Relevant bibliographies by topics / Roman provinces Praetoria. Rome Rome

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Academic literature on the topic 'Roman provinces Praetoria. Rome Rome'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Roman provinces Praetoria. Rome Rome"

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Turner, Andrew. "The Poet and the Praetor: Travel Narratives from Early Second-Century Italy." Antichthon 43 (2009): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001982.

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Travel was an inescapable fact of life for the citizens of early second-century CE Rome. People constantly travelled from Rome to Italy, from Rome to the provinces, and from the provinces to Rome; on business, public or private, as immigrants, or for personal reasons, including health and tourism. News of travel was also ever present. In a rigidly hierarchical society which paid continual homage to the princeps, but which also maintained the fiction that his actions were accountable to the Roman people, his extensive travels throughout Italy and the provinces were constantly documented and ava
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Bourgeon, Oriane. "Baetican olive-oil trade under the Late Empire: new data on the production of Late Roman amphorae (Dressel 23) in the lower Genil valley." Journal of Roman Archaeology 30 (2017): 517–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400074249.

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From the Julio-Claudian era until around the third quarter of the 3rd c. A.D., the amphorae that H. Dressel referred to as the Dressel 20 type in his table of amphorae discovered at the Castra Praetoria and, to a lesser extent, at Monte Testaccio, was used to transport olive oil from Hispania Baetica to Rome and the NW provinces of the empire. The artificial mound of Testaccio, just over 40 m high and covering an area of 2.2 ha, is a huge dump composed mainly of Dr. 20 amphorae, standing near the Emporium on the left bank of the Tiber. As has been acknowledged, its abandonment, a direct conseq
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De Feo, G., S. De Gisi, C. Malvano, and O. De Biase. "The greatest water reservoirs in the ancient Roman world and the “Piscina Mirabilis” in Misenum." Water Supply 10, no. 3 (2010): 350–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2010.106.

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The aim of the present study was to investigate the greatest water reservoirs in the ancient Roman world and, in particular, the “Piscina Mirabilis” in Misenum, in Southern Italy. In our study, we considered the reservoirs with a volume in the order of thousands of cubic metres, storing flowing water, set low in the ground or actually underground, and roofed over. In general, a Roman aqueduct was not built to provide drinking water, nor to promote hygiene, but either to supply the baths or for military aims. As a matter of fact, the population of Rome at the end of the 1st century AD had an av
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Luciani, Franco. "PUBLIC SLAVES IN ROME: ‘PRIVILEGED’ OR NOT?" Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2020): 368–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000506.

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In the Roman world, slavery played a crucial role. Besides private slaves, owned by individual masters, and—from the beginning of the Principate—imperial slaves, who were the property of the emperors, there were also the so-called public slaves: non-free individuals who were owned by a community, such as the Roman people as a whole in Rome (serui publici populi Romani), or the citizen body of a colony or a municipium in Italy or in the provinces (serui ciuitatum). Public slaves in Rome were employed for numerous public services and acted under the authority of the Senate as assistants to publi
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Corke-Webster, James. "Roman History." Greece and Rome 67, no. 1 (2020): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383519000287.

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Some questions never go out of fashion. My main focus in this issue is the spread of Roman power across the Mediterranean, with multiple new publications appearing on this oldest of subjects. First up is Dexter Hoyos’ Rome Victorious. This work of popular history aims to cover what Hoyos dubs in his subtitle The Irresistible Rise of the Roman Empire, though that is rather an odd choice, since Hoyos stresses that Rome's imperial efforts did not always succeed. Hoyos walks us through the unification of Italy and the acquisition of the Republican provinces in the first two chapters, taking the na
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Koester, Helmut. "The Memory of Jesus' Death and the Worship of the Risen Lord." Harvard Theological Review 91, no. 4 (1998): 335–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600001628x.

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On the Ides of March of the year 44 BCE, the dictator of Rome, Julius Caesar, was assassinated. Nobody knew whether this would reconstitute the Roman Republic of old or would only usher in a new period of civil war like the one that had devastated not only Rome and Italy but also the provinces for many decades before Caesar's ascendancy to sole power.
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Noy, David. "Building a Roman Funeral Pyre." Antichthon 34 (November 2000): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001167.

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Until the second century A.D., the bodies of most people who died at Rome and in the western provinces of the Empire ended up on a funeral pyre, to be reduced to ashes which would be placed in a grave. The practical arrangements for this process have attracted some attention from archaeologists but virtually none from ancient historians. In this paper I shall try to combine literary and archaeological evidence to reconstruct how the pyre was prepared. I hope that this will provide a fuller background than currently exists for understanding the numerous brief references which can be found in Ro
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Bradley, Mark. "Colour and marble in early imperial Rome." Cambridge Classical Journal 52 (2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000440.

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The proliferation of white and coloured marbles in Rome and the provinces has received detailed attention from archaeologists, and the symbolism underlying the use and distribution of these marbles has been discussed at length by art historians. In addition, there are now several important catalogues of ancient Roman marbles. Their stones are presented attractively in full glory, using state-of-the-art printing technology, page after page of dazzling colour. In case the full extent of the polychromy is lost on the reader, descriptions and labels (particulary those coined in nineteenth-century
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Schreiber, Stefan. "Der politische Lukas. Zur kulturellen Interaktion des lukanischen Doppelwerks mit dem Imperium Romanum." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 110, no. 2 (2019): 146–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2019-0011.

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Abstract The conventional image of the Rome-friendly, politically apologetic Luke is increasingly questioned today. In order to be able to recognize a political attitude of Luke within the narratives of Luke-Acts, an evaluation of different textual complexes is necessary. The article first elaborates on Rome-critical features of the Lukan Birth narrative against the backdrop of the conception of the aurea aetas supporting the early Roman Principate, before considering the implications of the idea of Christ’s reign for the evaluation of imperial rule. It also addresses the dark sides of Roman r
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Flexsenhar, Michael. "The Provenance of Philippians and Why it Matters: Old Questions, New Approaches1." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42, no. 1 (2019): 18–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x19855297.

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Despite a growing consensus that Paul wrote Philippians from Ephesus, there are still some who argue that he wrote the letter while imprisoned in Rome. These arguments rely on interpretations of Paul’s phrase in Phil. 1.13 (ἐν ὅλῳ τῷ πραιτωρίῳ) as ‘Praetorian Guard’ or ‘Imperial Guard’, that is, as a reference to the Roman emperor’s personal bodyguard in Rome. I first explain the methodological problems with the Praetorian Guard interpretation, especially the misuse of canonical Acts. Then drawing from textual and lexicographical evidence along with material evidence, notably from Philippi’s si
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Roman provinces Praetoria. Rome Rome"

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Johnson, Vance M. "First-century Roman provincial administration and the historicity of Luke-Acts." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1994. http://www.tren.com.

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Coombes, Michael James. "The socio-economic impact of the Pax Romana and Augustus' policy reforms on the Roman provinces." Diss., Pretoria : [S.n.], 2008. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11242008-130755/.

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Morton, A. "The historical development of Roman religion in Pannonia from AD 9 to 285." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683048.

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Rankov, N. B. "The beneficiarii consularis in the western provinces of the Roman Empire." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e385d9bd-5d2c-46de-808f-3ab6b7fe39e0.

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Beneficiarii consularis were members of the military staffs attached to Roman provincial governors of the Principate, and are well attested epigraph!cally, both at provincial capitals and at outposts along major roads and frontiers of the Western military provinces. They were usually experienced legionaries approaching retirement. and were of senior principalis rank. Each legion in a province provided the governor with (probably) sixty men of this rank. The governor's staff (the officium consularis) assisted the governor in ail his duties, administrative, judicial and military, and the benefic
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Nenninger, Marcus. "Die Römer und der Wald Untersuchungen zum Umgang mit einem Naturraum am Beispiel der römischen Nordwestprovinzen /." Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48030875.html.

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Thesis--Universität Halle-Wittenberg, 1997.<br>Includes loose errata slip. Appendices: p. [215]-[219]. Includes bibliographical references and index. Includes bibliographical references (p. [220]-262).
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Le, Guennec Marie-Adeline. "L'accueil mercantile dans l'Occident romain : Aubergistes et clients (IIIe s. av. J.-C.-IVe s. ap. J.-C.)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM3047.

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Notre étude porte sur le secteur commercial qui, dans l'Antiquité romaine, fournissait contre paiement un accueil provisoire, consistant en un hébergement et/ou des prestations de restauration et de débit de boissons avec consommation sur place; elle se concentre sur la partie occidentale du monde romain, de la période médio-républicaine au début de l'Antiquité tardive (IIIe s. av. J.-C.-IVe s. ap. J.-C.). Cette activité, que nous rangeons sous le titre générique d'accueil mercantile, jouait dans le contexte de l'Occident romain un rôle essentiel dans la gestion des mobilités humaines, en dépi
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Ansel, Christelle. "Les "personnifications des provinces orientales" sur l'architecture romaine." Thesis, Lille 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL30006/document.

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Ce sujet consiste en l'étude des monuments et des images des provinces dans l'empire romain. il n'a jamais été traité dans la bibliographie scientifique dans la perspective de ce travail ce qui rend son approche innovante. il ne s'agit pas seulement de comprendre et d'expliquer la signification ou la typologie de l'iconographie des provinces de l'empire, mais aussi le contexte urbain et architectural de ce type de décoration., et l'histoire qui est à son origine. la mise en rapport entre les représentations et les divers monuments sur lesquels elles s'installent est très importante. a cela on
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Davoine, Charles. "Recherches sur les ruines dans le monde romain : gestion et perception des bâtiments détruits dans la cité romaine (Ier siècle av. J.-C. – IVe siècle ap. J.-C.)." Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080097.

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Bâtiments partiellement détruits mais dont les vestiges n’ont pas disparu, les ruines étaient une réalité présente dans les villes du monde romain. Ce travail de recherche se propose d’étudier la manière dont les populations de l’empire, les autorités municipales ou le pouvoir romain percevaient et géraient les édifices vétustes aussi bien que les amas de décombres résultant des destructions. On s’intéressera au quotidien des villes confrontées au délabrement du bâti ainsi qu’aux dévastations exceptionnelles entraînées par des catastrophes, de l’époque augustéenne jusqu’à la fin du IVe siècle.
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Hasegawa, Takashi. "Les commerçants et les transporteurs dans la société des provinces gauloises et germaniques de l'Empire Romain (Ier siècle avant n. è. - IIIè siècle de n. è.)." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BOR30065/document.

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Avec ma thèse de doctorat, j’ai pour objectif d’étudier la place et l’influence des commerçants et des transporteurs de la société des provinces gauloises et germaniques du Haut Empire Romain ainsi que les relations existant entre eux et d’autres agents sociaux comme les notables locaux. En développant mes recherches précédentes à propos des relations entre les notables locaux et les commerçants gaulois comme des relations parmi ces derniers et en élargissant le champ de recherche, j’ai l’intention de répondre à la question suivante : - Comment les milieux relatifs aux activités économiques, y
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Taiuti, Aurora. "Représenter la femme à la fin de la République." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL090.

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La production statuaire féminine de la fin de la République et du début de l’époque impériale se révèle être bien plus variée que ce que les anciennes études ont mis en évidence jusqu’à présent. La présente étude propose une critique des précédentes classifications typologiques à partir d’un corpus documentaire comprenant deux cent quatre statues en ronde bosse et haut-relief. L’étude de ce corpus a permis de mettre en lumière l’existence d’un riche répertoire de variantes aux types statuaires officiels et d’élaboration hellénistique. Ces variantes statuaires se révèlent être fondamentales pou
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Books on the topic "Roman provinces Praetoria. Rome Rome"

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The praetorship in the Roman Republic. Oxford University Press, 2000.

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Mommsen, Theodor. The history of Rome. Routledge/Thoemmes Press, 1996.

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Romans, Celts & Germans: The German provinces of Rome. Tempus, 2001.

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Diva Faustina: Coinage and cult in Rome and the provinces. American Numismatic Society, 2012.

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Hermon, Ella. Rome et la Gaule Transalpine avant César (125-59 av. J.-C.). Jovene, 1993.

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The creation of the Roman frontier. Princeton University Press, 1985.

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Olivier, Hekster, and Kaizer Ted, eds. Frontiers in the Roman world: Proceedings of the ninth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Durham, 16-19 April 2009). Brill, 2011.

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The barbarians speak: How the conquered peoples shaped Roman Europe. Princeton University Press, 1999.

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Rome and the Barbarians, 100 B.C.-A.D. 400. Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003.

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name, No. Rome et ses provinces: Gense & diffusion d'une image du pouvoir: hommages Jean-Charles Balty. Le Livre Timperman, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Roman provinces Praetoria. Rome Rome"

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"Rome and the corn provinces." In The Grain Market in the Roman Empire. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511482755.011.

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"The Late Empire in Rome and the Provinces." In Roman Architecture and Urbanism. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9780511979743.013.

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Scheid, John. "Roman Theologies in the Roman Cities of Italy and the Provinces." In Rome: An Empire of Many Nations. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108785563.008.

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"Movers and shakers: the barbarians and the fall of Rome." In From Roman Provinces to Medieval Kingdoms. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203322956-24.

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Kremydi-Sicilianou, Sophia. "‘Belonging’ to Rome, ‘Remaining’ Greek: Coinage and Identity in Roman Macedonia." In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199265268.003.0012.

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During a Period when the Western world, and especially Europe, has been undergoing radical changes, the concept and definition of ‘identity’ has naturally attracted the interest of sociologists, historians, and political scientists alike. This tendency has influenced classical studies and the way we approach ancient civilizations. Archaeologists, for example, tend to become more cautious concerning the connection between material civilization and ethnic identity, and the ‘objectivity’ of the available evidence, whether literary or material, is now often scrutinized. One of the main interests— but also difficulties—of this perspective is that it requires interdisciplinary research: in order to understand how private individuals, or social groups, perceived ‘themselves’, in other words what they considered as crucial for differentiating themselves from ‘others’, one cannot rely on partial evidence. Can, for example, the adoption of Roman names by members of the provincial elite be conceived as an adoption of Roman cultural identity? Other literary, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence clearly shows that this was not the case. The Roman empire was a state that incorporated many ethnic groups, with different political institutions and various religious beliefs. In this sense it is natural that contemporary studies on cultural identity have, to a large extent, concentrated on the imperial period. And a good many of them are dedicated to the interpretation of literary texts. The contribution of coinage to the understanding of identity under the Roman empire is what this book is about, and Howgego has set the general framework in his introduction. Before trying to explore what coins can contribute to our understanding of the civic identity of Macedonian cities, it is crucial to bear in mind the restrictions imposed by the nature of our material. It is clear that coin types represent deliberate choices made by certain individuals who possessed the authority to act in the name of the civic community they represented. Whose identity therefore do these coins reflect? Under the late Republic and the imperial period provincial cities possessed a restricted autonomy but were always subjected to Roman political authority. Their obligations towards Rome or their special privileges could vary according to the emperor’s will.
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James, Simon. "Zooming In Rome, the Middle Euphrates, and Dura." In The Roman Military Base at Dura-Europos, Syria. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198743569.003.0017.

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Dura-Europos was a product and ultimately a victim of the interaction of Mediterranean- and Iranian-centred imperial powers in the Middle East which began with Alexander the Great’s conquest of the Achaemenid Persian empire in the later fourth century BC. Its nucleus was established as part of the military infrastructure and communications network of the Seleucid successor-state. It was expanding into a Greekstyle polis during the second century BC, as Seleucid control was being eroded from the east by expanding Arsacid Parthian power, and threatened from the west by the emergent imperial Roman republic. From the early first century BC, the Roman and Parthian empires formally established the Upper Euphrates as the boundary between their spheres of influence, and the last remnants of the Seleucid regime in Syria were soon eliminated. Crassus’ attempt to conquer Parthia ended in disaster at Carrhae in 53 BC, halting Roman ambitions to imitate Alexander for generations. The nominal boundary on the Upper Euphrates remained, although the political situation in the Middle East remained fluid. Rome long controlled the Levant largely indirectly, through client rulers of small states, only slowly establishing directly ruled provinces with Roman governors, a process mostly following establishment of the imperial regime around the turn of the millennia. However, some client states like Nabataea still existed in AD 100 (for overviews see Millar 1993; Ball 2000; Butcher 2003; Sartre 2005). The Middle Euphrates, in what is now eastern Syria, lay outside Roman control, although it is unclear to what extent Dura and its region—part of Mesopotamia, and Parapotamia on the west bank of the river—were effectively under Arsacid control before the later first century AD. For some decades, Armenia may have been the dominant regional power (Edwell 2013, 192–5; Kaizer 2017, 70). As the Roman empire increasingly crystallized into clearly defined, directly ruled provinces, the contrast with the very different Arsacid system became starker. The ‘Parthian empire’, the core of which comprised Iran and Mesopotamia with a western royal capital at Ctesiphon on the Tigris, was a much looser entity (Hauser 2012).
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"THE REPRESENTATION AND PERCEPTION OF ROMAN IMPERIAL POWER ROME AND THE PROVINCES." In The Representation and Perception of Roman Imperial Power. BRILL, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004401631_017.

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Temin, Peter. "The Grain Trade." In The Roman Market Economy. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691147680.003.0005.

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This chapter explores the Mediterranean wheat market. The Romans made many products, from wines to pottery and glass, but wheat was the most widely traded commodity during those times. Shipped from distant provinces, the grain changed hands many times before it reached Rome. This trade was organized by the state and private merchants who did not have the benefit of modern means of transportation or communication, and merchants faced high transaction costs from several sources. The Roman government cleared the Mediterranean of pirates in 67 BCE, reducing greatly one major source of risk for merchants. However, merchants in Rome still had to rely on potentially corrupt agents operating in faraway provinces for months at a time. This arrangement created adverse selection and moral hazard problems from the asymmetric information available to merchants and their agents.
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Burnett, Andrew. "The Roman West and the Roman East." In Coinage and Identity in the Roman Provinces. Oxford University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199265268.003.0021.

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Many Aspects of Different Cultures can help to throw light on their differing identities—language, architecture, religion, and many other things, such as the ‘range of landscapes, ways of thought, racial groups, roof-tops and cheeses’. In fact, almost anything. A particular category is provided by the institutions people observe, a category which might embrace an enormous range of different things, from burial practices to legal systems, or from different calendars to different systems of weights and measures. The link between coins, weights, and measures was clear to the Greeks and Romans, and that coins could be regarded as an expression of some at least of the values characteristic of a particular society is evident from an anecdote reported by Pliny as taking place in the reign of Claudius. He relates how a Roman was forced by a storm to Sri Lanka (ancient Taprobane), and how he told the local king about Rome: A freedman of Annius Plocamus, who had brought the tax collection for the Red Sea from the Treasury, was sailing round Arabia. He was carried along by winds from the north past Carmania and, on the fifteenth day, made harbour at Hippuros in the island; and in consequence of the kind hospitality of the king he learned the local language thoroughly over a period of six months, and afterwards in reply to his questions described the Romans and Caesar. In what he heard the king got a remarkably good idea of their honesty, because among the captured money there were denarii which were of equal weight, even though their various types indicated that they were issued by several persons. I want to apply this approach to the Roman world, and use coins in a way that may throw light on some of the ways that Romans regarded themselves, having a special look at the differences between the western and eastern parts of the empire. I want to suggest that we can use this sort of approach to help explain the fundamental change that took place in the currency of the Iberian peninsula, Gaul, Italy, Sicily, and Africa in the first century AD—how people there stopped using locally made coins and started to use coins imported from Rome, coins which might otherwise have been regarded in some sense as almost ‘foreign’.
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"ROME AND THE RULER CULT." In The Imperial Cult in the Latin West, Volume 1 Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire Part 1 (2 vols.). BRILL, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004297548_006.

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