Journal articles on the topic 'Romanian Espionage'

The Russian Empire, with centuries-old imperial traditions, was based on military force, in which a significant role was played by the accumulation of information about opponents and the fight against foreign espionage inside the country. Based on a substantial collection of original historiographical material amassed through research in the National Archive of the Republic of Moldova, the author provides an analysis of the activity and results achieved by the Russian counterintelligence services. This work was conducted by the Independent Corps of Gendarmes, specifically represented by the Directorate of the Independent Corps of Gendarmes from Bessarabia, against the alleged activities of Romanian military espionage in the Russian Empire. The study is part of a larger work, devoted to the activity of the Independent Corps of Gendarmes from Bessarabia, whose activity, from a military point of view, was mostly directed against Romania.

Towards the end of the 19th century, the relations between Austria-Hungary and Romania experienced several delicate episodes, caused by the diametrically opposed interests of the two sides regarding the specific realities of South-Eastern Europe. The rulers in Vienna and especially those in Budapest could only see the Romanian state as an obstacle to their plans, and therefore tried to quickly learn and decipher the diplomatic and political intentions and initiatives of the Romanian decision-makers. On different occasions, in order to obtain the necessary information, they resorted to setting up and supporting networks of influencers, propagandists and spies, both in Transylvania and across the Carpathians. The present article aims to add details to the depiction of an interesting figure, Vándory Lajos, who, according to the press of the time and several archival documents, was one of those who operated within the territory of the Romanian state as a spy, under the cover of working as a journalist. At various times, by his actions, he contributed to the further straining of the already problematic Romanian-Hungarian relations. Keywords: Vándory Lajos, Romanian-Hungarian relations, press, propaganda, espionage

Since 1989, reforms have sought to align the Romanian post-communist intelligence community with its counterparts in established democracies. Enacted reluctantly and belatedly at the pressure of civil society actors eager to curb the mass surveillance of communist times and international partners wishing to rein in Romania’s foreign espionage and cut its ties to intelligence services of non-NATO countries, these reforms have revamped legislation on state security, retrained secret agents, and allowed for participation in NATO operations, but paid less attention to oversight and respect for human rights. Drawing on democratization, transitional justice, and security studies, this article evaluates the capacity of the Romanian post-communist intelligence reforms to break with communist security practices of unchecked surveillance and repression and to adopt democratic values of oversight and respect for human rights. We discuss the presence of communist traits after 1989 (seen as continuity) and their absence (seen as discontinuity) by offering a wealth of examples. The article is the first to evaluate security reforms in post-communist Romania in terms of their capacity to not only overhaul the personnel and operations inherited from the Securitate and strengthen oversight by elected officials, but also make intelligence services respectful of basic human rights.

Based on a thorough research in different Romanian archives, leading to the discovery of previously unknown documents, this study presents the personal and professional biographies of five communists from Bessarabia acting as illegal residents for the Soviet intelligence, revealing the depth of the Soviet espionage penetration into the Eastern Romanian territory, military and civilian structures. The study covers both the data-gathering activity of the five, before the war, and their spectacular trajectories, as leaders of the new regime, in the first years after the war. Their extraordinary political evolution – but also very similar among the chosen group – is a model story about the human resources the Communists relied on before and during WWII and the troubled relationship between the „old guard” of the „Moscovites” and the thirst for power of the ethnically Romanian new leaders.

The lack of the scientific literature concerning the Intelligence Service of Romania (Special Information Service) is stated. Only some references to the activities of the Intelligence Service of Romania on the territory of Ukraine are mentioned in the isolated publications. The authors used the documents and materials from Hnat Porokhivsky’s archive-investigative case which is kept in the Sectoral State Archive of the Security Service of Ukraine. The materials mentioned above are representative and fill the gap in the issue concerning the structure of the Special Information Service of Romania and provide a certain indication about its composition. The fact that Hnat Porokhivsky was a colonel of the UNR Army and the leader of the Ukrainian military emigration in Romania is mentioned. Hnat Porokhivsky’s main biographical milestones, his socio-political and military activities are covered. His organizational skills, professional knowledge in the sphere of secret service, and counterespionage were used by the Intelligence Service of Romania. Not being a citizen of Romania, he made a valuable contribution to the process of the Romanian secret service development. The Special Information Service had a complicated multi-stage structure with the an extensive network of intelligence centers, sub-centers, rezidenturas, agents, and support divisions on the territories of both Romania and the Soviet Union on the eve of World War II. Different intelligence units of the Special Information Service of Romania operated on the occupied territories of Ukraine from 1941 to 1944. The central authorities and regional offices heads’ and staff members’ surnames (sometimes pseudonyms) are specified. From the authors’ point of view, the most promising studies are those ones of the Intelligence Service of Romania espionage, counterespionage and propagandistic activities, Ukrainian and Russian immigrants’ participation in this process, and Special Information Service cooperation with secret services of Germany and Japan. Keywords: intelligence (secret) service, Hnat Porokhivsky, rezidentura, Romania, Special Information Service, Ukrainian emigration, center.

<p>The patriarchal decree validating the establishment of the Wallachian archdiocese in 1359; a series of documents pertaining to the early history of the Koutloumousiou monastery on Mount Athos; the surviving redactions of Patriarch Niphon II's lost vita; the proceedings of the interrogation of a Greek priest arrested by the Polish authorities on charges of conspiracy and espionage; and an emphatically digressive section in Matthew of Myra's verse chronicle known as <em>History of Wallachia</em>. This article, of which the first part is presently published, offers a discussion of these textual materials - which span four crucial centuries of Balkan history and represent an intriguing variety of discursive practices and traditions. It aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the intricate mechanisms that generated a climate of toleration, mobility and inter-ethnic contact in the Ottoman Balkans, enabling a symbiotic relationship between Greeks and Romanians, which found its vital space in the semi-autonomous and strategically located Danubian principalities, and endured throughout the early modern period despite having been severely undermined by opposing tendencies and conflicting interests. The two sections at hand focus on the Bishop of Myra's pivotal text, as well as on written records related to the early, and yet formative, contacts between the nascent Romanian states and the late Byzantine Empire; in the two remaining sections, which will appear in the next volume of <em>The Historical Review</em>, this endeavour will be brought to a conclusion by means of a (necessarily selective) presentation of evidence dating from the period after the fall of Constantinople and up to the beginning of the seventeenth century.</p>

A rare book for us but a compulsory object of study for Romanian-speaking teachers in all Romanian schools of Transylvania in the year 1861. In a research related to school plurilingualism in Transylvania of the 19th century, in the correspondence of the studied author, George Bariț, I discovered an order of over 100 books with the title "Studii asupra instructiunii publice în unele din statele cele mai înaintate ale Europei" ("Studies on Public "Instruction in Some of the Most advanced States of Europe" by George Costa-Foru, published at the Printing House of the National College of St. Sava, in Bucharest, in 1860. The order will be sent to all the Romanian schools in Transylvania, with which George Bariț was in permanent exchange. The author, George Costa-Foru, director of the schools Ephoria in 1857, received an important mission from the representative of the Ottoman Porte in Bucharest, the caimacan Dimitrie Al. Ghica: in four months, he will have to travel across Europe and bring back information about the most advanced schools and educational institutions in the visited states. The way they function will be the model of a school and public education reform in Wallachia, but also, as it will be historically demonstrated, they will constitute the basis of the first Public Education Act in the newly formed Romania, a state created after the union of the two historical Romanian-speaking principalities, Moldova and Wallachia. In the present article, the interest is to introduce the volume with some observations about George Costa-Foru's journey and to put for the first time in the equation the importance of this journey, presented in the book more as a report to a mission then a literary diary. A list of all the institutions he visited is for the first time made available to the general public in our article. Was this really a baiting mission for the Turks or a simple gathering of information that will be the basis for the modernization of public education in the future sovereign state? The research in progress, of which this article is a part, will endeavour to shed light on this problem of pedagogical espionage: Costa-Foru returns with more than 480 original documents from the institutions visited, which he lists at the end of the report and officially hands over to the Minister of Public Instruction in 1857, the year of his trip. The book is the final report, Costa-Foru gives to his commander, but it does not tell us how these documents were obtained. They are still unknown to the public, but they are summarised in the appendix of the report written by George Costa-Foru.

Abstract This article focuses on Russian Novoselitsa, a small town on the Russian-Austro-Hungarian-Romanian border, which served as the sole border crossing between Russian Bessarabia and Austrian Bukovina. From 1893 it was also an important railway junction between the two empires. Based on diplomatic documents from the Austrian State Archives, the article discusses Austrian officials’ views of ethnoreligious communities in the region, including Bessarabian Romanians, Jews, Russian Old Believers, and Ukrainians. It also examines the activity of the Austro-Hungarian Consular Agency in Russian Novoselitsa (1869–1914). The authors analyze the attitude of the Austrian officials towards ethnoreligious groups, informal practices on the border, and revolutionary unrest. The Novoselitsa case epitomizes the fundamental difference between the supranational Habsburg Empire and the nationalizing Romanov Empire, but also highlights the similarities between the two regimes. It illustrates the notions of “shatterzone of empires” (Bartov and Weitz 2013) and “thick borders”: Novoselitsa, a periphery with regard to both Vienna and St. Petersburg, was a relatively autonomous space and had its own forms of agency, which expanded much beyond the border itself on both sides of the frontier. Cases of corruption and espionage are especially revealing in regard to the uncertainty and confusion specific to the borderlands, which reigned as much at the center as on the periphery. This case study also provides an interesting perspective on everyday life, emphasizing the peculiarities of the Russian and Austro-Hungarian monarchies, as well as the entanglements between the two entities.

Abstract Ion Valjan is the literary pseudonym of Ion Al. Vasilescu (1881-1960), famous lawyer, playwright, writer of memoirs, publicist and politician. Dramatic author in the line of Caragiale, he was the manager of The National Theatre in Bucharest between 1923 and 1924, and general manager of theatres between 1923 and 1926. He wrote drama, he collaborated with Sburătorul, Vremea, Rampa, being appreciated by the exigent literary critique of the inter-war period. After the war, in 1950, he was involved in a political trial, accused of high treason, espionage for Great Britain, and got sentenced to 15 years imprisonment, where he died. Valjan is the author of the only theatrical show, played in a communist prison, Revista Piteşti 59. Ion Valjan’s memoirs, With the Voice of Time. Memories, written during the Second World War, represent a turn back in time, into the age of the author’s childhood and adolescence, giving the contemporary reader the chance to travel in time and space, the end of the nineteenth century and the first two decades of the past century projecting an authentic image, in the Romanian version of a Belle Epoque, interesting and extremely prolific for the Romanian cultural life. Also, evoking his childhood years spent in cities by the Danube (Călăraşi, Brăila, Turnu-Severin), Valjan unveils the harmonious meeting of different peoples and their mentalities, which transform the Danube Plain into an interethnic space of unique value.

The beginning of the economic crisis in our country, the emergence of new elements against state security, led to the adoption in the year 1929 of the Lawfor the organization of the general state police and the Law on the organization of the rural gendarmerie. The role of policemen and gendares has intensified, both as activity and accountability. The mission of the two institutions was to ensure the maintenance of public order and security, enforcement of laws in urban and rural areas. In their jurisdiction they had: prevention of crime, investigation and prosecution of all offences provided by civil, military law, gathering of information on state security and reporting to the upper management. Regarding the police-gendarmerie relationship, very important were the Instructions of July 1930 to establish service links between the two institutions, drawn up by the General Inspectorate of Gendarmerie and approved by the Ministry of Interior. Close collaboration had to be in the interest of the service, order and public safety, without regard to other aspects. A good collaboration existed with the other local authorities. At the level of the Buzau county was constituted in the year 1931 the Administrative Cooperation Council, of which were part: the county prefect, the Chief of Police, the commander of the Legion of Gendarme, the commander of the Garrison. In the meetings were discussed the most important problems in Buzau County, as well as the measures taken. Police and gendarmerie reports record certain special events in Buzau County, such as: theft, insults, scandals, beatings, injuries, suicides, murders, accidents, fires, prunings, epidemics, disappearances, desertion, vagrancy. Measures were taken to prevent railroad attacks in order to ensure peace and public safety around the elections in order to prevent any acts of brutality on voters or supporters of one party or another. Among the powers of police and gendarmerie are the control of foreigners from towns and villages, their activity being closely supervised, and suspicious personswere banished from the country. They were checking even the Romanian citizens coming to the area, asking for information about their past from the policies of the cities where they had their last home. Police and gendarmerie received clear orders regarding the actions they had to undertake if the Communists attempted to provoke revolutionary movements and attacks against the authorities. At the same time, they informed the upper management about all meetings, congresses, meetings held in the village and the city. They reported information on how the events were, the number of participants, the people taking the floor.A number of documents deal with the legionary problem, the work carried out by the “Everything for the country“. We find that the police and gendarmerie authorities have taken repressive measures against the Legion organization. There have been searches at the home of the heads and members of the legionaries, they have confiscated weapons and various brochures, manifests. Some have been arrested, brought to military courts or been established as forced residence in other counties. Very important are the reports on the state of mind of the population, which include aspects relating to economic, social, political, minorities and religious sects. It was recorded the general dissatisfaction of the population due to the expensive clothing, footwear and food, felt in all social layers, but especially among the retired. About the minority population we learn that it consisted of: Hungarians, Bulgarians, Russians, Germans, Serbs, Polons, Turks, Greeks, Italians, Armenians, Albanians, Austrians. Among them there were people suspected of espionage. Police officers in collaboration with the Gendares played an important role in the withdrawal, control and supervision of refugees from Bessarabia and Northen Bukovina in the year 1940. For their verification, they were asked for maximum attention, some of whom may have been sent as spies. Research and supervision were difficult because of the large number of refugees and that some of them did not respect the home settlements fixed. By studying the archive documents I wanted to highlight the collaborative relations between the two structures, the cooperation missions, the formation of mixed patrols, the raids, the way to act according to the events that marked the history of Romanians.

In the context of the Cold War, detailed knowledge of the opponent and espionage were fundamental elements in the security policies of the two antagonistic sides. The CIA, the United States’ foreign intelligence service, identified the condition of ethnic minorities as one of the possible vulnerabilities of the Eastern Camp, judging from the perspective of the restrictive policies that Communist states held regarding rights and freedoms. Our study is based on the analysis of a document prepared by the CIA in 1965, a memorandum that took data from the latest official censuses in Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, Albania, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland, and recorded the effects of assimilation policies on national minorities within the Eastern Communist states. The document is all the more interesting as the issue of national minorities rights’ in the Communist world was taboo.

This study deals with the involvement of the Soviet secret services and the Communist International in organizing the anti-Romanian rebellion in Southern Bessarabia in September 1924. The article contributes to a better understanding of the Soviet Union’s secret policy towards Romania, focusing on the Bessarabian question. The basic element of this policy was the strategy of „active espionage” which, in general, meant the creation by the Soviet special services of paramilitary formations on the territory of the states bordering on the USSR. These formations were designed for the purpose of diversions, terrorist attacks and other subversive actions, such as organizing rebellions or coup d’etats. According to the author, the events unfolding in September 1924 in Tatar-Bunar were prepared by the Soviet secret services with the aid and cooperation of the Communist International, through the Balkan Communist Federation. The author used a vast array of archival materials, especially numerous unpublished documents from the archives in Chisinau and Bucharest

Business ethics reflects the philosophy of business, of which one aim is to determine the fundamental purposes of a company. If a company's purpose is to maximize shareholder returns, then sacrificing profits to other concerns is a violation of its fiduciary responsibility. Ethical issues include the rights and duties between a company and its employees, suppliers, customers and neighbors, its fiduciary responsibility to its shareholders. Issues concerning relations between different companies include hostile take-overs and industrial espionage. Related issues include corporate governance; corporate social entrepreneurship; political contributions; the marketing of corporations' ethics policies. Business ethics issues are complex, due to the extensive consequences, to the many alternatives and to the conflicting results, uncertainties and the personal implications. Managers make decisions and develop actions affecting the others; if the effects are adverse, if the others are suffering, then we are dealing with an ethical issue that requires a certain level of an ethical analysis, in addition to the usual economic analysis. But what is more important above all is the recognition that every business decision or action that may affect the others. In the business Romanian environment the unethical behavior is not just an exception.

Even in the early years of the Ceauşescu regime, although appreciated as liberal, the communist authorities andthe Securitatea (Security Service) considered fighting those who criticized the Romanian Communist Party’s andRomanian state’s policy. They were to be warned and unmasked.The authorities followed the former legionnaires, the nationalists, former members of the bourgeois parties,former exploiters, released political prisoners, and representatives of certain religious cults. F e most dangerouswere considered to be the former legionnaires and the nationalists, especially Hungarians, accused of revisionism,and the Swabians that supported emigration to the Federal Republic of Germany. They were to be publiclyexposed, a method and a term frequently used in the Stalinist era. F e communist authorities from the Banat alsofeared foreign espionage actions.In the summer of 1967, high level party members analyzed the activities of the Security Service, a subjectsubsequently discussed by the leadership of the Banat Region. Documents reveal that this investigations wasundertaken at the direction of the highest level of the party.Both Ceauşescu and the regional party leaders hailed the Security Service as a tool of the party and state,summoned to defend the revolutionary conquests of the laborers against the plots and mischief of the enemiesopposing building of the socialism, and underlined their contribution to the defeat of the internal and externalreactionary forces. This meant that the “Romanian communist reformist leader” approved the murders committedin the fifties against the anti-communist Romanian opposition. Ceauşescu also declared, and his affirmation wasaccepted again by the local communist authorities, that certain abuses were made, but we believe that he was moreconcerned with abuses against party activists, as the Security Service meddled in party life.In analyzing the activities of the Security forces from Banat, mention was made of some unlawful methods ofinvestigation. As lately proved, they were the main procedure for obtaining evidences.For the Banat Region, the documents specifically call for strict respect of socialist legality by the Ministry ofInternal Affairs and a closer control of Security’s activities by party organizations in the future.Accordingly, the analyses at all levels of the Romanian Communist Party in 1967 regarding the activities ofthe Security Service had been a cynical one, serving, as we believe, to the fight for power at the top of the party(between Nicolae Ceauşescu and Alexandru Drăghici respectively).As for the abuses committed by the Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1967 and reported by the inhabitants tothe party organizations, most of them were well-founded, but there also were many attempts by the leaders of thePolice to cover them up.The leadership of the Banat Region, later Timiş County, was preoccupied with the German population, becauseof the growing requests by the Swabians to leave the country.The reason for this situation, as perceived by the authorities, was foreign propaganda through radio, press andwestern tourists. This propaganda supposedly praised conditions in the capitalistic states, especially the FRG.In order to analyze the situation, a delegation of the Central Committee of the RCP (including some highranking members, such as Gheorghe Pană, Richard Winter and others) came to Banat. They reached the conclusionthat emigration reached worrisome levels in some communities and that the local party organizations were toblame for not taking decisive measures to stop it.The authorities were also afraid that these circumstances could persuade other citizens (Romanians, Hungarians)to ask permission to permanently leave the country. All these requests diminished the prestige of socialist Romania.In order to improve the situation, plans were made to “upgrade” political, cultural, and educational activitiestargeting the German population. Those who wanted to leave the country permanently were to be discussed in theRCP, CYU (Communist Youth Union) and union organizations’ meetings. They were to be opposed and exposed,again Stalinist formulas and methods, used in the middle of the thaw.A sustained anti-capitalistic propaganda campaign was planned, aimed at “unmasking the GFR policies …concerned with international problems”. This happened in the same year that Romania restored diplomaticrelations with Federal Germany.At the same time, the cultural activities of the Swabians were monitored. Measures were planned to deterSwabian children from participation in religious classes, and also specifying how the tendentious Catholic Churchpropaganda was to be fought.Efforts would be made to persuade those who applied for visas to withdraw their requests and also to opposeand unmask western tourists criticizing the communist regime and instigating the Swabians to leave for the GFR.In 1969, the head of the Timiş Police Inspectorate proposed countermeasures for stopping emigration, includingmore active reporting of requests for temporary travels abroad from the directors of factories and institutions, andalso the limitation of travel to only one trip per year. A strike was recorded in the same period in a factory fromJimbolia, caused by social and economic discontent.The invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 had caused a tensioned atmosphere in the Timiş Countyalso. Hand written manuscripts from the archives, very likely belonging to the First secretary of the Party CountyCommittee Mihai Telescu, contain assignments, most certainly contrived by the Plenum of the Central Committeeof RCP on August 21.They specified: maximum vigilance, measures to prevent the emergence of a chauvinistic,anti-soviet atmosphere, and surveillance of the population’s state of spirit. Every party member was to become apropagandist.As early as August 21, party activists had been mobilized in Timiş County. Updates were sent to the CentralCommittee at frequent intervals, concerning the situation from the county.Documents emphasize an undeniable truth: the population of the county had condemned the invasion ofCzechoslovakia and supported Romania’s policy at that moment. People appreciated the way the RCP informedthem on the international events of those days. People enthusiastically enrolled in the patriotic guards and theyouths in military training formations.Information notes mention a pro-Czechoslovakian leaw et and a poster on a car reading, Ceauşescu – Dubcek– Tito – freedom”.The authorities paid major attention to informing people of the decisions taken in those days by the partyand state leadership (especially targeting the Hungarians and Germans). The cultural and artistic programs weresupposed to comprise a highly patriotic content. Exceptional measures were taken to protect the County PartyCommittee, and the main economic objectives and institutions throughout the county.

International audience The case of Sorana Gurian (1913‑1956) allows to examine the situation of multiple exclusion in the 20th century European society: she is a Jewish woman, a stranger accused of espionage and collaboration and her body, disabled and affected by cancer, becomes the main culprit of this plural banishment. The author is a tragic figure: not only because of her life, but also due to the oblivion that her oeuvre fell into – yet original and contemporarily recognized – counting six volumes in French and Romanian and dozens of press publications. In the paper, I propose to read chosen literary chronicles commenting on two Gurian’s editions published in Romania in 1945‑1946 – Zilele nu se întorc niciodată [Days that never return] and Întâmplări între amurg și noapte [Adventures between twilight and night]. These chronicles show the way in which the Other was perceived, in this case – a woman writer, a disabled woman or a Jewish woman in the 20th century. Such perspective aims to show the non‑ aesthetic conditions (gender, corporality, social class, political convictions, ethnic origin, etc.) which have determined Gurian’s appearance and disappearance in the literary scene, and which still influence the way of perceiving her texts in Romania. At the end of this study, I reflect on the possibility of rehabilitating this figure in the history of European literature, that could renew the Romanian literary canon of the 20th century, in which women writers haven’t still found their place. Le cas de Sorana Gurian (1913-1956) permet d’examiner la situation d’une multiple exclusion au sein de la société européenne du xxe siècle : elle est à la fois femme, juive et étrangère, accusée d’espionnage et de collaboration, et son corps, handicapé et touché par le cancer, devient le principal coupable de ce bannissement pluriel. L’auteure est une figure tragique : non seulement par sa vie, mais aussi par l’oubli dans lequel est tombée son œuvre – pourtant originale et reconnue à l’époque –, comptant six volumes en roumain et en français et des dizaines de publications dans la presse. Dans le présent article, je propose une lecture de quelques chroniques littéraires portant sur deux éditions de Gurian parues en Roumanie en 1945-1946 : Zilele nu se întorc niciodată [Les jours ne reviennent jamais] et Întâmplări între amurg și noapte [Aventures entre crépuscule et nuit], qui témoignent de la manière dont on percevait l’Autre, en l’occurrence une femme écrivain, une femme infirme ou bien une femme d’origine juive au xxe siècle. Cette perspective a pour but de montrer les conditionnements autres qu’esthétiques (genre, corporalité, classe sociale, convictions politiques, origine ethnique, etc.) qui ont déterminé l’apparition et la disparition de Gurian sur la scène littéraire, et qui influencent toujours la manière de percevoir ses textes en Roumanie. À la fin de cette étude, je réfléchis à la possibilité de réhabiliter cette figure dans l’histoire de la littérature européenne, ce qui pourrait permettre de rediscuter le canon littéraire roumain du xxe siècle, où les femmes écrivains ne trouvent toujours pas leur place. Przypadek Sorany Gurian (1913‑1956) pozwala zbadać sytuację wielokrotnego wykluczenia w xx‑wiecznym społeczeństwie europejskim: jest ona jednocześnie kobietą, Żydówką, obcą, oskarżoną o szpiegostwo i kolaborację, zaś jej ciało, niepełnosprawne i chore na raka, staje się głównym winowajcą tego mnogiego wygnania. Autorka jest postacią tragiczną nie tylko ze względu na jej życie, lecz również ze względu na zapomnienie, w jakie popadła jej oryginalna i uznana przez współczesnych twórczość, na którą składają się sześć wydań w językach francuskim i rumuńskim oraz dziesiątki publikacji w prasie. W niniejszym artykule odczytuję wybrane kroniki literackie komentujące dwa teksty opublikowane przez Gurian w Rumunii w latach 1945‑1946 – Zilele nu se întorc niciodată [Dni nigdy nie powracają] oraz Întâmplări între amurg și noapte [Zdarzenia między zmierzchem a nocą]. Kroniki te pokazują bowiem, w jaki sposób postrzegano Innego, w tym przypadku – pisarkę, niepełnosprawną kobietę czy Żydówkę w xx wieku. Ta perspektywa ma na celu wskazać uwarunkowania nie‑ estetyczne (płeć, cielesność, klasa społeczna, poglądy polityczne, pochodzenie etniczne itd.), które zdecydowały o pojawieniu i zniknięciu Gurian na scenie literackiej, a które ciągle określają postrzeganie jej tekstów w Rumunii. Na końcu tego studium zastanawiam się nad możliwością rehabilitacji tej postaci w historii literatury europejskiej, co mogłoby z kolei przyczynić się do odnowienia rumuńskiego kanonu literackiego xx wieku, w którym nadal nie ma miejsca dla pisarek. Cazul Soranei Gurian (1913‑1956) ilustrează situația unei excluderi din considerențe multiple în societatea europeană din secolul xx‑lea. Fiind femeie, evreică și străină, acuzată de spionaj și de colaborare, trupul său, cu handicap și atins de cancer, devine principalul vinovat al acestei exilări plurale. Autorea este un personaj tragic: nu numai din cauza vieții sale, ci și din cauza uitării în care a căzut opera sa, totuși originală și recunoscută de către contemporanii ei, compusă din șase volume în limba franceză și în română, precum și de zeci de publicații în presă. În acest articol, propun o lectură a unor cronici literare privind cele două ediții ale Soranei Gurian publicate în România în anii 1945‑1946 – Zilele nu se întorc niciodată și Aventuri între amurg și noapte. Aceste cronici reflectă modul în care se percepe Celălalt, în acest caz – o scriitoare, o femeie cu handicap, o evreică în contextul secolului xx. Această perspectivă are să identifice diferite condiționări (gen, corporalitate, clasă socială, convingeri politice, etnie șamd), care au determinat atît apariția, cît și dispariția lui Gurian de pe scenă literară și care încă înfluențează modul de percepere al textelor sale în România. La sfîrșitul acestui studiu, propun o reflecție asupra posibilității de reabilitare a acestei figuri în istoria literaturii europene, ceea ce ar putea conduce la rediscutarea canonului literar românesc al secolului xx, unde scriitoarele încă nu‑și găsesc locul.