Journal articles: 'Roman Portrait'

1

Brummer, Hans Henrik. "A Roman portrait." Konsthistorisk Tidskrift/Journal of Art History 56, no. 4 (January 1987): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00233608708604163.

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Tarasenko, O. "Image of the Family and People in the Artwork of Roman Petruck." Research and methodological works of the National Academy of Visual Arts and Architecture, no. 27 (February 27, 2019): 227–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33838/naoma.27.2018.227-234.

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Heroes of portraits of Roman Petruk are open-world creative people – his teachers, parents, of the same age – young artists, actors in whose faces the reality of the Spirit is manifested, the movement of life. The article analyzes Petruk's portraits of his teacher, an outstanding Ukrainian artist and teacher, Nikolai Andreevich Storozhenko and teachers of NAOMA. The ritual value of a portrait is shown, which provides the connection of the worlds - temporary and eternal. The symbolic content of portraits, the value of the conditional background in character characteristics is studied. The relationship between content and form, features of composition, symbols and stylistics of portrait images of the Ukrainian artist in the context of world art is revealed. Methods of iconography and iconography are used. The main thing in the school of Storozhenko: the means of art combine in man the lost integrity of the body, soul and spirit. In the compositions of Petruk, secular and cult art was consonant. Following the teacher, Roman communicates the time: man and family, family and people, people and humanity. In Storozhenko’s portraits Petruk asserts the highest hierarchy of the artist-creator. The connection with portraits of avant-garde masters is shown. The relationship between the portrait and the icon in the portraits of Petruk is studied. The icon confirms the dominant spirit of peace, and emotionality is important in a psychological portrait. The work of the artist combines the legacy of the art of Ancient Rus and Byzantium, the European and Ukrainian Baroque, romanticism, and academicism with modern trends. Neosynthesticism – in such a way named his method Petruk. The gallery of portrait images created by Roman Petruk (more than 100 works of painting and graphics) is a testimony to the spiritual battle of the artist for the dominant of spirit over matter. The general scientific significance of the article is the introduction of a modern Ukrainian portrait into the context of world art.

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Marcks, Carmen. "Die Büste eines Afrikaners aus der Sammlung Piranesi in Stockholm." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 1 (November 2008): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-01-13.

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A portrait bust of an African placed among the antiquities in the Royal Museum at Stockholm once belonged to the Roman artist Giovanni Battista Piranesi. It was brought to Sweden at the end of the 18th century at the instance of King Gustav III. The head is a work of the middle or second half of the 16th century. It belongs to a specific, local, Roman form of Mannerist portraits, which have in common a remarkable affinity to antique imperial portrait busts. While the head is an eclectic work combining an idealized countenance—a contemporary peculiarity of portrait art—with antique usages of portrayal, the bust itself seems to be a work that stands directly in the tradition of cinquecentesque Venetian busts. Obviously head and bust were not originally created as an ensemble.

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Joost-Gaugier, Christiane L., and R. R. R. Smith. "Roman Portrait Statuary from Aphrodisias." Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 941. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20479128.

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Tomlin, R. S. O., and John Wacher. "A Portrait of Roman Britain." American Journal of Archaeology 106, no. 2 (April 2002): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4126274.

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Burrell, Barbara, and Susan Wood. "Roman Portrait Sculpture 217-260 A.D." Classical World 82, no. 6 (1989): 452. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350464.

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Snežana, Filipova. "Notes About the Commemoration of the Powerful Menin the Medieval Art in Macedonia." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p68-73.

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Rulers’ portraits as symbols of the institution of monarchy were used on coins, legal acts and seals, as a guarantee of authenticity and legal effectiveness. They are usually the highest category of propaganda images. Each civilization has the praxis of representing to a certain extent real or “beatified” image or portrait of the emperor. By adding various symbols of power, like crowns, caps, beard, throne, supendium, chariot, and number of the animals driving it, we are directly observing the image of the most powerful representatives of people, nations, states, empires, era, usually blessed by or alike god(s). Roman emperors preferred to be represented in sculpture, and the copy of the ruling emperor was placed in every city of the Empire. It was roman art and sculpture where actually the portrait was invented in the 2nd century B.C. Sometimes Emperor’s portrait in Byzantium had the status of replacing the real presence of the sovereign. The early portraits of byzantine emperors in monumental art are preserved in St. Vitale in Ravena, where the emperor Justinian I and his wife with ecclesiastical and court dignitaries attend the liturgy.[2], from 1034–1042; the portrait of John II Komnenos and the empress Irene from the beginning of the 12th C.[4] Negr?u says in churches, the images of the rulers expressed the relation of monarchs with God, who gave them the power of monarchy in exchange to undertake the defense of Christian law. The images are addressed to the masses with the purpose to present monarchs as generous donors, as well as ubiquitous authorities.”[6]

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Snežana, Filipova. "Notes About the Commemoration of the Powerful Menin the Medieval Art in Macedonia." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i1.p68-73.

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Rulers’ portraits as symbols of the institution of monarchy were used on coins, legal acts and seals, as a guarantee of authenticity and legal effectiveness. They are usually the highest category of propaganda images. Each civilization has the praxis of representing to a certain extent real or “beatified” image or portrait of the emperor. By adding various symbols of power, like crowns, caps, beard, throne, supendium, chariot, and number of the animals driving it, we are directly observing the image of the most powerful representatives of people, nations, states, empires, era, usually blessed by or alike god(s). Roman emperors preferred to be represented in sculpture, and the copy of the ruling emperor was placed in every city of the Empire. It was roman art and sculpture where actually the portrait was invented in the 2nd century B.C. Sometimes Emperor’s portrait in Byzantium had the status of replacing the real presence of the sovereign. The early portraits of byzantine emperors in monumental art are preserved in St. Vitale in Ravena, where the emperor Justinian I and his wife with ecclesiastical and court dignitaries attend the liturgy.[2], from 1034–1042; the portrait of John II Komnenos and the empress Irene from the beginning of the 12th C.[4] Negr?u says in churches, the images of the rulers expressed the relation of monarchs with God, who gave them the power of monarchy in exchange to undertake the defense of Christian law. The images are addressed to the masses with the purpose to present monarchs as generous donors, as well as ubiquitous authorities.”[6]

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9

Lenaghan, Julia. "Two portraits from Aphrodisias: late-antique re-visualizations of traditional culture-heroes?" Journal of Roman Archaeology 31 (2018): 458–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759418001435.

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The “Last Statues of Antiquity”, the collaborative project directed by R. R. R. Smith and B. Ward-Perkins, gathers into a single database all extant late-antique portraits. As a member of the research team, I was given the opportunity to study all the portraits that are either known or conjectured to represent traditional culture-heroes. This exercise gave me “new” eyes for viewing two “old” portraits from Aphrodisias, until now not identifiable. One, excavated in 1982, is a clean-shaven portrait, once fancifully identified as Julius Caesar (fig. 2); the other, first published in 1958, is a bearded portrait broken off a bust (fig. 13).Neither of these two heads is immediately recognizable as a representation of any known individual by the scholarly method which works so well with portraits of Early and High Imperial Roman emperors: that is, neither is identifiable as following any known “portrait type” by the application of the rules of “Kopienkritik”, whereby a scholar establishes the indisputable dependence of two sculptures on a model by finding precisely shared details between two heads — details of hair locks, face, pose, or attributes. In late antiquity, however, fidelity to inherited models was more fluid, and a bold re-interpretation — in terms of contemporary portrait-style — was perhaps even to be desired. This is particularly true in the case of the portraits of traditional culture-heroes: the many highly variable portraits of Menander (here fig. 6) or of Socrates may serve to demonstrate this point.

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10

Verona, Roxana M. "« Madame Récamier » : entre portrait et causerie." Romantisme 30, no. 109 (2000): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/roman.2000.938.

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11

Penesco, Anne. "Portrait de l'artiste violoniste en virtuose." Romantisme 35, no. 128 (2005): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/roman.2005.6597.

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12

Levison, John. "THE ROMAN CHARACTER OF FUNERALS IN THE WRITINGS OF JOSEPHUS." Journal for the Study of Judaism 33, no. 3 (2002): 245–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006302760257559.

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AbstractBecause Josephus consistently casts Jewish funerary customs in Roman hues, his contribution to our knowledge of Roman funerary practices is extensive. Three dimensions of his writings in particular evince taut alliances between Roman and Jewish funerals. The first is a précis of Jewish burial custom in Contra Apionem 2.205, in which Josephus portrays the Jewish constitution as one that eschews funerary excess—a characterization that mirrors Cicero's depiction of modest Roman burial custom in De legibus 2.59-64. The second is Josephus's transformation of the biblical portrait of David's mourning through the addition of numerous elements that are familiar principally from literary sources which depict Roman funerary custom. The third dimension is comprised of Josephus's descriptions of funerary opulence, which reach their pinnacle in Herodian funerals, whose customs and cortèges mirror the lavish obsequies of the Roman aristocracy.

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13

Burrus, Sean P. "A Jewish Child’s Portrait? The Kline Sarcophagus of Monteverde and Jewish Funerary Portraiture in Rome." Images 10, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340077.

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Abstract This article examines the evidence for the use of portrait sculpture on sarcophagi belonging to members of the Jewish community of Rome. The use of the “learned figure” motif, commonly employed in Roman sarcophagus portraiture and by Jewish patrons, is highlighted, and possible creative appropriations of the trope in Jewish contexts are raised. It is further argued that, among Jewish sarcophagus patrons, the decision to include funerary portraiture went hand in hand with the decision to adopt popular and conventional Roman styles and motifs, and to engage Roman cultural and visual resources. In other words, Jewish patrons who chose sarcophagi with portraits also seem to have been the readiest to make use of the visual resources of Roman funerary culture to orchestrate self-narratives on their sarcophagi. Finally, it is cautioned that while the limited examples (five) suggest a mastery of Roman culture and a correspondingly high degree of acculturation among certain Jewish patrons, we should be wary of reading such sarcophagi as evidence of certain Jews abandoning a Jewish identity in favor of a Roman one—or the Jewish community in favor of the Roman polis and its civic structures—as narratives of funerary art never capture the totality of the deceased’s identity.

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14

Meschonnic, Henri. "Portrait de Victor Hugo en homme siècle." Romantisme 18, no. 60 (1988): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/roman.1988.5490.

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15

Ashour, Sobhi, and Sayed Shueib. "A Roman Portrait-Head from Medinet Madi." Bulletin de l'Institut français d'archéologie orientale, no. 116 (September 1, 2017): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/bifao.636.

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16

CANNONBROOKES, P. "A framed portrait from the roman empire." Museum Management and Curatorship 16, no. 3 (September 1997): 312–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0260-4779(97)00002-2.

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17

Dark, Petra. "A Portrait of Roman Britain. By JohnWacher." Archaeological Journal 157, no. 1 (January 2000): 477–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2000.11078974.

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18

Peklar, Barbara. "The Imaginary Self-portrait in the Poem Roman de la Rose." Ars & Humanitas 11, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 90–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ah.11.1.90-105.

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“Every portrait that is painted with feeling is a portrait of the artist, not of the sitter…It is not he who is revealed by the painter; it is rather the painter who, on the coloured canvas, reveals himself,” explains the painter who created the evolving portrait of Dorian Gray. Guillaume de Lorris, the author of the medieval poem Roman de la Rose, also presents his soul through the character of the ideal lover, so Amans is a kind of self-portrait. But unlike an ordinary self-portrait, this one does not present the author’s personality. It is painted with words, and such an ekphrastic image is universal or influences the reader in ways that can be explained by the Iser’s reader-response theory. The poem enables the reader to feel love, and transforms him into the ideal courtly lover. As distinct from a painting, the invisible ekphrastic image in this text surpasses appearances and presents the reader with a hidden side of his soul. The object represented by ekphrasis does not exist in the outer world, therefore in the example examined here the reader’s other self is brought into existence. In contrast to a painted self-portrait, which represents the identity of the author, since the picture and the pictured are identical, a word is a sign which refers to something else. A verbal self-portrait which expresses the author’s feelings opens itself up to the reader, who has to complete the image with his imagination. This imaginary image then differs from the external appearance, because it reveals the associated feelings, enables the reader to feel what the author feels, and presents the reader with his other self. The imaginary self-portrait thus does not represent the actual self, but the self that is transformed or improved by the art of love.

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19

Peklar, Barbara. "The Imaginary Self-portrait in the Poem Roman de la Rose." Ars & Humanitas 11, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 90–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ars.11.1.90-105.

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“Every portrait that is painted with feeling is a portrait of the artist, not of the sitter…It is not he who is revealed by the painter; it is rather the painter who, on the coloured canvas, reveals himself,” explains the painter who created the evolving portrait of Dorian Gray. Guillaume de Lorris, the author of the medieval poem Roman de la Rose, also presents his soul through the character of the ideal lover, so Amans is a kind of self-portrait. But unlike an ordinary self-portrait, this one does not present the author’s personality. It is painted with words, and such an ekphrastic image is universal or influences the reader in ways that can be explained by the Iser’s reader-response theory. The poem enables the reader to feel love, and transforms him into the ideal courtly lover. As distinct from a painting, the invisible ekphrastic image in this text surpasses appearances and presents the reader with a hidden side of his soul. The object represented by ekphrasis does not exist in the outer world, therefore in the example examined here the reader’s other self is brought into existence. In contrast to a painted self-portrait, which represents the identity of the author, since the picture and the pictured are identical, a word is a sign which refers to something else. A verbal self-portrait which expresses the author’s feelings opens itself up to the reader, who has to complete the image with his imagination. This imaginary image then differs from the external appearance, because it reveals the associated feelings, enables the reader to feel what the author feels, and presents the reader with his other self. The imaginary self-portrait thus does not represent the actual self, but the self that is transformed or improved by the art of love.

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20

Stevenson, Tom. "The ‘Problem’ With Nude Honorific Statuary and Portraits in Late Republican and Augustan Rome." Greece and Rome 45, no. 1 (April 1998): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/45.1.45.

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In his seminal work, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, Paul Zanker wrote of a problem with nude honorific statuary in Late Republican Rome and of ‘conflict and contradiction’ in the style of Roman portraits during the same period. The ‘problem’ was a matter of nudity and style; it also had a moral dimension. Under political or social pressure, there was a tendency at Rome to express the effects of cultural change in moral terms: viz., literary works concerned with political or social attitudes of the Romans tended to describe elements like luxuria and adulatio(‘luxury’ and ‘sycophancy’) as ‘Greek and decadent in contrast to good, honest, ‘Roman’ values and traditions, such as virtus (‘courage’), fides (‘good faith’), and pietas (‘devotion’). Taking his cue from such attacks on aspects of the hellenization of Rome, Zanker gave a moral dimension to the ‘conflict and contradiction’ he discerned in the style of Roman honorific statues and portraits of the second and first centuries B.C. This idea that art can express moral values, even moral conflict, is of great interest and fundamental significance. The present paper focuses upon the way Zanker applies it to Late Republican statues and portraits in the light of recent scholarship. In particular, it will be argued, firstly, that the form of the art does not really make sense if there was as much conflict with Greek ideas and styles as generalizations from the literary sources might imply; secondly, that a nude or partially nude portrait statue of a living noble or emperor was not as problematic at Rome as is commonly believed; and thirdly, as a consequence, that Zanker's views about moral conflict in the style of Late Republican statues and portraits, and about the stylistic resolution of this ‘conflict’ under Augustus, should be substantially modified.

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21

Cook, A. "A Roman tercentenary." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 56, no. 3 (September 22, 2002): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2002.0183.

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Three hundred years ago, on 6 October 1702, the Pope, Clement XI, inaugurated a new meridian line in the church of Santa Maria degli Angeli in Rome, a line that had been set out by a Fellow of The Royal Society, Francesco Bianchini. In my foreword to our January issue I wrote something of his career at the papal court in Rome, of his activities as an astronomer and his membership of the Accademia Fisicamathematica associated with Queen Christina of Sweden (who then lived in Rome). The portrait shows Ada, Countess of Lovelace (1815–1852). (Reproduced courtesy of the Science and Society Library.)

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22

Babynets, Nikoletta. "Nathalie Sarrautes Portrait d’un Inconnu (1948) - Satire oder Weiterentwicklung eines Kriminalromans?" apropos [Perspektiven auf die Romania], no. 6 (July 20, 2021): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/apropos.6.1702.

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In dem vorliegenden Artikel wird der Frage nachgegangen, ob Nathalie Sarrautes erster Roman Portrait d’un Inconnu (1948) als Satire oder als Weiterentwicklung des Kriminalromans im Kontext des Nouveau Roman verstanden werden kann. Diese Fragestellung wird insbesondere aus der Perspektive des Lesers betrachtet. Im ersten Teil erfolgt eine kurze Vorstellung der Rolle des Lesers sowie der Hauptmerkmale des Kriminalromans. Im Mittelpunkt des zweiten Teils steht die Analyse der histoire- und der discours-Ebene, die schließlich zeigen soll, dass Nathalie Sarraute die Tradition des Kriminalromans nutzt, um ihren eigenen Roman zu schaffen. Trotz der Banalität der Handlung und der Unzuverlässigkeit des Erzählers ist Portrait d’un Inconnu nicht als Satire zu betrachten, sondern eher als Lob oder Weiterentwicklung des Kriminalgenres.

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23

Watkins, Thomas H., and Nikos Kokkinos. "Antonia Augusta: Portrait of a Great Roman Lady." Classical World 88, no. 2 (1994): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351669.

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24

Schweiger, Amélie. "Portrait de jeune écrivain en artiste (La «première» Éducation sentimentale)." Romantisme 16, no. 54 (1986): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/roman.1986.4845.

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25

Walker, Susan. "Emperors and Deities in Rural Britain: A Copper-Alloy Head of Marcus Aurelius from Steane, near Brackley (Northants.)." Britannia 45 (June 20, 2014): 223–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x14000300.

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AbstractA half-life-sized copper-alloy head of a bearded man was published in the Portable Antiquities Scheme's report of finds from Roman Britain in 2009.1 The head was purchased by the Ashmolean Museum in 2011. In this paper evidence for the identification of the subject as a portrait of the emperor Marcus Aurelius is reviewed by comparison with metropolitan and other certainly identified heads of deities and portraits of the emperor. The technique and likely function of the head are compared with those of similarly worked Roman copper-alloy heads of emperors and deities found in South-East Britain. Finally, a brief account is given of geophysical survey and trial excavation conducted in 2012–13 in the field where the head was found. This offers a unique opportunity to explore the head's archaeological context.

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Huskinson, Janet. "‘Unfinished portrait heads’ on later Roman sarcophagi: some new perspectives." Papers of the British School at Rome 66 (November 1998): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200004256.

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‘TESTE INCOMPLETE DI RITRATTI’ SU SARCOFAGI TARDO ROMANI: NUOVE PROSPETTIVEQuesto articolo prende in considerazione teste ‘incomplete’ di ritratti su sarcofagi romani dal secondo al quarto secolo d.C: esse rappresentano un fenomeno diffuso (apparentemente sempre più diffuso verso la fine del periodo considerate) ed includono materiale sia cristiano che non. Quasi tutte le precedenti discussioni su questo fenomeno hanno preso in considerazione quando e perchè esso si sia verificato, proponendo varie spiegazione pratiche per il mancato completamento del lavoro – quali l'indifferenza del cliente, possibili aggiunte più tarde di pittura o stucco ecc. Lo scopo di questo articolo è di esplorare quale fosse il valore collettivo di questi ritratti incompleti in relazione a vari aspetti della società contemporanea. Dopo un resoconto del ruolo avuto dai ritratti nella cultura funeraria romana l'articolo descrive i materiali e discute precedenti lavori sul-l'argomento. La possibilità che questi ritratti incompleti possano aver rappresentato una variante (estrema) di uno stile astratto nell'arte tardo antica viene considerata, nonchè il significato che essi possono aver assunto dal punto di vista dell'osservatore in termini di identità sociale e attitudine verso la morte. La conclusione è che tali significati positivi possano essere stati forti abbastanza da spiegare la generale accettazione dei volti incompleti su questi sarcofagi.

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Décarie, David. "L’évolution du roman urbain (1934-1945)." Dossier 41, no. 2 (July 5, 2016): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1036933ar.

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Dans les manuels d’histoire littéraire québécois, le roman urbain se résume souvent à deux oeuvres : Au pied de la pente douce (1944) de Roger Lemelin et Bonheur d’occasion (1945) de Gabrielle Roy. Cet article jette un regard sur la production romanesque des dix années qui précèdent ces oeuvres, et l’étude de cette période révèle que l’action de très nombreux romans a lieu en ville. Apparaissant sous la plume d’écrivains souvent prolifiques (Adrienne Maillet, Geneviève de La Tour Fondue, etc.), la ville se décline dans des romans aux thématiques et aux styles très variés. Un fil conducteur apparaît toutefois dans ceux-ci : la bourgeoisie. La majorité des romans urbains peignent en effet le portrait de cette classe sociale et cherchent à traduire ses aspirations, ses goûts, sa langue. L’urbanité de ces romans découle en bonne partie des milieux qu’ils mettent en scène : les romanciers décrivent les lieux — bien souvent les quartiers huppés — habités par la bourgeoisie. En examinant l’arrière-plan des romans urbains bourgeois, il devient possible de mieux comprendre la spécificité des oeuvres de Lemelin et de Roy, qui décrivent surtout les quartiers Saint-Sauveur et Saint-Henri. Leur originalité ne réside pas seulement dans leur urbanité, mais également dans leur intérêt pour la classe populaire, très peu mise en scène dans le roman québécois jusqu’alors.

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Ambra Spinelli. "The “Getty Cybele”: A Roman Portrait of Feminine Virtues." American Journal of Archaeology 121, no. 3 (2017): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.121.3.0369.

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Rensberger, David. "Book review: Pontius Pilate: Portrait of a Roman Governor." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 58, no. 3 (July 2004): 325–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430405800327.

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30

Martin, Dale B. "The Construction of the Ancient Family: Methodological Considerations." Journal of Roman Studies 86 (November 1996): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300422.

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A remarkable new consensus, recognized even by its critics, has emerged among classical historians that ‘the normal Roman family seems to have been a “nuclear family” like our own’. The consensus is remarkable because practically all historians who support it admit that the portrait of the Roman family that emerges from many literary accounts and is enshrined in Roman law and language is nothing like the modern nuclear family. Saller demonstrates that the Romans had no term equivalent to ‘family’ in the modern sense, that is, the father-mother-children triad of the ‘nuclear family’. The English word ‘family’ has almost no relation to Roman concepts of familia and domus. As Saller explains, ‘Domus was used with regard to household and kinship to mean the physical house, the household including family and slaves, the broad kinship group including agnates and cognates, ancestors and descendants, and the patrimony’. The Latin familia, while usually narrower in reference than domus, also had little relation to anything meant by the English ‘family’.

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LEFORT-FAVREAU, JULIEN. "PORTRAIT DE L’INTELLECTUEL « INTERMÉDIAIRE »." Dossier 42, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1039912ar.

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Cet article vise à définir la notion d’intellectuel dans l’oeuvre théorique et critique d’André Belleau. Le terme « intermédiaire », que nous utilisons pour circonscrire la notion, renvoie d’abord à la notion de code, telle que développée par Belleau dans « Code social et code littéraire dans le roman québécois », où il met en relief le caractère intrinsèquement conflictuel du champ et de l’institution littéraires. Le terme « intermédiaire » renvoie également à la réflexion qu’entame Belleau sur les différents niveaux de culture. Belleau considère le rôle de l’intellectuel comme celui du « transcodeur », c’est-à-dire celui qui sait interpréter la nouveauté politique des discours. En somme, Belleau met au point une théorie de l’intellectuel québécois qui aménage une zone de médiation entre l’engagement intellectuel et l’action militante, entre le geste et la parole.

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Lefebvre-Teillard, Anne. "Portrait d’un « romaniste » hors du commun : Jean Acher (1880–1915)." Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 81, no. 3-4 (April 9, 2013): 449–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-08134p05.

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Portrait of a not so common ‘Romanist’: Jean Acher (1880–1915) – Jean Acher, known to only a few specialists in Medieval Roman law, was an unusual scholar of Roman law. He was born in Lodz (Poland) in 1880. He studied first at St Petersburg, then in Berlin, where he attended B. Kübler’s teaching, and continued his studies at Montpellier, where he was awarded a law degree. He obtained a licence in law in 1904. At the same time, Acher also studied Romanic languages and literature. Legal and Romanic studies were the subjects of the many articles and reviews he then started publishing in several distinguished journals. In 1906, he settled in Paris. Acher became involved in the (at the time, highly controversial) issues around the methods of legal teaching, appearing as a harsh critic of the then prevailing approach to Roman law teaching. A great admirer of H.H. Fitting, he criticised specifically the exclusive focus on classical Roman law. In turn, Acher was the target of criticism by V. Arangio Ruiz and Ch.L. Appleton, which led to a confrontation with legal scholars. J. Bédier, professor at the Collège de France, supported him and, as a result, Acher devoted his work almost exclusively to the study of Romanic philology and literature. He obtained French citizenship in September 1914 and died the following year as a soldier on the frontline.

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Prusac, Marina. "The Kosmētai Portraits in Third Century Athens. Recutting, Style, Context and Patronage." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 30 (March 20, 2019): 139–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.6869.

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Portraits of a group of thirty kosmētai, public philosophy teachers in Athens, were found among the fill in the Valerian Wall by the Roman Agora in Athens in 1861. From the Hellenistic period onwards, the kosmētai had taught the philosophy or Aristotle, though, with time, the teaching became more varied. In the first century AD, the number of students had a peak of three hundred a year. In the third century, when the portraits were buried in the Valerian Wall, the number of students had decreased, much as it had in other pedagogic institutions. The activity of the kosmētai ended about AD 280 when the Valerian Wall was built. The dating of the Valerian Wall is based on coins with the portrait of emperor Probus (AD 276-282), which have been found among the building debris. What we know about the kosmētai from the written sources leads to several questions, such as why the kosmētai portraits were used as building material at a time when the identity of the sitters could sill be remembered. Why were some of the portraits recut into those of other individuals shortly before they were put into the wall? Some of the kosmētai portraits were produced recut and discarded during the span of a few decades. This paper discusses the portraits of the kosmētai and their significance in Roman Athens and explores questions related to the disposal of them, as well as to context, style, workshop, and patronage.

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Russell, Miles, and Harry Manley. "Trajan Places: Establishing Identity and Context for the Bosham and Hawkshaw Heads." Britannia 46 (May 29, 2015): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x15000136.

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ABSTRACTTwo damaged, weathered marble portraits, both discovered in the 1780s at opposite ends of Roman Britain, one at Bosham in West Sussex, the other at Hawkshaw in Peeblesshire, are here re-examined and identified as portraits of the emperor Trajan. The Bosham head is interpreted as a post-mortem image of the deified Trajan set up at the margins of Chichester Harbour, probably during the visit to Britain by the emperor Hadrian in the earlya.d.120s. The Hawkshaw portrait of Trajan appears to have been refashioned from a likeness of Domitian and may originally have been part of a monument created to celebrate and commemorate the total conquest of Britain, in the earlya.d. 80s, which was decapitated and buried during a period of unrest on the northern frontier.

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Poeschel, Sabina. "A Hitherto Unknown Portrait of a Weil-Known Roman Humanist*." Renaissance Quarterly 43, no. 1 (1990): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861795.

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The Sala delle Arti Liberali of the Vatican Borgia apartment has never been the subject of comprehensive research. The sala is one of the private rooms of Alexander VI Borgia which were decorated between 1492 and 1494 by Bernardino Pinturicchio and his school. The frescoes in this particular room, of the allegories of the Liberal Arts, are not by the master himself but were executed by minor Umbrian painters; they have never, therefore, attracted great art-historical attention.

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Galani, Georgia. "A New Roman Provincial Coin from Pella." Tekmeria 14 (January 10, 2019): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/tekmeria.19385.

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The purpose of this article is to present a unique bronze coin of the Roman colony of Pella in Macedonia that was discovered during excavations of the Aristotle University at Dion. The coin belongs to a so-far unpublished issue and bears a female head on the obverse and a standing Pan on the reverse. The article discusses the iconographic types, the denomination and the dating of this issue that does not bear an imperial portrait. A dating in the 3rd century AD is suggested for its production.

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Squire, Michael. "Art and Archaeology." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 329–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000127.

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For many, the era of COVID-19 has been short of colour. All the more reason, perhaps, to welcome this round-up's starter for ten: a multihued survey of polychromy in Roman portraiture. Facing the Colours of Roman Portraiture is a book that really does lend itself to being judged by its cover: as we turn the volume from back to front, a marble portrait magically metamorphoses between battered original and technicolour reconstruction.

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Mcdonnell, Myles. "Writing, copying, and autograph manuscripts in ancient Rome." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1996): 469–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.469.

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A familiar image from the Roman world is a Pompeian portrait of a man and woman sometimes identified as Terentius Neo and his wife. He has a papyrus roll under his chin, while she looks out with a writing tablet in one hand, a stylus held to her lips in the other. The message of the attributes presented would seem to be: ‘ We can and do read and write’. But how should the message be interpreted? To judge from the houses in which this and similar portraits were found, the couple was not of the elite decurion class, but belonged to that difficult to define group of varying social, economic and cultural statuses recently described by Keith Hopkins as ‘sub-elites’. Does the display of book and pen then reflect the social reality of the sub-elite orders of Pompeian society, or is the self-representation rather an expression of social pretension, with the couple attempting to emulate the Roman elite? If the latter is the case, what does the image say about the habits of the Roman ruling class? This question has been raised in relation to the issue of literacy, particularly women's literacy, but the image invites another question.

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Kluczek, Agata A. "Faces of Aeneas. Representations on Roman Coins and Medallions." Studia Ceranea 6 (December 30, 2016): 295–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.06.16.

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On the basis of numismatic material I present aspects of the figure of Aeneas as they appear in ancient tradition. I have concentrated on the iconographic details and the arrangement of the reverse scenes which allow one to isolate the elements of Aeneas’s portrait in the coinage that are closely associated with his role as the one who, by carrying over the sacra to Italy, made way for the foundation and continuation of Rome.

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Cherstich, Luca. "The changing funerary world of Roman Cyrene." Libyan Studies 42 (2011): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900004787.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the deep transformation of the monumental funerary culture of Cyrene during the Roman period. For the first time the problem is analysed in its complex entirety, identifying elements of Roman tombs and looking for possible dating clues. The quantitative data from a survey in the Southern Necropolis are used for a statistical analysis, looking for the relationship between portrait-busts/niches and other burial features. A chronological view of this period in the necropolis is attempted, together with a discussion of the evolution and the cultural significance of tomb-types. The picture is also contextualised within what we know of the socio-historical framework from other sources.

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Biglino, Fabrizio. "The Silent Revolution: The Roman Army between Polybius and Marius." Sapiens ubique civis 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/suc.2020.1.65-88.

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Traditionally, Polybius’ description of the Roman army in Book VI of his Histories is considered the de facto image of the mid-Republican Roman legions until the major changes introduced by the reforms attributed to Gaius Marius. However, there are several elements highlighting the fact that Polybius’ description actually depicts a rather outdated military system, making it hard to accept it as an up-to-date portrait of the army by the mid-second century. By examining hints within the sources, this paper aims to proper examine the major variations that interested the Roman military system from the mid-third to the late second centuries and to highlight their overall impact.

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Dal Fovo, Alice, Mariaelena Fedi, Gaia Federico, Lucia Liccioli, Serena Barone, and Raffaella Fontana. "Multi-Analytical Characterization and Radiocarbon Dating of a Roman Egyptian Mummy Portrait." Molecules 26, no. 17 (August 30, 2021): 5268. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/molecules26175268.

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Fayum mummy portraits, painted around 2000 years ago, represent a fascinating fusion of Egyptian and Graeco-Roman funerary and artistic traditions. Examination of these artworks may provide insight into the Roman Empire’s trade and economic and social structure during one of its most crucial yet still hazy times of transition. The lack of proper archaeological documentation of the numerous excavated portraits currently prevents their chronological dating, be it absolute or relative. So far, their production period has been defined essentially on the basis of the relevant differences in their pictorial style. Our study introduces the use of Accelerator Mass Spectrometry (AMS) to assess the age of a fragment of an encaustic painting belonging to the corpus of the Fayum portraits. The unexpected age resulting from 14C analysis suggests the need to reconsider previous assumptions regarding the period of production of the Fayum corpus. Furthermore, our multi-analytical, non-invasive approach yields further details regarding the fragment’s pictorial technique and constituting materials, based on spectral and morphological analysis and cross-sectional examination.

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Buongarzone, R. "A Roman Portrait of a Young Bearded Man from Medinet Madi." Ägypten und Levante 25 (2016): 223–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/aeundl25s223.

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Leach, Eleanor Winsor. "The Politics of Self-Presentation: Pliny's "Letters" and Roman Portrait Sculpture." Classical Antiquity 9, no. 1 (April 1, 1990): 14–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25010919.

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Sabourin, Lise. "Madeleine Lassère, Le Portrait double. Julie Candeille et Girodet, roman historique." Studi Francesi, no. 154 (LII | I) (June 1, 2008): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.9253.

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Dolisane-Ebossè, Cécile. "L'Ambiguïté du portrait féminin dans le roman camerounais : déesse et sorcière." Women in French Studies 10, no. 1 (2002): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wfs.2002.0024.

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Bartman, Elizabeth. "The Roman Nude: Heroic Portrait Statuary 200 B.C. - A.D. 300 (review)." Classical World 100, no. 3 (2007): 310–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2007.0034.

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Durand, Gilbert. "L’immortalité aux immortels." IRIS, no. 35 (June 30, 2014): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35562/iris.1707.

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Dans la première moitié du xxe siècle, une tendance à la remythologisation caractérise le roman. Proust, Thomas Mann et Faulkner permettent à Gilbert Durand de dresser un portrait de « l’immortel » héros à partir de quatre traits : le temps sans mort et sans souci de sa propre fin ; le temps qui passe de l’entropie à l’infinie répétition (redondance) ; l’obsession du sang ; l’absence d’âme et d’état d’âme. Le roman perd tout sentimentalisme, tout réalisme, tout psychologisme. Le romancier mythographe accède ainsi à l’imaginaire immémorial du mythe.

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Kurth, Dieter, and Lorelei H. Corcoran. "Portrait Mummies from Roman Egypt (I-IV Centuries A.D.) with a Catalog of Portrait Mummies in Egyptian Museums." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 84 (1998): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822235.

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Eygun, François-Xavier. "Aventures au Canada : L’épopée blanche de Louis-Frédéric Rouquette (1884-1926)*." Articles, essais 18, no. 1 (October 1, 2008): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018868ar.

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Résumé Louis-Frédéric Rouquette fut un auteur apprécié au début du XXe siècle, et ses récits d’aventures ont marqué plusieurs générations de lecteurs qui se sont ouverts, grâce aux talents de l’auteur, à de nouveaux horizons. Certains de ses romans n’ont d’ailleurs jamais cessé d’être réédités. Le Canada, surtout le Grand Nord, est au centre d’au moins trois de ses romans : Le grand silence blanc, La bête errante et L’épopée blanche. Ce Jack London français a voyagé à travers tout le Canada et, dans L’épopée blanche, il dresse un portrait des débuts de la colonisation de l’Ouest et de l’oeuvre missionnaire des oblats. Dans cet article, nous proposerons donc une relecture de cette oeuvre par rapport au concept de roman d’aventures, ainsi qu’une analyse de l’idéologie sous-jacente.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Roman Portrait'

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