also as a literary critic; and the critical reception on the existence and significance of the Arcadia Ultramarina in its relations with the Roman Arcadia among contemporary scholars from Italy and Brazil.Keywords: Roman Arcadia; Arcadia Ultramarina; XVIII Century; Arcadian Literature; History of Literature.

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Flores Militello, Vicente. "Venationes en la poesía latina tardoimperial. El poder de la arena y su final." Nova Tellus 39, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 113–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.nt.2021.39.2.79286.

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This article analyzes various passages from Claudian’s and Gorippus’s political poems (Claud., Ruf., 2; Theod.; Stil., 3; VI Hon.; Goripp., Laud. Iust. Min., 3) which describe hunting games in the Roman arena (venationes) and have communicative aims: they either praise officeholders (consuls, generals, and emperors), or they criticize their opponents. This theme plays a fundamental role in early imperial poetry. But while early imperial poets (Calpurnius, Statius, Martial, and Juvenal) convey their message of praise or invective with briefer passages, Claudian and Gorippus present concatenated scenes, with the effect of increasingly persuading and impressing the reader. The role of the venatorial subject in Christian poets such as Prudentius (Prud., Ham.; c. Symm.) will be treated as well. Finally, this essay aims to establish when venationes are last attested in (late) Roman poetry.

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Traill, A. "Menander's "Thais" and the Roman Poets." Phoenix 55, no. 3/4 (2001): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089122.

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Koloski-Ostrow, Ann Olga, A. J. Boyle, and J. P. Sullivan. "Roman Poets of the Early Empire." Classical World 86, no. 3 (1993): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351350.

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12

JOHN, ALISON. "LEARNING GREEK IN LATE ANTIQUE GAUL." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (December 2020): 846–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838821000112.

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Greek had held an important place in Roman society and culture since the Late Republican period, and educated Romans were expected to be bilingual and well versed in both Greek and Latin literature. The Roman school ‘curriculum’ was based on Hellenistic educational culture, and in the De grammaticis et rhetoribus Suetonius says that the earliest teachers in Rome, Livius and Ennius, were ‘poets and half Greeks’ (poetae et semigraeci), who taught both Latin and Greek ‘publicly and privately’ (domi forisque docuisse) and ‘merely clarified the meaning of Greek authors or gave exemplary readings from their own Latin compositions’ (nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi Latine composuissent praelegebant, Gram. et rhet. 1–2). Cicero, the Latin neoteric poets and Horace are obvious examples of bilingual educated Roman aristocrats, but also throughout the Imperial period a properly educated Roman would be learned in utraque lingua. The place of Greek in Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria reveals the importance and prevalence of Greek in Roman education and literature in the late first century a.d. Quintilian argues that children should learn both Greek and Latin but that it is best to begin with Greek. Famously, in the second century a.d. the Roman author Apuleius gave speeches in Greek to audiences in Carthage, and in his Apologia mocked his accusers for their ignorance of Greek.

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Hallett, Judith P. "Catullus and Horace on Roman Women Poets." Antichthon 40 (2006): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001660.

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We treasure both Gaius Valerius Catullus and Quintus Horatius Flaccus for their literary gifts and for their lyrics on the power of love and the pleasures of sophisticated urban living. We also, and often, treasure Catullus and Horace together; after all, both poets share a number of distinctive interests: metrically, stylistically, thematically, and what one might call professionally.Among these common professional interests is their shared literary debt to a female predecessor, the early sixth century BCE Greek poet Sappho. For this reason alone, one might expect Catullus and Horace to acknowledge the presence and activity of female poets, and especially women erotic poets, in their own Roman milieu. I would like to argue that both Catullus and Horace in fact make such acknowledgments, but do so in strikingly different ways.

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Trevizam, Matheus. "OS ENSINAMENTOS AMOROSOS DE OVÍDIO COTEJADOS COM OS DE LUCRÉCIO ('DE RERUM NATURA' IV) | OVID’S TEACHINGS ON LOVE COMPARED WITH LUCRETIUS’ ('DE RERUM NATURA' IV)." Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, no. 55 (December 1, 2016): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/2176-4794ell.v0i55.16591.

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<p>A preceptística galante de Ovídio, constituída pela <em>Ars amatoria </em>e pelos <em>Remedia amoris</em>, encontra paralelos no final do livro IV do <em>De rerum natura</em> de Lucrécio, no qual esse poeta desenvolve assuntos em nexo com os temas de <em>amor </em>e <em>Venus</em>. Em Lucrécio, as ideias expressas sobre o amor vinculam-se, sobretudo, ao Epicurismo, enquanto Ovídio transforma <em>tópoi</em> e situações da elegia erótica romana para a composição temática de seus poemas. Nosso objetivo, nesta exposição, será apontar eventuais pontos de contato entre as “teorias do amor” de um e outro autor romano, bem como algumas de suas diferenças. </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong><em> </em><em>Ovid’s teachings on love, which constitutes </em>Ars Amatoria<em> and </em>Remedia Amoris<em>, evokes parallels in the final part of Lucretius’ </em>De Rerum Natura<em> IV, where this poet develops themes related to the subjects of </em>amor<em> and Venus. In </em>De Rerum Natura <em>IV</em>, <em>the ideas expressed about love are mainly connected with Epicureanism, whereas Ovid transforms </em>tópoi<em> and situations from Roman love elegy in order to achieve the thematic composition of his poems. The purpose of this discussion is to point out potential coincidences between the “theories of love” of both Roman poets as well as some points of divergence between them</em>.</p>

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Zapkin, Phillip. "Petrifyin’: Canonical Counter-Discourse in Two Caribbean Women’s Medusa Poems." Humanities 11, no. 1 (February 7, 2022): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11010024.

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This essay utilizes Helen Tiffin’s idea of canonical counter-discourse to read the Medusa poems of Shara McCallum and Dorothea Smartt, two female Caribbean poets. Essentially, canonical counter-discourse involves authors rewriting works or giving voice to peripheral/silenced characters from the literary canon to challenge inequalities upheld by power structures such as imperialism and patriarchy. McCallum’s and Smartt’s poems represent Medusa to reflect their own concerns as women of color from Jamaica and Barbados, respectively. McCallum’s “Madwoman as Rasta Medusa” aligns the titular character from her book Madwoman with Medusa to express Madwoman’s righteous anger at the “wanton” and “gravalicious” ways of a Babylon addressed in second person. Smartt’s series of Medusa poems from Connecting Medium explore the pain of hair and skin treatments Black women endure to try and meet Euro-centric beauty standards, as well as the struggles of immigrants, particularly people of color. Both poets claim Medusa as kindred, empowering Medusa as a figure with agency—which she is denied in the Greco-Roman sources—and simultaneously legitimizing both Caribbean literature and the poets’ feminist and post-colonial protests by linking them to the cultural capital of the classics.

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Kruschwitz, Peter. "POETRY ON THE ADVANCE: THE EMERGENCE AND FORMATION OF A POETIC CULTURE IN ROMAN BRITAIN." Greece and Rome 67, no. 2 (October 2020): 177–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383520000054.

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The way in which the Roman army, as a major factor contributing to relative mobility of individuals within the Roman Empire, may be thought of as a driver behind the diffusion and general dynamic of Roman poetry and song, has not sufficiently been explored. Similarly, regionalized approaches to poetry and song as a cultural practice, subject to local, ethnic, social, and cultural variation and change, have not yet been pursued in a research context in which Roman poetry has largely remained a domain of study in upper-class entertainment and intertextuality. Not only is the common approach at odds with a methodology that has long, and successfully, been adopted otherwise in historical and linguistic research: it also excludes the vast majority of surviving poems from the Roman world, the Carmina Latina Epigraphica, from consideration – a body of texts that provides us with information about a cultural practice that, subject to substantial regional variation, literary poets stylized and drove to its artistic extremes.

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Brouwers, J. H. "Einige Bemerkungen zu Grotius' Lucan-Nachahmung." Grotiana 9, no. 1 (1988): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607588x00064.

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AbstractGrotius' Latin poetry is typical for its manifold reminiscences of examples from Roman antiquity. His favourite Latin poets were Lucan, Manilius, Statius and Claudian. Especially the influence of the first-mentioned poet (whose work was also edited by Grotius with critical notes) is prominent. It is shown here by some examples from the Genealogia Nassaviorum (1601), the Silva in Annales Borrhii (1603) and other poems in what way Grotius made use of Lucan.

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Harrison, S. J. "Augustus, the Poets, and the Spolia Opima." Classical Quarterly 39, no. 2 (December 1989): 408–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037472.

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The winning of the ultimate military honour of spolia opima, spoils taken personally from an enemy commander killed by a Roman commander, traditionally occurred only three times in Roman history, the winners being Romulus in the legendary period, A. Cornelius Cossus in either 437 or 426 and M. Claudius Marcellus in 222 B.C.1 The dedication-place of these special spoils was the temple of Jupiter Feretrius on the Capitol, traditionally founded by Romulus for the purpose, and considered the oldest temple in Rome (Livy 1.10.7): the god was said to draw his name either from the fact that the spolia opima were carried (ferre) up to the Capitol by the victorious general in person, or from the fact that the general had to strike down(ferire) his opposite number before such spoils could be won.

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Karabowicz, Tadeusz. "LITERARY STUDIES OF THE CREATIVITY OF ROMAN BABOVAL IN THE RESEARCH OF THE NEW YORK GROUP." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.167-175.

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The article is devoted to the scientific interests of Ukrainian literary critics by the work of the Ukrainian poet Roman Baboval, against the backdrop of wider studies of the New York Group. Therefore, features of ontological models of creativity of a well-known representative of Ukrainian diaspora poetry are highlighted. The aspect of the genre and style dynamics of the poet’s creative resources is considered. Characterized by the evolution of the work of Roman Baboval against the background of the New York group in different dimensions of the artistic systems that the poet found- ed. It is proposed to provide the creative phenomenon of Roman Baboval, a poet of the second half of the 20th century, an axiomatic aspect in Ukrainian diaspora literature, but against the backdrop of scientific literary rethinking. Roman Babowal – Ukrainian Belgian poet, a member of the New York Group and author of many books of poetry in Ukrainian and French, among them “The Deceit of Milk,” “Letters to Lovers,” and “Travelers of the Probable.” He also compiled and implemented on the Internet “A Virtual Anthology of the Poetry of the New York Group” Roman Babowal died on June 15 in Mintigny-le-Tilleul, Belgium. He is survived by his wife and daughter. The phenomenon of the New York Group com- prises two generations of Ukrainian émigré poets residing, despite the group’s name, on three continents (North America, South America and Europe). New York City, however, has always constituted a seminal point of reference and its name signified an innovative approach to Ukrainian poetry. Yet the significance of New York is not just symbolic. This is indeed the place where in the mid-1950s the group originated, imbuing the postwar Ukrainian literary émigré milieu with the avant-gardist spirit and fresh designs. The poets eagerly experimented with poetic forms, privileging vers libre and meta- phor as well as embraced such fashionable at the time artistic and philosophical trends as surrealism and existentialism. By the early 1960s all seven members of the New York Group (Bohdan Boychuk, Yuriy Tarnawsky, Zhenia Vasyl’kivs’ka, Bohdan Rubchak, Patricia Kylyna, Emma Andijewska and Vira Vovk) published at least one poetry collection; in fact, a majority had by then two or even three books to their credit. In addition, the author focuses on the group’s initial, and most active, period—from the mid-1950s to 1971. There were also latecomers: Yuriy Kolomyiets, Oleh Kowerko, Marco Carynnyk, and Roman Babowal, all of whom joined the NYG in the late 1960s, and Maria Rewakowicz herself, who be- came part of the group during the time of its revival in the mid-1980s; these poets are mentioned only briefly and in pass- ing. At that early stage the poetic output of the group’s members formed a genuine aesthetic alternative to socialist realism, still much prevalent in Ukraine of the 1950s under the communist regime. This informal association of Ukrainian– émigré modernist poets—loosely connected with New York, in spite of the fact that their actual places of residence were sometimes as far as Munich or Rio de Janeiro—was not widely influential at the time that it was active. Today, however, the work of these poets is generally accepted as an important stage in the evolution of Ukrainian modernist literature.

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Gagliardi, Paola. "TRIUMPH IN OVID: BETWEEN LITERARY TRADITION AND AUGUSTAN PROPAGANDA." Greece and Rome 69, no. 2 (September 6, 2022): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738352200002x.

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The Roman triumph is treated by the Augustan poets from a literary and political perspective. Ovid in particular gives it original and ambiguous features. The topic is often presented as the prediction of a triumph, a point of view perhaps inherited from Gallus. Propertius innovates from the Gallan original, and Ovid uses Propertius’ treatment for further innovations. In his exile poetry, Ovid makes further substantial changes to the use of the triumph, which raises pointed questions as to the poet's sincerity in his apparent praise of Augustus and Tiberius.

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Miazek-Męczyńska, Monika. "Lukrecja – wzór dla Rzymianek. Historia niezbyt słodka." Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 31, no. 1 (October 12, 2021): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2021.xxxi.1.12.

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The article presents the story of Lucrece, legendary heroine and noble wife of Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, whose suicide was presented many times in the ancient Roman and Renaissance literature by historiographers and poets. The author compares few versions of Lucrece’s story focusing on her virtues (like castitas, obstinata pudicitia, decus muliebris) that became canonical features characterising the Roman matrona.

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Doreski, William. "Dante and the Roman Poets in Robert Lowell's "History"." Modern Language Studies 18, no. 2 (1988): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3194765.

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Swartz, Michael D. "Singing in the Vernacular: Response." Aramaic Studies 17, no. 2 (December 9, 2019): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01702004.

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Abstract One of the most significant themes shared by the studies in this issue is intertextuality. Several authors conduct systematic analyses of the relationship between Aramaic poems and their biblical antecedents, while one study argues that the repetition of refrains in Jewish Aramaic poetry has much in common with the practice of public acclamation in the Greco-Roman world. Each of these studies also advances the question of the Sitz im Leben of Jewish Aramaic poetry in Palestine in late antiquity, including the context of its performance. The historical context of these poems is reflected in the way the poets addressed the conditions of their times. This response ends by singling out a number of further questions.

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Babnis, Tomasz. "Augustan Poets on the Roman-Parthian Treaty of 20 BC." Classica Cracoviensia 20 (March 30, 2018): 5–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.20.2017.20.01.

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From the moment Rome established contacts with the Parthian empire in the 1st century BC, its relations with the eastern neighbour became one of the most important points of Roman foreign policy. Attempts to subjugate Parthia ended in Rome’s crushing defeat at Carrhae in 53 BC. Having taken over power in the Roman Republic, Octavian Augustus became much more active in his oriental policy, wishing to erase the shame brought upon Rome by the defeat. The peace treaty signed in 20 BC was the Emperor’s diplomatic success and was presented as a great triumph by the Roman propaganda. In this paper, I analyse several frag-ments referring to this agreement in the works of the Augustan poets Horace, Propertius and Ovid. The works, written over almost three decades, present this event from various perspectives. On the one hand, they show a strong intermixture of politics and literature, and on the other hand, great talent and artistic skill of the poets writing creatively about issues which were current in Rome at the time.

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Perea Yébenes, Sabino. "La urna de Luscinia Philumena. Consideraciones sobre su atribución romana y su carmen epigraphicum = The Urn of Luscinia Philumena. Considerations about its Roman Attribution and its Carmen Epigraphicum." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 31 (November 27, 2018): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.31.2018.23035.

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Estudiamos una urna romana que se exhibe en el Museo Lázaro Galdiano de Madrid. Tiene una inscripción poética realizada en los primeros años del siglo XVII, inspirada en los poetas latinos de Re Rustica y de Historia Natural, texto latino considerado espurio por CIL 06, *3461. Hacemos un análisis iconográfico del monumento y un análisis filológico del poema, ofreciendo una nueva traducción del mismo. Se ofrecen imágenes inéditas de la urna.We studied a Roman urn that is exhibited at the Museo Lázaro Galdiano in Madrid. It has a poetic inscription made in the early years of the seventeenth century, inspired by the Latin poets of Re Rustica and Naturalis Historia. The Latin text of the inscription was rightly considered spurious by the CIL editors. We make an iconographic analysis of the monument and a philological analysis of the poem, offering a new translation of it. Unpublished images of the urn are offered, especially the epigraphic text.

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Nowicka-Jeżowa, Alina. "Poeci polscy doby humanizmu wobec Rzymu / Polish Poets of the Age of Humanism and Rome." Ruch Literacki 53, no. 6 (December 1, 2012): 631–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10273-012-0039-6.

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Summary Based on earlier research, and especially Tadeusz Ulewicz’s landmark study Iter Romano- -Italicum Polonorum, or the Intellectual and Cultural Links between Poland and Italy in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (1999) this article examines the influence of Rome - in its role as the Holy See and a centre of learning and the arts - on Poland’s culture in the 15th and 16th century as well as on the activities of Polish churchmen, scholars and writers who came to the Eternal City. The aim of the article is to trace the role of the emerging Humanist themes and attitudes on the shape of the cultural exchange in question. It appears that the Roman connection was a major factor in the history of Polish Humanism - its inner development, its transformations, and the ideological and artistic choices made by the successive generations of the Polish elite. In the 15th century the Roman inspirations helped to initiate the Humanist impulse in Poland, while in the 16th century they stimulated greater diversity and a search for one’s own way of development. In the post-Tridentine epoch they became a potent element of the Poland’s new cultural formation. Against the background of these generalizations, the article presents the cultural profiles of four poets, Mikołaj of Hussów, Klemens Janicjusz, Jan Kochanowski, and Mikołaj Sęp Szarzyński. They symbolize the four phases of the Polish Humanist tradition, which draw their distinctive identities from looking up to the Roman model

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Mullen, Alex, and R. S. O. Tomlin. "More from the Romano-British Poets? A Possible Metrical Inscription from East Farleigh, Kent." Britannia 50 (May 8, 2019): 367–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x19000084.

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ABSTRACTA four-line inscription in Old Roman Cursive on a pot base found in excavations in East Farleigh, Kent, in 2010 appears to be written (at least in part) in metre and has close textual similarities with examples from Binchester, Co. Durham. We describe the new text and then offer some thoughts about the possible relationship of these British texts to extant Latin verse and consider how to interpret the Kentish piece in context. Although much remains uncertain in our understanding of the text, it is a significant addition to the Romano-British corpus.

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Śnieżewski, Stanisław. "The Poetic Structure of Silius Italicus' Punica (Books I-V)." Classica Cracoviensia 22 (October 29, 2020): 91–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/cc.20.2019.22.04.

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The Poetic Structure of Silius Italicus' Punica (Books I-V) As concerns their poetic structure, the first five books of Silius’ Punica are very differentiated and complicated. However, all the events of the represented world concentrate around Hannibal and his improba virtus. Historical and mythological ekphrases are connected with Hannibal’s deeds. Aetiological stories seem to be invented by Silius himself. The panegyrical elements refer mainly to Domitian. Prolepses especially deserve to be noticed. Silius is influenced by learned Hellenistic poets, as well as Roman authors, mainly Ennius, Vergil, Lucan, Valerius Flaccus. In fact the author of the Punica can be described as poeta doctus.

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Horsley, G. H. R. "Homer in Pisidia: Aspects of the History of Greek Education in a remote Roman Province." Antichthon 34 (November 2000): 46–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001179.

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In the pantheon of poets of all cultures and ages, Homer (however we respond to the ‘Homeric Question’) has a unique place. His primacy is due to the fact that his two epic poems encapsulated Hellenic culture, both for the Greeks themselves, and for others steeped in the ‘European tradition’ whether in antiquity or in subsequent ages. So much is this the case that the very name ‘Homer’ became an abstraction, summing up what it was to be Hellenic. All literature written by Greeks, in the Archaic, Classical, Hellenistic, and Imperial periods, and much that was produced by others (including in Latin), looks back to the Iliad and the Odyssey, takes its rise from them, finds its locus in them. A canonicity was conferred on these poems such as on no other Greek text in equal degree. If Shakespeare was representative of an entire age in one culture, Homer summed up a culture itself.

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Flood, John. "Neglected heroines? Women poets laureate in the Holy Roman Empire." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 84, no. 3 (September 2002): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.84.3.3.

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Rosivach, Vincent J. "Love and leisure in Roman comedy and the amatory poets." L'antiquité classique 55, no. 1 (1986): 175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1986.2176.

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Vasconcellos, Paulo Sérgio De. "Images of Dead Poets in Roman Elegiac and Lyric Underworld." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 30, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v30i2.436.

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Greene, Robin J. "Post-Classical Greek Elegy and Lyric Poetry." Brill Research Perspectives in Classical Poetry 2, no. 2 (June 17, 2021): 1–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25892649-12340004.

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Abstract This volume traces the development of Greek elegy and lyric in the hands of Hellenistic and Roman-era poets, from literary superstars such as Callimachus and Theocritus to more obscure, often anonymous authors. Designed as a guide for advanced students and scholars working in adjacent fields, this volume introduces and explores the diverse body of surviving later Greek elegy and lyric, contextualizes it within Hellenistic and Roman culture and politics, and surveys contemporary critical interpretations, methodological approaches, and avenues for future study.

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Feeney, Denis. "CATULLUS 61: EPITHALAMIUM AND COMPARISON." Cambridge Classical Journal 59 (August 6, 2013): 70–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270513000043.

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Similes are a prominent feature of epithalamia, with poets comparing the bride and groom to characters from myth or to elements of the natural world. Catullus wrote two epithalamia (61 and 62), together with two other poems with marked epithalamian characteristics (64 and 68). This paper examines the question of why similes are so important to the genre of epithalamium, concentrating on Catullus 61, which is particularly rich in its deployment of comparison. The paper argues that comparison is crucial to the themes of Roman marriage: similes locate the human institution of marriage between the poles of myth and nature, and they afford a vehicle for considering the way marriage links together the disparate terms of male and female.

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Baskins, Cristelle. "Writing the Dead: Pietro Della Valle and the Tombs of Shirazi Poets." Muqarnas Online 34, no. 1 (October 8, 2017): 197–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993_03401p008.

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This essay explores the impact of the Shirazi poets Saʿdi and Hafiz on the famous Baroque traveler, Pietro della Valle. Hitherto unexplained features of the magnificent funeral he designed for his Syrian Christian wife, Sitti Maʿani Gioerida, in Rome (1627) can be related to the poets’ tombs he had seen in Shiraz immediately following her untimely demise. In Safavid Iran, Della Valle was impressed by the production of commemorative poetry as well as by the virtuosic calligraphy that functioned as both word and image. He approved of the funerary complexes that created a community of poets both living and dead. The Roman funeral of 1627 not only displayed Della Valle’s literary erudition, it also emulated social, poetic, and artistic elements of the tomb shrines he had seen on his travels.

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Marincola, John. "Shored Against Our Ruins." Journal of Roman Studies 106 (April 5, 2016): 237–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435816000307.

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These are exciting times for the study of Roman literature. New editions of the fragmentary poets and prose writers either have appeared or are in preparation, while renewed interest in the nature and character of the early Roman audience, and in the development of Roman literature itself, has sought to explain the larger context in which these writings arose and were read. Monographs and commentaries on early writers and genres have appeared in profusion, with four volumes on Ennius'Annalsalone published within two years, at least one of which has raised serious questions of what we can and cannot know of the structure, orientation and contents of a poem that was (uniquely) influential on both later poetry and history.

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Clinton Simms, R. "Persius' Prologue and Early Modern English Satire." Translation and Literature 22, no. 1 (March 2013): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.2013.0098.

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The established perception that early modern English satirists imitated either Juvenal or Horace has left the reception of Persius under-explored. This paper demonstrates with particular reference to the ‘Prologue’ to Satire 1 that early modern writers were eager to engage the Roman poet, indeed more eager to adapt Persius than merely imitate him. Persius is less easy to detect, being so often more creatively interwoven with English poets’ own concerns, than the other two Roman satirists. What makes his satiric presence among these authors unique is the variety of modulations.

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Colonna, Valentina. "The Voice of Poets in the Roman Area. A Phonetic Study on the Writings of Five Contemporary Poets." Quaestiones Romanicae IX, no. 2 (May 10, 2022): 174–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.35923/qr.09.02.15.

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Connon, Derek. "Roman Poets in Modern Guise: The Reception of Roman Poetry since World War I by Theodore Ziolkowski." Modern Language Review 116, no. 2 (2021): 359–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2021.0118.

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Lowe, Dunstan. "WOMEN SCORNED: A NEW STICHOMETRIC ALLUSION IN THE AENEID." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 442–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838812000742.

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Intense scrutiny can raise chimaeras, and Virgil is the most scrutinized of Roman poets, but he may have engineered coincidences in line number (‘stichometric allusions’) between certain of his verses and their Greek models. A handful of potential examples have now accumulated. Scholars have detected Virgilian citations of Homer, Callimachus and Aratus in this manner, as well as intratextual allusions by both Virgil and Ovid, and references to Virgil's works by later Roman poets using the same technique. (For present purposes I disregard the separate, though related, phenomenon of corresponding numbers of lines in parallel passages: G. Knauer, Die Aeneis und Homer (Göttingen, 1964) suggests several examples of such correspondences between Homer and Virgil, especially in speeches. Another purely formal mode of allusion faintly present in Roman poetry is homophonic translation (the technique which Louis Zukofsky's 1969 translations of Catullus pursue in extenso); thus Virgil's fagus, beech, corresponds with Theocritus' phagos, oak.) If genuine, the phenomenon lacks any consistent method or regular pattern (and the degree of plausibility varies); if genuine, it is very rare, even if accidents in textual transmission could have obscured some examples; if genuine, it probably originated in the Hellenistic period, although such a case has yet to be made. Virgil presently seems the earliest and most copious practitioner of stichometric allusion. A previously undetected example in the Aeneid is proposed below.

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Vazquez, Adriana. "The cruelest harvest: Virgilian agricultural pessimism in the poetry of the Brazilian colonial period." Classical Receptions Journal 12, no. 4 (July 26, 2020): 445–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/claa006.

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Abstract Classical imagery and mythological narratives provided ready literary analogues for framing European expansion into the New World in the colonial and early modern periods. This article examines the manipulation of classical images of agricultural fecundity and Virgilian pessimism in select works of two Brazilian poets working in the neoclassical tradition during the colonial period, José Basílio da Gama (1740–95) and Inácio José de Alvarenga Peixoto (1744–93), by which both poets advance a critique of Iberian expansion into Latin America. I argue that both poets, writing in dialogue with one another, activate an especially Virgilian agricultural imagery that sets war in contradiction to agricultural production in a post-colonial critique of European imperialist expansion into Brazil. The poetry of these figures exhibits a remarkable reversal of sympathies that distinguishes South American treatment of ancient material from that of European receptions that aligned imperial Europe with the Roman empire and its traditional heroes, a comparison established in order to justify colonialist expansion into the New World.

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Thomas, Richard F. "Review Article: Turning Back the ClockLatin Poets and Roman Life. Jasper Griffin." Classical Philology 83, no. 1 (January 1988): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367083.

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Garthwaite, John. "The Panegyrics of Domitian in Martial Book 9." Ramus 22, no. 1 (1993): 78–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002551.

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The rich diversity of Martial's Epigrams makes up, in Duff's words, ‘one of the most extraordinary galleries of literary pictures, vignettes, miniatures, portraits, caricatures, sometimes almost thumbnail sketches' of the Classical Age. Yet the books are by no means merely random or haphazard assortments. Like other Roman poets, Martial was attentive to the need to impose a sense of order and continuity on his published material. Naturally the very number of poems, as well as their varied inspiration and often impromptu composition, would militate against any overall thematic coherence. Moreover, Martial was also keen to exploit the inherent variety of the epigrammatic genre; thus, in the preface to Book 8, he says that he has interspersed more trivial and jocular material among his panegyrics of the emperor to prevent continuous eulogies from becoming tiresome to their recipient.

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García Ruiz, M. Pilar. "AEQVOR: THE SEA OF PROPHECIES IN VIRGIL'SAENEID." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 2 (November 20, 2014): 694–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000159.

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In a well-known article, Hodnett pointed out that Virgil emphasizes the peacefulness and quiet of the sea, its immensity and limitlessness, in contrast to the view articulated by the Roman poets of the Republic, which presents the sea as deceptive and fearsome. Among the many terms used in theAeneidto denote the sea,aequorstands out precisely because it is the term most frequently used by Virgil in place of the wordmare.

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Carvounis, Katerina. "Transforming the Homeric Models: Quintus' Battle among the Gods in the Posthomerica." Ramus 37, no. 1-2 (2008): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00004902.

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Quintus' Posthomerica in fourteen books covers events from the Trojan saga that take place between the funeral of Hector, which marks the end of the Iliad, and the homeward journey of the victorious Greeks after the sack of Troy. Various hints in the text help us place the epic within the Roman Empire but do not allow much scope for further speculation on a more specific date. Relative chronology with other hexameter poets in the Roman period sets the composition of the Posthomerica in the third century, which saw a floruit of mythological poetry. For material shared between Quintus' Posthomerica and Oppian's Halieutica, which is placed between 177 and 180 CE, it is generally agreed that Quintus is drawing on Oppian, and the end of the second century is thus a plausible terminus post quern for the Posthomerica. Key to establishing a terminus ante quern for this epic is Triphiodorus' epyllion on the Sack of Troy, which is now dated to the late third century: scholarly opinion is divided about the direction of the borrowing between the two poets, but if Triphiodorus is drawing on Quintus, which seems to be more likely, then the Posthomerica can be placed before the end of the third century.

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Wierzbowska, Ewa Małgorzata. "Les trois concerts de Charles de Vivray." Cahiers ERTA, no. 26 (2021): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23538953ce.21.028.14000.

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Charles de Vivray's Three Concerts Music is a keystone in the entire work of Marie Krysinska, who was first and foremost a musician. Guided by the rule of universal harmony, the perfect realisations of which are musical compositions, she applies it in her poems as well as in her narrative texts. Krysinska's novel, La Force du désir [The Force of Desire], was read in its time primarily as a roman à clef. Behind the literary characters are real people: poets, writers, actresses, singers, journalists, composers. One of the portraits is particularly touching, that of de Vivray whose real-life prototype was Charles-Erhardt de Sivry. A musician, conductor, poet and music theorist, de Sivry charmed listeners with his compositions. In the diegesis, all his professional activities are mentioned, more or less revealed. Thanks to Charles de Vivray's three concerts, the novelistic space transforms into a musical space.

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Callan, Terrance. "Prophecy and Ecstasy in Greco-Roman Religion and in 1 Corinthians." Novum Testamentum 27, no. 1 (1985): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853685x00247.

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AbstractWe have seen that in Greek prophètes means spokesman in a very general sense. Most characteristically it designates the medium, or mantis, at an oracle, who is considered a spokesman for the god of the oracle. This mantic prophecy is accompanied by trance, i.e., when the mantis functions as spokesman, his or her ordinary consciousness is replaced by another. However, in an effort to explain why oracles at Delphi are no longer given in verse, Plutarch develops a theory according to which even prophecy in this sense does not involve trance, but makes use of the ordinary consciousness of the mantis. In addition to this use of prophetes, it is also used to designate other spokesmen. Some of these are considered entranced, e.g., poets, the spokesmen of the Muses, in Plato's view. But most are not, e.g., poets according to the understanding of poetic inspiration reflected in Pindar, and those who functioned at oracles as spokesmen for the mantis. I have argued that the uses of prophètes in Greek correspond fairly well to the apparent range of meanings for nabi in the OT. But the use of prophètes to translate nabi involved a shift of emphasis: while in Greek prophètes mainly designates those who prophesy in trance, as a translation for nabi, prophètes mainly designates those whose prophecy is apparently not accompanied by trance. This can be seen clearly in Philo who knows of prophecy as a trance phenomenon, but who sees at least Moses mainly as a prophet whose prophecy does not involve trance. This understanding of prophecy results both from fidelity to scripture and from Philo's desire to praise Moses and account for certain difficulties in scripture.

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White, Peter, and Alex Hardie. "Statius and the Silvae: Poets, Patrons and Epideixis in the Graeco-Roman World." Phoenix 39, no. 4 (1985): 408. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088411.

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ter Horst, Eleanor. "Fama and Flamma: Goethe’s Sixth Roman Elegy rewrites Werther and the Latin Poets." Publications of the English Goethe Society 87, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09593683.2018.1519928.

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Moreau, Philippe. "Jasper Griffin, Latin Poets and Roman Life, Londres, Duckworth, 1985, XIV- 226 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 43, no. 4 (August 1988): 918–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900072097.

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