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1
Vitale, Marco. "‘Priest’—‘Eparchy-arch’—‘Speaker of the ethnos’." Mnemosyne 69, no. 1 (January 26, 2016): 82–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341727.
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In the Roman Eastern provinces, the concept and rituals of a province-wide imperial cult were based on a pre-existing tradition of Hellenistic ruler’s divinization and worship. But its formal mise en place was conformed to the new territorial framework of Roman administration: a gubernatorial provincia/ἐπαρχεία appears subdivided into several administrative sub-provinces that were likewise called provinciae/ἐπαρχεῖαι. The cities of almost all known eparchies in terms of sub-provinces formed koina responsible for the provincial imperial cult and the political representation of the provincials headed by priestly officials, such as bithyniarchai or ‘(high-)priests of the eparchy/-ies’, whose titles refer explicitly to the represented sub-province. The correlation between these koina and Roman territorial administration from almost all Eastern provinces demands more political functions of the koinon-officials than only priestly ones, as shown by the frequently combined titulatures.
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Mehmet Ali, KAYA. "Anadolu’da Roma Eyaletleri; Sınırlar ve Roma Yönetimi----Roman Provinces in Anatolia; Frontiers and Roman Administration." Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Tarih Bölümü Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi 24, no. 38 (2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/tarar_0000000229.
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Luciani, Franco. "PUBLIC SLAVES IN ROME: ‘PRIVILEGED’ OR NOT?" Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (May 2020): 368–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000506.
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In the Roman world, slavery played a crucial role. Besides private slaves, owned by individual masters, and—from the beginning of the Principate—imperial slaves, who were the property of the emperors, there were also the so-called public slaves: non-free individuals who were owned by a community, such as the Roman people as a whole in Rome (serui publici populi Romani), or the citizen body of a colony or a municipium in Italy or in the provinces (serui ciuitatum). Public slaves in Rome were employed for numerous public services and acted under the authority of the Senate as assistants to public magistrates, officers or priests. Similarly, in Italian and in provincial cities, they juridically depended on the decisions of local councils and performed various activities within the civic administration, beholden to the magistrates.
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Trombley, Frank R. "EPIGRAPHIC DATA ON VILLAGE CULTURE AND SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS: AN INTERREGIONAL COMPARISON (SYRIA, PHOENICE LIBANENSIS AND ARABIA)." Late Antique Archaeology 2, no. 1 (2004): 73–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000022.
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This paper is a comparative analysis of the rural epigraphy of four Late Roman provinces. It concentrates on inscriptions that reveal patterns of land ownership and secular building activity, along with the effects of the Late Roman civil administration on village life. Centrifugal cultural factors are noted, such as the vulgarisation of the Greek frontier dialects and the synoikistic intrusion of Arabic linguistic elements. The stationing of military forces in rural fortresses and billets is examined for its effect on provincial infrastructure and the burdens it imposed on village life.
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Mekhamadiev, Evgeniy. "Frontier Army of the Late Roman Empire in the Mid-4th c. A.D. (Case of Isauria and the Rhine Frontier): on the Ways of Territorial Deployment of Military Units." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.2.
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Introduction. During the whole 4th c. the Late Roman frontier military units constantly took part in military campaigns against different enemies of the Empire, hovewer the author of this paper asks the question how precisely frontier military units managed their service, i.e. which functions they exercised and how they interacted to local civilian population of the province where they stood in. The author believes that a set of functions depended foremost on the location landscape. Methods and materials. The author applies the comparison approach, i.e. compares the peculiarities of two regions where the frontier armies stood: Isauria at the southeast of Asia Minor (mountain landscape) and Upper Germany at the Rhine frontier (mainly plain territory). The source accounts are “The Life of St. Conon of Isauria” (hagiography), an important inscription of Julian the Caesar (future Emperor Julian the Apostate) from Upper Germany (epigraphy) and the work of Ammianus Marcellinus “The Deeds” (Res gestae). Analysis. The author compares evidence on the military arrangement of two provinces and considers how their frontier units defended these lands from external and internal enemies, how they interacted to local population and how precisely they located in its forts. Conclusions. As a result the author concludes that the Roman administration could not place a large number of regular military units in Isauria, because this province had not enough fertile plain lands, this region suffered from the lack of food supply. The hard and cruel mountain landscape enforced to make the bands of irregular city militia – in the case of Isaurian assaults citizens formed military detachments, which were temporarily attached to regular units called vexillations. In contrast, at the Rhine frontier, where there were enough fertile flat lands, the Roman administration might place many regular units and, moreover, this region received detachments from expeditionary troops. In other words, the Roman administration had enough food supply to maintain a high number of regular frontier garrisons.
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Shaw, Brent D., and Peter Orsted. "Roman Imperial Economy and Romanization: A Study in Roman Imperial Administration and the Public Lease System in the Danubian Provinces from the First to the Third Century A.D." American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (June 1987): 639. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869922.
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Wiewiorowski, Jacek. "The Defence of the Long Walls of Thrace (Μακρά Τείχη τῆς Θρᾴκης) under Justinian the Great (527–565 A.D.)." Studia Ceranea 2 (December 30, 2012): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.02.15.
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The paper discusses the question of the defence of the Long Walls of Thrace (Μακρά Τείχη τῆς Θρᾴκης) or the Anastasian Wall (Αναστάσειο Τείχος) under Justinian the Great (527–565 A.D.). Emperor Anastasius I (491–518 A.D.) probably put an end to the vicarius Thraciarum, the head of administration of the late Roman Diocese of Thrace, establishing two vicars instead. One of them was responsible for the defence of the Long Walls of Thrace while the other was a purely civil officer. Both vicars governed the area of the Anastasian Wall also in the first years of Justinian’s reign. This administrative framework was useful for the defence of Constantinople itself but it also gave rise to certain problems. When Justinian reformed the provincial administration and abolished all vicariates in 535 A.D., he replaced the vicars of the Anastasian Wall with praetor Iustinianus Thraciae (Nov. Iust., XXVI – a. 535). Next year, the emperor created the peculiar post of quaestor Iustinianus exercitus (Nov. Iust., XLI). The territory of the quaestura contained the provinces Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor, located in the lower Danube region, as well as the provinces of Cyprus, Caria and the Aegean Islands. In turn, the responsibilities of the Praetor of Thrace were confined to the region of the Anastasian Wall. The new post combined the functions of military officer and head of civil administration. The nature of praetor Thraciae is discussed in the light of Nov. Iust., XXVI and compared with analogous praetors established in the provinces of Paphlagonia and Pisidia (Nov. Iust., XXIV–XXV), as well as other data. After the fall of John of Cappadocia in 541, Justinian revoked some administrative reforms, restoring the vicariate of Pontica and restoring former powers to the comes Orientis who played the same role as a vicar in the Diocese of Oriens. In the Balkans, Justinian left the post of quaestor Iustinianus exercitus intact. Meanwhile, the function of the preator Thraciae, which proved to be inefficient, as the incursions of the Slavs (ca. 550) and the Kutrigur Bulgars in 559 had shown, was possibly abolished. The repairs of the Anastasian Wall needed to be conducted after the great earthquake in 557 A.D. by Justinian himself, which indirectly demonstrates the weakness of administration under praetor Thraciae or the earlier abolishment of the post. It is likely that instead Justinian reinstated the post of the vicar of Thrace, who became a civil administrator over the part of the former Diocese of Thrace limited to the provinces of Europa, Haemimontus, Rhodopa and Thracia, a function which was probably more suited to overseeing construction undertakings conducted at the time in the Balkans.
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Котов, Сергей, and Sergey Kokotov. "Sources of law of the British colony Quebec in the last third of the XVIII century: the problem of choice." Services in Russia and abroad 9, no. 1 (June 25, 2015): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/11715.
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A distinctive feature of modern Canada is the dualism of its legal system. This means that in the country there are two systems of law - continental (Roman-German) and Anglo-Saxon (precedent). Each of these systems differ in their approaches to the understanding of law and justice implementation. However, the main difference is due to the fact that each of these systems relies on its own sources of law. If the basis of the criminal and private law in general, and the federation of nine provinces in particular is common (case) law of England, in the province of Quebec are used English (basically) criminal law and French civil law in its origin.
Historically, this was due to the fact that at the time of the conquest of the colony of New France (now Quebec) in the XVIII century it had a relatively developed legal system, including the system of administration of justice. At the heart of the local sources of law were kutyums of Paris, supplementing ordinances of the French kings. Inclusion of New France in the possession of the English Crown was for the new authorities a precedent - the first time in the history of the British colonial empire it acquired a part of the territory with a Christian population and European law.
In fact, the British colonial authorities had to make a choice, which was to determine the vector of further legal development of not only the newly conquered colony, but the whole of British North America. According to the rules of English case law the medieval English monarch (as sovereign) could either admit the law to of its new ownershipin force at the time of the conquest, or introduce there English law in force at the time. In view of the prevailing circumstances of the specific historical issue of the replacement of French law (including sources and the administration of justice) in English it turned out to be extremely difficult from the socio-political and a formal legal point of view.
This article analyzes the problems encountered during the initial stage of the legal system of the British colony of Quebec and, in particular, of the sources of its territorial law.
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Nikishin, Vladimir Olegovich. "Dynastic marriages of client kings during the reign of Augustus." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 3 (September 2, 2021): 310–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-3-310-318.
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The article examines the practice of entering into dynastic marriages as part of the policy that was held in relation to vassal kings during the reign of the emperor Augustus (30 BC - AD 14). The author introduces the term Augustus project, bearing in mind the package of measures, aimed at creating a system of vassal kingdoms on the outskirts of the Roman Empire. According to the author, dynastic marriages as an effective instrument of real policy should have cemented the building blocks of the system. In the main part of the article the author analyses ten well-known dynastic marriages, related to the reign of Augustus. As a result of the research undertaken, the author concludes that Augustus, of course, sought to control the behavior of the kings-collaborators. Sometimes things got out of hand, and then the emperor should have intervened to resolve the resulting conflict of interests. The author asks: what did Augustus demand of vassal rulers? The answer is: loyalty and efficiency in the administration of the territories entrusted to them, which meant not only the timely dispatch to Rome of established monetary sums (tributes, taxes and other payments), but also to protect the local population from external enemies, as well as political stability and the rule of law. If it was all there and there was no danger, real or potential, for the peace and stability of the empire, Augustus overlooked extravagant matrimonial combinations, polygamy, conflicts with children and other excesses in the family life of dependent kings. But when it came to questioning loyalty and efficiency, Augustus was unmerciful and merciless in punishing the guilty. Immediate successors to Augustus rejected the Augustus project and gradually eliminated most vassal kingdoms, turning them into provinces under the control of the governors.
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Rankov, Boris. "R. L. Dise, Cultural Change and Imperial Administration: the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire (American university studies series IX. History XCIX). New York: Lang, 1991. Pp. XV + 198, 4 maps, ISBN 0-8204-1465-4. £24.00." Journal of Roman Studies 84 (November 1994): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300922.
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Smyshlyayev, A. L. "Правление по-граждански» в представлении греческих писателей и в практике римской власти." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 19(2017) part: 19 (March 1, 2017): 10–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2017.2017.34954.
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Статья посвящена характеру и особенностям римской системы управления в эпоху Принципата на примере управления провинциями. Страбон писал о том, что для римлян характерно правление пограждански ( )). Тертуллиан называл римскую власть гражданственным владычеством (civilis dominatio). Эти определения связаны как с характером Римской державы, так и с особенностями римского государственного управления в эпоху Ранней империи. Она представляла собой государство без бюрократии. Ее основой был город античного типа (полис), а основным звеном государственного управления местное городское самоуправление. Римские императоры и наместники провинций не могли управлять государством без добровольного сотрудничества с ними местных городских элит. Поэтому они выступали в двойственной роли: и как представители центральной власти, и как защитники и гаранты интересов полиса и полисной системы ценностей. Это хорошо видно на примере поведения и деятельности наместников провинций в эпоху Ранней империи (IIII вв. н.э.), которые нередко уподоблялись городским магистратам и политикам.The article focuses on the nature and specifics of the Roman administrative system during the Principate period: using an example of provincial government. Strabo wrote that the civil rule ( ) was typical for Romans during that period. Tertullian defined the Roman system of government as the civil dominance (civilis dominatio). These definitions origin comes from the character of the Roman state, specifics of the Early Roman Empire state administration a state without bureaucracy. Its nucleus was a city of the Antiquity type (a polis), and the main element of state administration was the local urban selfadministration. Roman emperors and province governors were unable to govern the state unless the local city elites voluntarily cooperated with them. Thus they performed a double function: they were both representatives of the supreme power and defenders and proponents of the polises and the polis system of values. This is clearly demonstrated by behaviour models and activity of the province governors at the time of the Early Empire (IIII century AD) who often acted like city magistrates and politicians
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Mekhamadiev, Evgeniy. "A Military Unit of the Celtae (the Celts) and Some Peculiarities of Late Roman Military Titles in the 4th C. AD." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.14.
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Introduction. The Late Roman administration used to practice many ways of interrelations with the Barbarian tribes, but modern scholarship tended and tends to pay main attention to external perspectives of interrelations, i.e. issues of barbaric invasions and methods of their accomodation within the Roman territory. In contrast, modern scholarship pays little attention to internal perspectives of interrelations, and partly, to one of the point of internal interrelations, which is strictly under consideration in this paper. This point is a meaning of official titles, which Roman administration gave to military detachments composed of the German warriors. Basing on evidence about an elite military unit of the Celtae and the name Celtae itself, the author aims to regard peculiarities of Late Roman military nomenclature and to trace how this nomenclature reflected an official political ideology of imperial supremacy, a system of Romans’ views and opinions about the Barbarians. Methods. The author studies these matters by comparing the evidence of Ammianus Marcellinus, Greek dedicatory inscription from the city of Stobi (the province of Macedonia) and some panegyrics (the so-called Latin panegyrics, a speech of Julian the Apostate in honor of the Emperor Constantius II and the “Thanksgiving oration” of a prominent Gallic rhetorician Ausonius for the Emperor Gratianus). The author traces how all these texts are treated and meant a word Celtae/Κελτοί. Analysis. The author proposes and proves an idea that a military unit of the Celtae was composed of the captive Alamanni presumably between the reign of the Emperor Diocletian (284-305) and 351/352. Results. Having based on the evidence enumerated above, the author concluded that the the unit of the captive Alamanni received an official title of Celtae because the Romans used to name the German captives as more ancient people, over which the Roman won decisive and brilliant victories in previous times. This naming practice was one of the persistent peculiarities of the Late Roman military nomenclature and records management working.
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Kryeziu, Kadri. "Prizren as a City-State under Roman-Byzantine Administration." Technium Social Sciences Journal 28 (February 9, 2022): 698–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v28i1.5836.
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The rule of the Roman Empire left its mark on ancient Dardania as well. At the time of the division of the empire into Roman and Byzantine, Prizren fell under the Byzantine rule. Theranda, as Prizren was called in Roman times, developed as a very important place in many spheres of life, first in trade then in administration and culture. As we know, Rome, at the time of the occupation of the new lands, compulsorily introduced both law and management and administration. The initial cartographic data for Prizren come from the Roman period, when the city with its ancient name, Theranda, is shown on Peutinger's table. Regarding the functioning of Prizren as a city-state or provincial state, according to the Kanun of Prizren of 1570, part of the Sanjak of Prizren were six kazas (districts): Prizren, Hoça, Sesrit (Neubicare), Bihor (important fortification) and Trgovishte (Rozhaje). According to Haxhi Kalfi, in the middle of the XVII century, this sanjak had Perser (Prizren) Suhareka, Havas Prizren (Gora and Opoja), Firqne (Hoqa), Bihor and Trgovishte as kadiluks. The paper treats Prizren since ancient Roman Byzantine times, Prizren as a city-state, Theranda as an important cultural trade centre and as the first administrative centre, a province of the Roman Empire.
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Ozcáriz Gil, Pablo. "A.3. The "dioceses" of Hispania citerior in the High Empire. A historiographic invention." Studia Humaniora Tartuensia 12 (December 19, 2012): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sht.2011.12.a.3.
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This article presents the historiographic evolution of the "dioceses" of Hispania citerior in the High Roman Empire. From their creation by Mommsen to their total disappearance in the 1980s, they are mentioned very often in the bibliography of the Roman administration of that province. This is the first time that the development of this historiographic construction is presented.
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Popović, Goran. "Rimske komunikacije u sjeveroistočnoj Bosni sa posebnim osvrtom na novootkrivenu dionicu puta na planini Bišini / Roman roads in northeastern Bosnia and Herzegovina with a focus on newly discovered road section on the mountain Bišina." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2018.193.
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In this paper we are processing a newly discovered Roman road which is located on the mountain Bisina, in the northeast Bosnia. The road is paved with large stone blocks and it’s long about 2,2 km. Approximate road width is about 2,5 and 3,5 meters. Namely, it is very difficult to determine the exact width because the curbs are missing on both sides of the road, while in some places the Roman road is partially covered with layers of soil. One local Roman road, visible in a length of about 550 m. connected the Roman settlement formed around Gradina in the village of Mramorka, where an early Christian basilica was discovered, with the mentioned Roman route. The remains of the Roman roads on Bišina can not be identified, based on written and epigraphic sources, with some of already confirmed Roman roads. Nevertheless, mentioned road can be approximately integrated into the network of Roman roads on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In my opinion, this direction is a continuation of the road that led from Salona to the interior of Dalmatia. It is the road that has been made during the administration of Publius Cornelius Dolabella, who connected the capital of the province of Dalmatia with the settlement of HE [....?] ASTEL [....?] DAESITATIVM. Findings on the ground indicated that one sequel of this Roman road has lead to the north. The assumed direction of the Roman road is: Breza / Dabravina – mountain Zvijezda – Konjuh – Kaštijelj – Bišina – Pantelići – Šeher – Matkovac – Caparde – Kulina – southeastern slopes Majevica – the valley of the river Sapna. This direction was the shortest communication between Salona and Sirmium. The discovery of the Roman road on the Bišina Mountain is very important because it indicates that inaccessible mountain massifs, which are now uninhabited and difficult to pass, were not an obstacle for the Romans during the construction of roads, as previously believed. Also, the discovery of the road indicates that we are still so far from the complete reconstruction of the Roman road network in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Vădeanu, Ina. "„Maestri muratori” și constructori transilvăneni, în cadrul programului arhitectural al „Episcopiei Greco-Catolice Gherla”, în perioada 1853-1918." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia Artium 65, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhistart.2020.03.
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"“Maestri muratori” and Transylvanian builders, within the architectural program of the “Greek Catholic Episcopate Gherla” between 1853 and 1918. In the second half of the 19th century, in Transylvania there was a demand for specialized labor, on construction sites such as the construction of railways, the construction of roads and bridges for which Italians came from areas with a recognized constructive tradition, such as those in the Trentino area, are encouraged and supported by the Austrian administration to emigrate. The Italian emigrants in Transylvania, mostly working in the field of construction, were a community poor in resources, but rich in human resources and entrepreneurship. In the alternative, these Italian builders, “master builders”, permanently established in Transylvania will contract smaller construction sites, proposals of wealthier rural parish communities, the case of former border villages able to financially support more elaborate constructions, morpho-stylistically and decoratively, regulated under the umbrella of the same imperial restrictions under which it was built in all Austrian provinces of the period. In the absence of relevant archival data on the paternity of the buildings discussed here, the priority tool of this study to identify the collaboration of Italian “master builders” is the stylistic investigation based on the certainty of their presence in the context of three church buildings related to the reference period: from Cășeiu, built by Antonio Baizero from Udine, the Roman Catholic church from Ileanda, built by Italian emigrants to serve their religious service and the church from Livada (Dengeleag), built by Lorenzo Zottich, possibly belonging to a second generation of emigrant builders Italians in Transylvania. All these constructions have common stylistic features, integrated into one of the three representative categories, identified within the “Greek Catholic Episcopate of Gherla”, namely the most elaborate architectural model agreed by the Austrian authorities: rural churches with a single tower on the facade, tower with a neoclassical baroque-inspired profiling that also involves the most complex local level of labor of the moment. In the context of the lack of relevant archival data on the constructive paternity in most of these buildings, the identification of the presence and participation of Italian builders on construction sites within the “Greek Catholic Diocese of Gherla” uses as main study tool, stylistic analysis of monuments, which results in the launch of hypotheses meant to be validated in the future through applied studies by the archive. Morpho-constructive characteristics similar to the churches in Cășeiu, Ileanda, Livada (Dengeleag) crowned by the presence of the neo-baroque tower, the corrugated cornice that integrates decorative clocks, with a high level of difficulty in terms of construction, indicate a possible presence of Italian emigrant builders: Orman, Cluj County (1865-1867), Livada - Dindeleag, Cluj County (1868), Buciumi, Sălaj County (1872), Rus, Sălaj County (1890-1894), Poieni, Cluj County (1892), Apahida (1892), Borșa (1900), Dobricul Mare, Bistrița Năsăud county (1902), Sâncraiu Almașului, Sălaj county (1902), Agrieș, Bistrița Năsăud county (1905-1906), Șieu Cristur (1906), Bistrița Năsăud county, Lunca Ilvei (1906-1910), Bistrița Năsăud county, Chizeni (1910), Bistrița Năsăud county, Urișor (inc. 1910), Cluj county, Rohia, Maramureș county (1911), Church from Sașa (1907-1911), Alba county, Diviciorii Mici, Cluj county, (1912), Surduc, Sălaj county (1913), Câțcău, Cluj county (1914). However, the final demonstration remains to be validated following documented related archival studies. Keywords: Italian emigrants, Greek catholic architecture, “Greek Catholic Episcopate Gherla”, Greek catholic church from Cășeiu, Italian Roman catholic church in Ileanda, Greek catholic church from Livada (Dengeleag), Lorenzo Zottich, Antonio Baizero da Udine "
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Firnigl, Anett. "The settling factors of Roman villas in southern Lusitania." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Agriculture and Environment 5, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausae-2014-0003.
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Abstract The Romans arrived to the Iberian Peninsula in the 3rd century B.C.: they transformed the Hispanian administration, the landscape and culture. The area of Lusitania expanded in the middle and southern part of Portugal, south from the River Douro, as well as on the autonom community of Extremadura, Spain. The production of the Roman villas gave the great mass the agricultural and commercial background of the Province. These produced wares got to the several lands of the Empire on the well-established road network and across the rivers and seas. The Roman villa was on a cultivation- and stock-raising-adapted farming unit with living houses, bath, and outbuildings, which had the biggest importance. The villas of Lusitania were concetrated into several groups: around the cities of Cascais and Lisboa, Èvora and Mèrida, as well. A bigger group ran along the southern coast of the Iberian Peninsula: the villas presented in this study (e.g., Milreu, Cerro da Vila, and Abicada) were specialized on seafood products and maritime trade. Other sites are also known where the presence of a villa has not been discovered yet, but where economic and industrial facilities were excavated (e.g., cetaria, which means a basin for the production of the fish sauce garum in the Portuguese terminology).
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Monson, Andrew. "Land Transport in Roman Egypt: A Study of Economics and Administration in a Roman Province (review)." Classical World 105, no. 1 (2011): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2011.0096.
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Gugl, Christian, Mario Wallner, Alois Hinterleitner, and Wolfgang Neubauer. "The Seat of the Roman Governor at Carnuntum (Pannonia superior)." Heritage 4, no. 4 (October 1, 2021): 3009–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage4040168.
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The Roman site of Carnuntum was once a flourishing center on the frontiers of the Roman Empire. In its heyday as the capital of the province of Pannonia superior, Carnuntum probably covered an area of almost 9 km2. The whole site was divided into a military settlement (castra and canabae legionis) and a civil town (municipium/colonia). Through a large-scale archaeological prospection project, this huge area could be investigated and analyzed in great detail using a wide variety of nondestructive prospection methods. One of the main discoveries of the project was observed in the military settlement, where it was possible to identify a previously unknown military camp, interpreted as the garrison of the governor’s guard, the castra singularium. Through the topographic analysis of the immediate surroundings, the Roman fort was determined to be embedded in a large administrative complex related to the governor’s seat in Carnuntum. This article presents these new discoveries and shows what an important part they formed in the administration of the Roman province of Upper Pannonia.
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Wilkes, John. "Romanisation in the Middle Danube - Robert L. Dise, Jr: Cultural Change and Imperial Administration: The Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire. (American University Studies Series, IX, History, 99.) Pp. xvii + 198; 4 maps. New York, San Francisco, Berne, Frankfurt am Main, Paris and London: Peter Lang, 1991. Sw. Fr. 24." Classical Review 43, no. 2 (October 1993): 349–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00287684.
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Karambinis, Michalis. "Laura Pfuntner, Urbanism and Empire in Roman Sicily." Journal of Greek Archaeology 6 (December 9, 2021): 420–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v6i.1061.
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Roman rule signalled radical changes in the urban systems of the Mediterranean. More complex is the understanding of the restructuring that occurred in the Greek speaking lands, where a dense network of poleis existed already since the Archaic period. In the province of Achaia, although the basic elements of its Classical past were maintained (e.g., a modular urban system with hundreds of self-governing poleis which were sustained mainly by surpluses produced in their territories), in the Roman period this area was characterized by a significantly smaller number of cities and rural sites, in respect to pre-Roman times. Of great importance was the establishment of a few highly-centralized administrative centres of free or colonial status and economically privileged, that now became the focus of Roman administration and wealth. The majority of minor centres had from now on a marginal role, and many of them remained completely outside the new economic system.
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Chakarova-Prisoeva, Lyudmila. "Publius Iuventius Celsus: A Notable Roman Jurist as Governor of the Province of Thrace." Istoriya-History 30, no. 6 (December 1, 2022): 587–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2022-6-2-pub.
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This article presents the personality and activities of the little-known Publius Iuventius Celsus. By using the biographical research method, it outlines his place in the age of the developed Principate and classical Roman jurisprudence. The aim is to highlight his achievements as a remarkable jurist who left a legacy of significant legal maxims and concepts for the development of jurisprudence in the following centuries and to emphasize his participation in the state administration and the holding of high magistrate positions. Special attention is paid to his tenure in the province of Thrace and the probable reasons for the appointment of Celsus to this office.
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Pop, Călin Cornel. "Particularities of the Cultural Tourism in Zalău in the Context of the European Heritage: The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Geographia 64, no. 2 (December 20, 2020): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbgeogr.2019.2.06.
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"Particularities of the Cultural Tourism in Zalău in the Context of the European Heritage: the Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum. Covering an area of 3,850 square kms, the county of Sălaj lies in the north-western part of Romania, as a passage between the Western and Eastern Carpathians. The main settlement of Sălaj is the city of Zalău, lying at the heart of the county, along Zalău valley, near the Northern Meseş Mountains. Evidence of the Dacian culture and civilization can be found all over the county. The stronghold was well known in antiquity as Dacidava, a central place for the gatherings of Dacian tribes living in the region, known today as Sălaj. Here 14 treasures of Dacian silver coins and jewels were found, which may explain the fact that Sălaj was one of the towns that laid on the ancient road of salt whereon salt used to be traded from Transylvania to Central Europe. Another important Dacian settlement would be Moigrad (Porolissum), on the heights of Măgura Moigradului, mentioned by Ptolemeu in his „Geographia”. After the Roman conquest and the colonization of Dacia as a Roman province, Roman experts in military strategy transfomed the Meseş Mountains into the north-eastern border of the Roman Empire. This „limes” separated the territories of the Roman province Dacia from the unoccupied area which belonged to the free Dacians. The military structure of Porolissum, the capital of the province „Dacia Porolissensis”, acquired the rank of „municipium”, by an order of the Emperor Septimius Severus. Ruins of the Porolissum town, together with Roman fortifications near the passage Poarta Meseşului stretch to an area of about 200 hectares. In Porolissum, archaeological discoveries brought to light two large stone-built Roman „castrum”, one amphitheatre, several temples, civilian constructions and Roman roads. Within the study there were both open-response questionnaires, when the subject was free to answer as he saw fit, and closed-response questionnaires, in which the subject had several possible answers from which he could choose the response considered convenient. The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum recovers a part of the shared historical past within a geographical space where the European community now functions. Through impeccable organization and administration, this part made possibile the development of the greatest empire in ancient times. Through The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum, the Zalău City Hall proposes to its inhabitants and tourists a vast event with an educative-cultural dimension. We believe that this sort of manifestation may counteract the promotion tendencies of the underground culture. We wish for The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum to pleasantly provide to the public history moments, traditions, culture and specific costumes. The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum is an event of our identity that reconfirms our values and space in Europe. At the European Union’s construction a few fundamental facts contributed: shared geography and history, the Greek culture, the Christianity and the Roman legacy. The Roman culture and civilization are marks of the European identity, which define the present European citizen’s consciousness. Keywords: The Roman Festival Zalău Porolissum, Cultural tourism, Global values, European Heritage."
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Hasibuan, Parman. "IMPROVING THE QUALITY OF TEACHERS’ TEACHING ADMINISRASTION PLANS THROUGH ACADEMIC SUPERVISING AT SMA IN KABUPATEN ROKAN HULU, RIAU PROVINCE." JEE (Journal of English Education) 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30606/jee.v5i1.556.
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The research was aimed at improving the teachers’ competence in managing their teaching administration effectively. At the beginning, it was found that majority of English teachers in SMA did not have complete the components of teaching Administration as suggested by the educational ministry regulation number 41/2007 in Kurikulum Tingkat Satuan Pendidikan (KTSP). It was because almost all English teachers did not know what they should prepare for their administration fulfillment. The research is a case study. The data collection of the study was gained through the activities of pre-observation, field notes, real observation, colleague coaching or training, and documentation. Those data were then analyzed using table of scores in the professional competence instrument. The steps taken to overcome the teachers’ teaching administration problems are among others by doing some strategies of coaching, guiding, discussing and socializing the standardized process of Indonesian National Standard of Education to English teachers. As a result of the study, from almost zero to hero, the teachers’ understanding and competences aboutteaching administration fulfillment raised, ranging from 29% to 87% (at the beginning to the end of the study). School supervisors are recommended to do similar research activities to prove the truth of the findings. For teachers, particularly English teachers, it is suggested that they change their mind set in managing their jobs. Finally, it is expected that this study will have good contribution to enhance the English teachers’ competences in managing their jobs.
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España-Chamorro, Sergio. "Laci(ni)murga: ¿originalidad o duplicidad toponímica? = Laci(ni)murga: Originality or Duplicity of Toponyms?" Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 31 (November 27, 2018): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.31.2018.19411.
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La importancia de ubicar correctamente Laci(ni)murga afecta a otros aspectos de importancia para el entendimiento de la geografía peninsular romana como la administración del territorio y la jurisdicción provincial. La división de su planteamiento geográfico pensándola como una única ciudad o dos ciudades homónimas ha sido un tema sobre el que no se había reflexionado lo suficiente. La revisión de la documentación literaria, epigráfica y paleotoponímica, además de las menciones históricas, me han permitido concluir en la tesis de que sólo hubo una única ciudad con dicho nombre que fue promocionada en época cesariana y que perteneció a la Baetica y al conventus Cordubensis.The importance of placing Laci(ni)murga correctly concerns other vital aspects for understanding the geography of the Iberian Peninsula such as territorial administration and jurisdiction of provinces under the aegis of Rome. The two main trends are the idea of only one city or the hypothesis of two homonym places, but, in my opinion, it was a topic that has not been analysed in deep. The review of all the documents regarding this city (classical sources, epigraphy, paleotoponyms and historic quotations of this area) has allowed me to conclude that there was a unique city with this name. This oppidum was promoted under Caesar and belonged to the province of Baetica and the conventus Cordubensis.
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Diers, Lina. "Timacum Minus in Moesia Superior—Centrality and Urbanism at a Roman Mining Settlement." Land 7, no. 4 (October 22, 2018): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land7040126.
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When applying traditional criteria of Roman urbanism, several settlements in the province of Moesia are not recognised as parts of the urban network. To avoid this, previous criteria of urbanism should be revised. This paper suggests revisions, which provide a more inclusive definition of urbanism: Thus, instead of focusing on administrative status and monumentality as primary markers of urbanity and urbanization, development factors for agglomeration and centrality are emphasized as decisive conditions for, and characteristics of, urban settlement. To provide a case study for this theoretical outline, the upper-Moesian mining settlement of Timacum Minus is evaluated by ideas derived from a critical appreciation of Walter Christaller’s central place theory. Timacum Minus did not have official settlement status and monumental character, yet, it developed as a central place in the unique landscape of the Timok valley. This was due to its location as a central road station, military post, and settlement along the important interregional Timok valley road as well as the site hierarchy as the base of the centralized administration of the Timok valley mining district. Hence, Timacum Minus displays different levels of centrality. Interestingly, the site only held these properties during the Roman Principate, although its central location and mining activities also existed in pre-Roman and post-Roman times. This demonstrates the significance of centrality mechanisms as determined by local and regional circumstances and historical conditions. Accordingly, it is argued that these circumstances and the diverse character as a central place also turned Timacum Minus into an urban site, irrespective of status and monumentality. This definition of the site provides not only an example of how to use central place theory in current archaeological thought but also possibilities for re-thinking urbanism in Roman Moesia.
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Sarıköse, Selma Turhan. "Sultan II. Mahmud Döneminde Safranbolu’da Muhtarlık Teşkilatının Kurulması / Establishing of Mukhtar Organization in Safranbolu in the Period of Sultan Mahmud II." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 6, no. 3 (June 18, 2017): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v6i3.769.
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<pre><strong>Abstract</strong></pre><p>Sultan Mahmud II period is known as the period of reforms in Ottoman history. In spite of the important political problems in inside and outside that have taken place, important arrangements have been made in the structure of the state in this period. The central organization, army, education and provincial administration have been reorganized. As the tımar administration was abolished in the provincial administration in this period. The change of the provincial system towards the provincial system and the establishment of the mukhtar administration became effective. With the removal of the province organization, mukhtars were assigned instead of the imams who were unable to fulfill their obligatory mandate to increase the immigration to Istanbul. After the establishment of the mukhtar organization in the province first in Kastamonu province. Safranbolu is one of the first residential areas where the mukhtar organization was established. Safranbolu was located within the borders of Kastamonu province during this period. In this study, the establishment of the mukhtar organization in the center of Safranbolu and it’s surroundings the first elected mukhtars were evaluated within the archive documents.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Sultan II. Mahmud dönemi Osmanlı tarihinde reformlar dönemi olarak bilinmektedir. Yaşanan önemli iç ve dış siyasi sorunlara rağmen bu dönemde devletin teşkilat yapısında önemli düzenlemeler yapılmıştır. Merkez teşkilatı, ordu, eğitim ve taşra idaresi yeniden organize edilmiştir. Taşra idaresinde bu dönemde tımar teşkilatı kaldırıldığı gibi eyalet sisteminin vilayet sistemine doğru değişimi ve muhtarlık idaresinin kurulması taşrada yeniden düzenin sağlanmasında etkili olmuştur. Tımar teşkilatının kaldırılması ile İstanbul’a göçün artması idari düzenlemeyi zorunlu kılmış, görevini yerine getiremeyen imamlar yerine muhtarlar görevlendirilmiştir. İstanbul’dan sonra muhtarlık teşkilatı taşrada ilk önce Kastamonu vilayetinde kurulmuştur. Safranbolu bu dönemde Kastamonu vilayet sınırları içinde olup, muhtarlık teşkilatının kurulduğu ilk yerleşim yerlerinden biridir. Bu araştırmada Safranbolu’da muhtarlık teşkilatının kurulması ve seçilen ilk muhtarlar arşiv belgeleri çerçevesinde değerlendirilmiştir.</p><pre style="margin: 6pt 0cm; text-align: justify; line-height: 140%; background-image: initial; background-position: initial; background-size: initial; background-repeat: initial; background-attachment: initial; background-origin: initial; background-clip: initial;"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 140%; font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; color: #212121; mso-ansi-language: EN;" lang="EN">Sultan Mahmud II period is known as the period of reforms in Ottoman history. In spite of the important political problems inside and outside that have taken place, important arrangements have been made in the structure of the state in this period. The central organization, army, education and provincial administration have been reorganized. As the tımar administration was abolished in the provincial administration in this period. The change of the provincial system towards the provincial system and the establishment of the <em>mukhtar administration</em> became effective. With the removal of the province organization, <em>mukhtars</em> were assigned instead of the imams who were unable to fulfill their obligatory mandate to increase the immigration to Istanbul. After the establishment of the <em>mukhtar </em>organization in the province first in Kastamonu province. Safranbolu is one of the first residential areas where the <em>mukhtar</em> organization was established. Safranbolu was located within the borders of Kastamonu province during this period. In this study, the establishment of the <em>mukhtar</em> organization in the center of Safranbolu and it’s surroundings the first elected <em>mukhtars</em> were evaluated within the archive documents.</span></pre>
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Veres, Madalina-Valeria. "Putting Transylvania on the Map: Cartography and Enlightened Absolutism in the Habsburg Monarchy." Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000634.
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After touring Transylvania in 1773, Joseph II, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire and co-regent of the Habsburg monarchy, wrote to Empress Maria Theresa complaining about the state of the province's economy and its administrative corruption. Such problems required urgent reform of the sort that could be carried out only by a strong, centralized government acting in the spirit of Enlightened Absolutism. However, success in these endeavors required something more. In Joseph II's words: “We have to remember that the best intentions fail often and the lack of knowledge of local realities makes such a real difference in governance, that what is often considered the best and wisest decisions, cannot be applied locally efficiently; the total ignorance of Your Majesty's advisers at the court and the Transylvanian Chancellery is a real hindrance and harm for the administration.”
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Župarić, Drago. "Prve kršćanske zajednice / First Christian communities." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2017.181.
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Christianity, having developed in a Jewish setting, quickly separated from Judaism and opened itself to the aspirations of the Greco-Roman world. This paper will explore the first Christian communities in Jerusalem, Antioch and Rome, from whence Christianity spread to the ends of the Mediterranean basin, that is to say, through the Roman Empire. Each of the aforementioned communities, which were very well respected, will be discussed with regards to the date of their foundation, the source material concerning these communities, and their prominent characteristics. In other words, this paper will discuss the spread of Christianity, with reference to the question of the triumphant campaign of the young Church from Jerusalem to Rome. After the acceptance of pagans into their communities, Christianity as a new religion began to gain importance, and the number of adherents grew quickly. The Christian community was declared an opposition to imperial government, and was already heavily repressed by the mid-1 century. The communities that survived repression sought peace; that is, collaboration between the Roman state and the “early Church”, which was seen as a new institution. The cult opened itself more and more to the outside world and different cultures, which led to the mingling of Christians and pagans, leading to many theological disputes, especially concerning the “divinity” of Jesus Christ. Between the 1st and 2nd st century the beginnings of Christianity should be viewed as an organization in which commissions and administrations are present, as the number of believers grew and the need for better organization arose. The basis of the rapid expansion of Christianity in the old world should certainly be viewed in its universality. The author of this paper touches upon the question of the beginnings of Christianity in Dalmatia and Pannonia, side by side with Roman culture. Christianity was not very influential in the Roman province of Dalmatia until the mid-3 century, even though it is likely that there were smaller Christian groups here, as well as organized Christian communities.
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Vellut, Jean-Luc. "New Publication About the C.I.C.M. Archives." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 433–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172044.
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The Scheut Archive is housed in a remote Roman suburb. Intriguingly enough, it was not mentioned in Lajos Pàsztor's repertory of church archives in Italy, vol. 7 of the UNESCO series, Guide to the Sources of the History of Africa, published in 1983. One explanation for this neglect might be that the archive was not fully operational by then. These circumstances no doubt partly explain why, despite exemplary conservation and classification, this collection has up to now been insufficiently tapped by scholars. Contributing factors may have been the discredit unfortunately thrown on traditional written sources by a number of modern “Africanists,” as well as widespread ignorance among English-speaking scholars of the intricacies of Roman Catholic bureaucracies. In fact, whatever their cultural background, historians wanting to burrow their way into the massive collection of Scheut papers should brace themselves for a period of initiation in the intricacies of two overlapping multinational Church organizations.On the one hand, the Scheut congregation, as a separate institution, was established in 1862. It had its headquarters at Scheut, on the outskirts of Brussels, with a superior general in charge. It also had representation in Rome, but its main activities were carried out in its territorial branches (“provinces”) established first in the Far East and later in the Congo, each under the authority of a provincial. This organization maintained a dense internal and external network of communication within the hierarchy itself, as well as with government administrations, other religious bodies, etc. Like any organization, it knew rules and procedures, but also conflicts among various power blocs.
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Rowlandson, Jane. "C. Adams, Land Transport in Roman Egypt: A Study of Economics and Administration in a Roman Province. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Pp. xiv + 331. ISBN 978-0-19-920397-0. £60-00." Journal of Roman Studies 98 (November 1, 2008): 221–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800002033.
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YUSTINA, YUSTINA, Darmadi Darmadi, MITRI IRIANTI, and DAHNILSYAH DAHNILSYAH. "THE PERSPECTIVES OF LOCAL WISDOM IN CONSERVATION AND BIODIVERSITY MANAGEMENT OF FISH SPECIES AT RANGAU RIVER, RIAU PROVINCE, INDONESIA." International Journal of Educational Best Practices 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31258/ijebp.v2n2.p48-54.
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Abstract. This descriptive research was conducted at Rantau Kopar village, Rokan Hilir District from January to June 2017. The reason for this study is due to the drastic declining of biodiversity of fish species at Rangau river despite the existence the local wisdom to protect the watershed in the area. It is aimed to discover the perspectives local wisdom in preventing the decreasing of fish biodiversity at Rangau river. The employed sampling technique was snowball technic sampling which involved 30 respondents. The primary data were obtained using observation and interview; the secondary data (documents). Data consist of community composition, livelihood, community participation in preserving the local wisdom, the synergy between the local wisdom and the policies of the local administration. The data were computed in percentage and were analyzed descriptively. The findings demonstrated that the local wisdom was compiled by the local community whose livelihood as fishermen. Conversely, in 2017, the local people did not comply with both sanction and the local customary law, there had been careless exploitation of the water across the watershed to be oil palm plantation area and the increasing number of oil palm farmers. This study concludes that the main threat facing the local wisdom is that the policies of local administration are not synergic with the local wisdom as stipulated in the regulations and conservation of the area across the watershed of Rangau. The implication of this study is used for the supplementary materials for the bioetnomalay subject in the Indonesian education
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Zulputra, Zulputra, and Nelvia Nelvia. "KETERSEDIAAN P, SERAPAN P DAN SI OLEH TANAMAN PADI GOGO (Oryza sativa. L) PADA LAHAN ULTISOL YANG DIAPLIKASIKAN SILIKAT DAN PUPUK FOSFAT." JURNAL AGROTEKNOLOGI 8, no. 2 (February 10, 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24014/ja.v8i2.3351.
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The research was conducted from August 2014 to Januari 2015 in the Ultisol Land, Pematang Berangan Village, Rokan Hulu Regency, Riau Province. The study aims to determine the availability of P, P and Si uptake by upland rice plants granting silicate and phosphate fertilizer on Ultisol land. The form of this research is experimental factorial completely randomized design consist of two factors. The first factor is silicate consists of four levels (0, 50, 75, and 100 kg SiO2/ha), while the second factor is phosphate fertilizer consists of four levels (0, 36, 54, and 72 kg P2O5/ha), each combination was repeated three times. The results showed that administration of silicates and phosphates increase the availability of P, P and Si uptake of upland rice crop. Giving of 100 kg SiO2 and 36 kg P2O5 per hectare increase uptake of P and Si, each respectively increased by 208 % and 218 % compared without silicates and phosphates fertilizer.
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Jong, Janneke De. "Land Transport in Egypt - (C.) Adams Land Transport in Roman Egypt. A Study of Economics and Administration in a Roman Province. Pp. xiv + 331, maps. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007. Cased, £69. ISBN: 978-0-19-920397-0." Classical Review 60, no. 1 (March 8, 2010): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x09991211.
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Isichenko, Ihor. "„Ксьондзи-єзуїти” в унійному проєкті та романтичному міті." Studia Polsko-Ukraińskie 9 (July 18, 2022): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2451-2958spu.9.2.
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The reception of relations between the Orthodox and Catholic Churches by the Ukrainian national consciousness was largely formed by a romantic myth. It appeared in the works by Taras Shevchenko, in the documents of the the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius. According to this myth, the Church Union of Brest (1596) was the result of the colonial policy of the Polish government and the intrigues of the Jesuit priests. In fact, the influence of the royal administration on the religious life of the inhabitants of the Polish-Lithuanian state was extremely limited. „Henrician Articles” of 1573 forced the king to adhere to religious tolerance and to recognize the nobility’s right to free choice of religion. The Roman Catholic clergy, for the most part, did not want to grant Christians the Eastern rite of parity. The Society of Jesus, which formed a separate province in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1574, was guided not by political but by religious motives. Benedict Herbest (1531–1598) already in his work „Wypisanie drogi” („The Desribing of The Way”, 1566) discusses the prospect of restoring unity with the Orthodox Ruthenians. In the book „Wiary Kościołu Rzymskiego wywody” („The Arguments of the Roman Church’ Belief”) he explains Ruthenia’s departure from unity with Rome by lack of education and low religious consciousness. Piotr Skarga (1536–1612) wrote the book „O jedności Kościoła Bożego” („About the God’s Church’s Unity”, 1577), when he had not great authority in the Church and when he was little known in society. At the Brest synod in 1596 Skarga was not a participant and organizer, but only an observer and chronicler. Both Herbest and Skarga were only inflammatory polemicists who responded to the challenge of the Reform by calling for the consolidation of the Church in a single organism. The romantic myth is refuted by a closer acquaintance with their works and life experience.
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Żelazowski, Jerzy. "Edilizia residenziale nel paesaggio urbanistico di Tolemaide in Cirenaica." Światowit, no. 58 (September 14, 2020): 123–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/0082-044x.swiatowit.58.8.
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The article presents the private houses of Ptolemais’ inhabitants in the context of the history and urban development of a city with a thousand-year-long history. Four periods can be distinguished in the history of Ptolemais: the first since the creation of the city’s final spatial development plan in the 2nd century BC until the Jewish Revolt in 115–117 AD; the second in the 2nd–3rd centuries AD under the sign of development and growing aspirations of Ptolemais; the third in the 4th century AD until the first half of the 5th century AD, when the city served as the capital of the province of Libya Superior; and the fourth, from the end of the 5th century AD until the mid-7th century AD, in which Ptolemais, after a short period of crisis related to the nomad invasions, flourished again until the appearance of the Arabs, marking the end of the ancient city, although not the end of settlement in its area. Within this historical framework, changes in the city’s buildings and the transformation of private houses can be identified, and various cultural influences associated with the arrival of new residents at different times with their baggage of experience or with the more or less significant presence of representatives of the civil and military administration of the Roman Empire can be seen.
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Merdanić Šahinović, Dženefa. "Administrativno–pravno uređenje rudarskog distrikta sjeverozapadne Bosne u III stoljeću / The administrative and legal regulation of the mining district of northwestern Bosnia in the 3rd century." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 4 (December 23, 2020): 175–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2020.175.
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Research of the Ancient mining, throughout the Roman Empire, indicates that the evolutionary development of local, metallurgical, and mining plants is directly related to changes of the imperial administration. During the second century, the mines belonged to the state that leased them to a private mine lessee, conductor. As the same conductor appears in the northwestern areas of Bosnia and Mursa, Noricum, as a leaseholder of Pannonian iron mines, we can assume that this mining area was the administrative property of the province of Pannonia. There are fifteen epigraphic monuments from the third century, which provide a basis for understanding the administrative-legal arrangement of the mining district of north-west Bosnia. Almost all monuments have been erected in honor of Oriental deities, with the exception of two monuments referred to Sedatus, a Pannonian deity. The most represented deity is Terra Mater, whose dedications make half of the total number of these epigraphic sources. Terra Mater, or Mother Earth, basically is not a mining deity, but in this context, its interpretation as such is not a mistake. The aforementioned monuments have been erected by an administrative-legal apparatus operating in this district, in the form of a fiduciary (procurator Augusti), a bailiff (vilicus), or an association of collegium and corpus. Although the administrative apparatus was much more layered and had a functional hierarchical system, these are the only titles and functions that occur in the Northwestern Mining District, within their variations. The strength of administrative power, in the said territory, was best manifested in the third century, but there is numismatic evidence for the mining process in the first century.
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VEEN, PETER, and EVERT DE JONGE. "De Veluwse herengoederen." Tijdschrift voor Historische Geografie 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 2–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/thg2020.1.001.veen.
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The ‘herengoederen’ in the Dutch region the Veluwe. Farming in a feudal system In this article the development of the feudal system of ‘herengoederen’ (landowner estates) has been described for the region the Veluwe in the Netherlands. These estates were founded by the count and later duke of Gelre. In the 12th century the count of Gelre came to power due to the support of the bishop of Utrecht and the Roman-German emperor. He was able to start reclamation activities across the Veluwe region. The reclamation work was done by serfs who lived in on his estate. The term ‘herengoed’ was officially used in documents to describe a farming unit from 1543 onwards till 1795 ( the French Revolution). However, these farming units were much older as they originated form the 12th century. The system of ‘herengoed’ is an interesting subject for historical research because the administration of these farms is still available in the regional archives in the province of Gelderland. For every ‘herengoed’ a registration was set up about, for instance, the position of serfdom, the completeness of the estates and the registration of debts on the estates. A new owner of the ‘herengoed’ needed a permission (investiture) from the chamber of registration of the county of Gelre to live on the estate. After changes in the 16th century the province of Gelderland led the chamber of registration. After a general introduction about the nature of ‘herengoederen’ a case study has been included for the local community Nunspeet with its four settlements Hulshorst, Westeinde, ‘t Hul and Oosteinde. The first remnants of settlements in this region were found during archaeological excavations in the 1970s. Periods of drought stimulated the farmers to start farming in the coastal area on the fringes of the Veluwe Plateau. After the establishment of the county of Gelre in the 12th century the coastal area between Veluwe and Zuiderzee was reclaimed within a couple of centuries. The system of reclamation was described in the article based on a study on cadastral and other maps from the 19th century and on information from the archives. The authors advise to start a Veluwe-wide inventory of all still existing ‘herengoederen’ because due to urbanisation and other causes the number of these estates has declined dramatically. A complete inventory of all these farming units has been missing up till now.
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Dobat, Andres Siegfried. "En gave til Veleda – Om en magtfuld spåkvinde og tolkningen af de sydskandinaviske krigsbytteofringer." Kuml 58, no. 58 (October 18, 2009): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kuml.v58i58.26392.
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A gift to VeledaThe large finds of military equipment in Southern Scandinavian bogs (the so-called war booty sacrifices) have long comprised a central aspect of research into the Iron Age. During recent decades, research has focused on the chronology and origin of these find assemblages, the hierarchical structure of Iron Age armies and their military strategic organisation and logistics. Comparably little attention has, on the other hand, been paid to the finds in their primary sense, i.e. as votive offerings and, accordingly, expressions of ritual acts with ideological and religious connotations. Our knowledge concerning the character of the acts performed before and during the actual depositions, and the religious background for these acts, is very limited. An historical account of which there has, until now, been little awareness in this respect, is the history of Veleda. According to Tacitus’ Historiae, Veleda was a prophetess of the German tribes north of the Lower Rhine. Tacitus’ account may serve as a source of inspiration towards a better understanding of these war booty offerings. The aim of this article is to draw attention to the ritual and sacral dimension of the Southern Scandinavian war-booty sacrifices and to paint a picture of the possible background and religious connotations for these finds.About the South Scandinavian war booty sacrificesThe Southern Scandinavian war booty sacrifices typically contain various types of weapons and elements of the personal equipment of individual warriors, as well as tools and other elements belonging to an army’s logistical apparatus. The find sites are concentrated geographically relative to the eastern coast of Jutland and on the island of Funen. The majority dates from the Late Roman Iron Age and the beginning of the Migration Period. It is generally accepted that the war booty offerings represent the equipment belonging to defeated armies, deposited by the victors of the conflicts. Recent debate has focussed on the question of whether the sites mirror offensive or defensive military actions. With regard to the ritual background and religious connotations of the sites, discussions have traditionally been based on descriptions by Classical writers of the sacrificial rituals of Celtic or Germanic tribes. These traditionally form the explanatory framework for the interpretation of the sites as representing votive offerings of a victorious army to some war god or other.The sacrificial sites as a ritual sceneCommon features of the war booty offerings are their location in a wetland environment, originally a lake or bog, and the intensive destruction of the artefacts previous to their deposition. Analyses indicate that this destruction was conducted very intentionally and according to a firmly structured pattern of ritual behaviour. The sacrifices thus represent considerable organisational and logistical investment(s), involving the participation of large groups of people. Through an association with high steep moraine hillsides, the topography of some of the offering sites resembles that of a natural amphitheatre. The localities seem to have been intentionally chosen to allow a large audience to witness the performance of the offering. The offerings can thus be seen as highly performative and dramatic spectacles, which, drawing on both additive and visual effects, can be expected to have left a lasting impression in the memories both of individuals and of the community.Tacitus’ account of VeledaTacitus’ account of Veleda forms part of his report in books IV and V of Historiae, on the revolt of the tribes of the Batavi and the Bructeri against Roman administration, which took place around 70 AD in the province of Germania Inferior. The prophetess is introduced in the context of the siege and destruction of Castra Vetera, near modern Xanten, in 69/70 AD. According to Tacitus, she had foretold the victory of the alliance of Germanic tribes; one of the legionaries of the defeated legions was sent to her along with other gifts. She is described as a woman of the tribe of the Bructeri. Furthermore she is told to have had enormous authority, due to her prophetical and even divine power. Shortly after the siege of Castra Vetera, the Germans are reported to have succeeded in capturing the flagship of the Roman Rhine fleet, which again was brought as a present to Veleda.Veleda and her giftsVeleda is described more elaborately as being one of many prophetesses worshipped by the Germanic tribes, and who even may have achieved divine status. She was said to dwell in a tall tower of some kind, and direct contact with her was prohibited. Against the background of Veleda’s divine status, and her role as a mediator between gods and humans, the gifts which were brought to her after the Germans’ two victories can be seen as offerings. The Roman legate, said to have been killed on his way to Veleda, corresponds to the presentation and execution of the enemy commander in the context of the Roman triumph, or the killing of the Roman officers in the aftermath of the Battle of Teutoburg Forest. The trireme, the largest type of contemporary military vessel, cannot be expected to have been intended for military use but as an obvious expression of Roman military power, and hence clear proof for the Germans’ triumph.From Castra Vetera to IllerupThe range of gifts which, according to Tacitus, were brought to Veleda, correlates with some of the elements of the war booty offerings. With regard to the Roman officer, it was especially weapons and personal equipment, presumably those of the leading commanders of the defeated armies, that were deposited at several sites. These probably received special attention during preparation of the offerings. Tacitus’ account on the captured trireme is reminiscent of the finds of either complete or parts of what can be assumed to have been specialised military vessels seen in a number of war booty offerings. The similarities between the example of Veleda and the war booty offerings are not limited to the respective gifts/offerings. In both cases, the giving of gifts/offerings is in the context of a military campaign. The vessels, in particular, can be characterised as very spectacular items, and in both cases the victor of the military conflict was responsible for the giving of gifts/offerings.Veleda and her sisters in the NorthTacitus’ description of Veleda, and other references to Germanic prophetesses in Classical writings, shows parallels to the description of the Völva in much later Old Norse written sources from the medieval period. Fulfilling a role as a mediator between the gods and humans, these female prophetesses seem not only to have been part of actual society, but also an element of contemporary mythology. The Völva can be perceived as being associated with the mythological concept of the Norns, which again relate to other mythological figures, such as the Valkyries, Disir and a number of minor deities. Like Veleda, these religious specialists and mythological beings all relate to the general concept of fate, and in particular to warriors and war. Several mythological beings and female deities that appear in the Old Norse written sources, presumably representing an old stratum within the mythological narrative, show close links to a wetland environment, in the form of lakes, wells or bogs.The goddess in the lakeEven though both the various historical sources and the archaeological evidence are characterised by considerable variation in terms of space and time they nevertheless open up far-reaching perspectives and can be used as source of inspiration for a better understanding of war booty offerings. This applies not least to the question of whether these phenomena result from unsuccessful invasions or successful raids abroad. The latter hypothesis has been promoted more recently with reference to the Roman Triumph. The example of Veleda shows that the tribe of the Bructeri celebrated a version of the Triumph, indicating a similar practice in a Germanic context. This supports the above hypothesis that at least some of the war booty offerings may result from the showing off to the native community of war booty acquired abroad. The story of Veleda is of particular interest with reference to the nature of the ritual and religious dimension of the finds. Tacitus’ account of Veleda resembles the Southern Scandinavian war booty offerings on several counts. Additionally, there are obvious parallels between Veleda and the other Germanic prophetesses, on the one hand, and a large number of female characters in Old Norse written sources on Pre-Christian mythology, on the other. These similarities may be rooted in a shared conceptualisation of the influence of the divine powers on the outcome of a battle, of the predictability of the will of these powers and how appreciation could be expressed to such powers or to the ones who had communicated their will. The example of Veleda can be seen, like the later written accounts of Vølvas, Norns, Valkyries and other mythological beings, as a distant echo of this concept; it presumably belongs to the oldest strata of Pre- Christian cosmology reflected in our written sources. The historical sources can be seen as mirroring a past cognitive reality and religious world view; according to which female beings, both as religious specialists and as mythological characters, fulfilled a crucial role in the context of coercion, war and death. Against this background, one may ask whether the war booty offerings can be interpreted as reflecting votive offerings relating to religious specialists who were incorporated into preparation of the military campaign. Additionally, one may ask whether the nameless war god, to whom the war booty offerings are traditionally thought to have been dedicated, may also be sought among the various female beings mentioned in Classical and later Old Norse sources. These sources mirror a mythological conceptualisation of wells, lakes and bogs as not merely transitional zones or entrances to the supernatural, but as the very dwelling place of various mythological beings. Against this background, the changing context of votive activities in Scandinavia, practised in both wetland environments and in the context of settlements, may have been rooted in the dualism of a female and masculine sphere in religious and military practice.Andres Sieg fried DobatMoesgård Museum/Aarhus Universitet
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Burdin, Volodymyr, and Ihor Boyko. "ORIGINS OF IVAN FRANKO NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF LVIV: SOME DISCUSSION ISSUES (TO THE 360TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE ESTABLISHMENT)." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law 72, no. 72 (June 20, 2021): 14–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2021.72.014.
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The article analyzes and highlights the origins and preconditions of the Lviv University, emphasizes the longevity of educational and scientific academic traditions at the university, shows what were the obstacles for the Ukrainian people of the Middle Ages in the conditions of statelessness to create a national higher education institution, particularly in Lviv. The preconditions and the time of the Faculty of Law foundation are studied, as well as its place and role at the Lviv University are determined. Much attention is focused on the characteristics of two traditions on determining the date of foundation of the Lviv University: the Eastern European tradition, which is based on the royal privilege of 1661; it has a formal character, based on documentary sources; as well as the Western European tradition, which is based on the establishment of the first school of the Western European standard in Lviv, also based on the source documents and international experience. It is substantiated that the formation and development of the first educational institutions in the Western Ukrainian lands, particularly in Lviv, date back to the times of the Galicia-Volyn state, which was the heir and successor of the Kyiv-Rus’ state. One of the first links in the emergence of the elements of university education in Lviv can be considered a parish school founded on November 11, 1372, and later a monastic school, which in 1451 became a cathedral school. The next link in the formation of university education in Lviv in accordance with the Western European tradition was the Lviv Stauropean Fraternal School (1586). Thereafter follow the Lviv Jesuit College (1608), the Academy (1661) as well as the University (1784). Due to the lack of historical sources, we do not have proper historical data about the parish (monastery) school in Lviv in 1372, in particular about its teachers and disciplines read by certain professors, famous graduates, as well as about their own statutes etc. However, we do possess the necessary historical data based on primary sources about the Lviv Fraternal School of 1586, from which, it seems, we can trace the origins of the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv. It is emphasized that since 1661, the Faculty of Law of «both laws» was envisaged among the four faculties («facultatis») of the Lviv University. In the first period of the Lviv University's existence, the faculties mentioned in the royal privilege began to operate in its structure, including the faculty of «both laws», which trained specialists in canon and Roman law. At that time, the faculties in their modern sense as organizational and educational-scientific units of the university, providing for the creation of departments, did not exist, as the training was conducted according to the program of Jesuit schools, developed in the late XVI century. It is also noted that in the first period of the Lviv University (1661–1773) the following legal studies (courses) were taught at the «both laws» Faculty of Law: basics of Roman law, public law, history of state system, political geography, «natural law», civil law (based on comments to the Justinian Code), the administrative system of European countries. In the process of teaching canon law and the so-called «incidents» - moral theology, certain aspects of criminal law were studied. From 1739, they began to teach the history of law. Teaching was in Latin. Within the framework of educational reforms from the beginning of the XVIII century, at the University of Lviv, a separate professor of canon law was appointed, and later – a professor of Roman law. The teaching system changed under the influence of new socio-economic and political conditions in the Commonwealth and Western Europe. After the annexation of Galicia to the Austrian Empire, a system of state bodies was formed, which required a significant number of qualified civil servants. There were few people willing to go to Lviv or other cities in Galicia and Bukovyna from Vienna or Prague. Based on the urgent need for training for the newly created province of Galicia and Lodomeria personnel of various specialties (government officials, judges, medical teachers, priests, etc.), the Austrian Emperor Joseph II on October 21, 1784 issued a diploma, which formally established and actually restored Lviv University consisting of four faculties (philosophical, law, medical and theological), as well as an academic gymnasium with the same rights for all universities of the state. The created gymnasium served as a base for staffing university students. The training of lawyers, who made up the vast majority of civil servants, as well as judges, prosecutors, lawyers, and notaries in Galicia, was entrusted to the Faculty of Law of the Lviv University. Since then, the Faculty of Law at the Lviv University had been functioning as an organizational and educational-scientific structural unit of the Lviv University, where a certain cycle of related scientific disciplines was taught and the specialists in law were trained, as well as the creation of departments and administration was provided for etc. Unlike other faculties of the Lviv University, the Faculty of Law did not cease its activities, due to the liquidation of the Faculty of Philosophy in 1924 and the Faculty of Theology in 1939, the Faculty of Law is also the oldest faculty of the Ivan Franko University of Lviv.
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Hummler, Madeleine. "Egypt and Africa - Edna R. Russmann, Nigel Strudwick & T.G.H. James Temples and Tombs: Treasures of Egyptian Art from the British Musuem. 136 pages, 85 b&w & colour illustrations. Seattle (WA): University of Washington Press; 978-0-295-98618-0 hardback $40 & £21.99. - Fran Weatherhead. Amarna Palace Paintings (Egypt Exploration Society Excavation Memoir 78). xxiv+386 pages, 182 figures, 67 b&w & 21 colour plates, 9 tables. 2007. London: Egypt Exploration Society; 978-0-85698-166-1 hardback. - Colin Adams. Land Transport in Roman Egypt: A Study ofEconomics and Administration in a Roman Province (Oxford Classical Monographs). xiv+332 pages, 3 maps. 2007. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 978-0-19-920397-0 hardback £60. - David L. Stone & Lea M. Stirling (ed.). Mortuary Landscapes of North Africa (Phoenix Supplementary volume 43). xii+254 pages, 43 illustrations, 3 tables. 2007. Toronto (Ont.): University of Toronto Press; 978-0-8020-9083-6 hardback US$75 & £48. - Pamela R. Willoughby The Evolution of Modern Humans in Africa: A Comprehensive Guide. xxii+440 pages, 45 illustrations, 6 tables. 2007. Lanham (MD): AltaMira; 978-0-7591-0118-0 hardback; 978-0-7591-0119-7 paperback £33. - John W. Arthur Living with Pottery. Ethnoarchaeology among the Gamo of Southwest Ethiopia. xvi+154 pages, 82 illustrations, 45 tables. 2007. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press; 978-0-87480-884-1 paperback $25; 978-0-87480-883-4 hardback $55." Antiquity 81, no. 313 (September 1, 2007): 824–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00120630.
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Wells, Peter S. "Production Within and Beyond Imperial Boundaries: Goods, Exchange, and Power in Roman Europe." Journal of World-Systems Research, August 31, 1996, 419–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.1996.90.
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After Rome had conquered much of temperate Europe, the administration directed the establishment of industries important to the maintenance of military and economic control of the new provinces. These included stone quarries, pottery manufactures, and metal industries. Recent research shows that much production was not as centralized as has been believed; diverse industrial sites throughout the provincial landscapes indicate a variety of arrangements for supplying the needs of the empire. In many instances, Roman production systems relied upon indigenous traditions of manufacturing. The provincial economies depended also upon materials collected and processed beyond the imperial frontiers. Analysis of Roman imports in Germany, Scandinavia, and eastern Europe, and of the contexts in which they occur, suggesta that goods produced outside of the empire played a major role in the imperial economy. These commercial links, over which Roman authorities had no effective control, contributed to substantial changes in economics and in social and political configurations in societies beyond the Roman frontier.
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Humennyi, Victor. "“…PROSPERAE IN ARMENIA RES ADDIDERANT”: CORBULO, TACITUS AND CONSTRUCTING THE IMAGES OF ROME’S EARLY IMPERIAL CAMPAIGNS IN ARMENIA." Вісник Львівського університету. Серія історична / Visnyk of the Lviv University. Historical Series, no. 54 (November 3, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/his.2022.54.11622.
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he Roman historiography of the early Antonine era is represented by the works of Tacitus, whose texts are our main source for the attempts to solve certain problems of the history of early imperial Rome and the history of the surrounding regions. In this context, two central problems arise and still remain: the search for the origins of those models that Tacitus used as the basis for his description of the situation in Armenia in the middle of the 1st century CE and on the other hand – the actual problems of using the evidence of Tacitus for the reconstruction of the events of Nero's time which, in our opinion even in Tacitus’s works seems to be more complicated that the events of Corbulo’s activity in the East. Using the example of Rome's policy in the Caucasus region, the author states, that for a proper reconstruction of Rome's military policy in the East, we need to take into account the contexts and approaches with which Tacitus wrote his text, and in which his own narrative strategies were ephemerally combined. The first of them was the inclusion of major military and political events in the context of the activities of prominent political figures of the era. The role of “key bright figures” in the age of Julius-Claudius becomes dominant. To some extent, it is the role of prominent figures in history (but not Emperors) that lies at the heart of how Tacitus constructs Rome's past. The discussion over the early provincial offices of Corbulo at this point cannot be solved clearly. In the time of Augustus, the role of the Emperor at this time becomes quite important – he coordinated and controlled foreign policy measures, either personally or through his relatives and friends. Tiberius tries to strengthen the position of the provincial administration, and this policy proved to be effective. Neither Caligula nor Claudius particularly changed the trend set by their predecessors. For the Armenian campaigns of Rome at the time of Nero, Corbulo became the main figure for the narrative of Tacitus. Corbulo, as the author states, did not act as a protégé of certain circles at the imperial court, but within the framework of practices already common to the imperial court and provincial administration. Corbulo, despite the fact that his unique role was no more than a narrative strategy that reflected the practices of the era and despite the fact that the reconstruction of his powers and actual influence, according to most of existing scholarship, is problematic, in hands of Tacitus acts as the figure who is the creator of all politics Rome in the Caucasus region. Secondly, the narrative of Tacitus can be placed in the larger context of the age of Hadrian, when the Romans were forced to abandon the provinces created by Trajan and the conquered territories and retreat. The impossibility of destroying Parthian power in the region by military means prompted Roman authors to seek an explanation for the events witnessed by the Romans. Against all this background, in fact, lies the actual course of the Roman-Parthian conflict in the age of Nero, which requires the researcher to pay close attention and which reminds him once again that his predecessors, even in the ancient era, wrote histories based as on their subjective ideas and questions that worried their contemporaries.
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"peter Ørsted . Roman Imperial Economy and Romanization: A Study in Roman Imperial Administration and the Public Lease System in the Danubian Provinces from the First to the Third Century A.D . Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum. 1985. Pp. 415. Cloth KR 360, paper KR 280." American Historical Review, June 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/92.3.639-a.
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"James Spilman, F. R. S. (1680-1763), and Anglo-Russian commerce." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 48, no. 1 (January 31, 1994): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.1994.0003.
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On 25 October 1714 the President of the Royal Society addressed the following letter to Peter the Great’s chief lieutenant: Isaac Newton greets the most powerful and honourable Mr Alexander Menshikov, Prince of the Roman and Russian Empire, Lord of Oranienburg, Chief Councillor of his Caesarian Majesty, Master of the Horse, Ruler of the Conquered Provinces, Knight of the Order of the Elephant, of the White and Black Eagle, etc. Whereas it has long been known to the Royal Society that your Emperor his Caesarian Majesty, has furthered very great advances in the arts and sciences in his Kingdom, and that he has been particularly aided by your administration not only in military and civil affairs, but also in the dissemination of literature and science, we were all filled with the greatest joy when the English merchants informed us that Your Excellency (out of his high courtesy, singular regard for the sciences, and lover of our nation) designs to join the body of our Society. At that time we had concluded our meetings until the summer and autumn seasons should be past, as is our custom. But hearing of this we at once assembled, so that by our votes we might elect Your Excellency, which we unanimously did. And now, as soon as it is possible to renew our postponed meetings, we have confirmed the election by a diploma under our common Seal. The Society, however, has instructed its Secretary that when he has sent the Diploma off to you, he should advise you of the election. Farewell. Menshikov was elected a Fellow of the Society on 29 July 1714, as the result of a letter written on 25 June by two English merchants at St. Petersburg, James Spilman and Henry Hodgkin, his trading partner, to Samuel Shepherd, an influential London merchant, intimating that the Prince sought election. This paper endeavours to explain how a Russia Company merchant, who was not himself elected a Fellow of the Royal Society until 1734, came to engineer the election to the Society of Russia’s second most powerful figure - despite the fact that Menshikov could neither read nor write. At the same time it will illustrate the close links between science and commerce in the first two decades of the eighteenth century and the significance of Spilman’s associations with Robert Erskine, F.R.S., Peter the Great’s chief physician.
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Dîscă, Andrei-Cătălin. "Situri și descoperiri de epocă romană din împrejurimile Potaissei (IV). Date noi și clarificări privind topografia siturilor de pe teritoriul comunei Tureni / Roman Sites and Discoveries Around Potaissa. (IV). New Data and Clarifications Regarding the Topography of the sites from Tureni parish." Analele Banatului XVIII 2020, January 1, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55201/zaon1824.
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In 106 A.D. the kingdom of Decebalus was conquered by the roman emperor Trajan and upon its ruins was created the Roman province of Dacia. In about one century and a half the newly created province was so deeply transformed, that when Dacia was abandoned by the Roman administration around 275 A.D., the material culture dominating this area was the Roman one. These transformations are well illustrated by two roman sites located several kilometres northwest of the junction between the Arieș and Mureș Rivers, namely the Roman town of Potaissa and the legionary fortress of Legio V Macedonica. In the area where these two sites are located, only a small indigenous settlement is presumed to have existed prior to the Roman conquest. Nonetheless, at the end of second century A.D., both the town of Potaissa, and the legionary fortress reached their peak, making this area of the heist importance for Roman Dacia. For this reason, these two sites were intensely investigated by the scholars over the last decades. In contrast with these sites, the large majority of the numerous rural settlements which developed around the abovementioned town and fortress were investigated to a much lower degree. In the current stage of research there are lacking essential data about these settlements, as for example: their exact locations, dimensions and archaeological inventories. To improve the current stage of research it is necessary to sum up the information from the literature, to conduct new field surveys in this area, and to create accurate maps with all the sites and discoveries. These are the goals of a project that started a couple of years ago and envisaged all Roman-Era sites around Potaissa. Starting with 2019 the results of this project have been published in a series of studies, the present study, dealing with the Roman age sites from Tureni parish, belonging to this series. The parish of Tureni is located between the Roman urban centres Potaissa and Napoca, along one of the most important roads of Dacia, the one connecting the Danube and the northern limes of the province. Over the decades were identified several Roman sites in this area, in addition to the already mentioned road, in the literature being indicated two possible watchtowers and several rural settlements and villas. These statements are supported by the volume of the discoveries, on the one hand, and by the location of these discoveries along one of the main arteries of the province, on the other hand, although, in the current stage of research, the topography of the Roman-Era finds from Tureni is rather poorly known, as most of the discovery spots are not located with precision in the field. In order to decide the degree to which the statements in the existing literature still stand, over the last years I have performed a series of field surveys aimed at identifying and mapping the spots with discoveries. This initiative has indicated that these spots form eight consistent clusters where the finds consisted of masonry traces, pottery, tools, and even coins and inscriptions, located as follows: three clusters on the territory of Ceanu Mic village, one cluster on the territory of Micești village, one cluster on the territory of Mărtinești village and two clusters on the territory of Tureni village. The Roman road mentioned in this area crosses the territory of both Ceanu Mic and Tureni villages.