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Journal articles on the topic 'Romanian Historians'
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1
Nowak, Krzysztof. "Polsko-rumuńskie konferencje w Suczawie." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 24 (February 20, 2018): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2017.24.11.
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From 1999 Polish and Romanian humanists face each other on conferences in Suceava (Romanian Bucovina) which are part of “Polish Days” in Romania organized by the Association of Poles in Romania. Polish and Romanian historians, ethnographers, sociologists, politologists and linguists deliver lectures and discuss Polish-Romanian contacts and relations in the past and present. from the Polish part many historical lectures concern the interwar period and the problem of Polish refugees in Romania during the World War II. In the period between1918–1945 the relations between Poles and Romanians were rather friendly and now these topics are discussed most frequently. Among the Romanian historians there are more specialists on the relations between Moldova and the Polish Kingdom till the end of 18th century. Many historians focus on the Polish-Romanian relations in the years 1945–1989. Most of the lectures concerning the political present were delivered by the Poles. Cultural sections of the conference concentrate on mutual language influences, Polish–Romanian literature contacts, translations of Polish literature into Romania and Romanian literature into Poland, the analyses of literary works, Polish studies in Romania and Romanian studies in Poland, the perception of Romanian culture among the Poles and vice versa, the problems of religions, education, libraries, music and tourism. Polish etnographers concentrate on the problems of Polish Bucovinians but the most discussed subject is not the history of Polish Bucovinians but their local dialect. Most of the conference lectures were printed. “Polish Days” in Suceava are the most important event organized by the very active Association of Poles in Romania and they help breaking the stereotypes and enhance the integration between the Poles and Romanians.. In general the conferences in Suceava do not have their equivalent in the contacts between humanists of other countries.
2
Solonari, Vladimir. "From Silence to Justification?: Moldovan Historians on the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Transnistrian Jews." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 3 (September 2002): 435–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599022000011705.
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The Holocaust was one of the major experiences of the populations, both Jewish and non-Jewish, of those European countries that were either part of the Axis or occupied by Nazi Germany. This was certainly the case for the inhabitants of Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and Transnistria. These regions remained under Romanian administration from June/July 1941 to spring/summer 1944. The Soviets had seized Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina from Romania in June 1940 under the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. These territories were then reoccupied (“liberated”) by the Romanian and German armies after the German attack against the Soviet Union in June 1941. From 1941 to 1944 they were Romanian provinces ruled by separate highly centralized administrations. Transnistria (meaning literally “territory across the Dniester” in Romanian), which lies between the Dniester and Bug rivers, though never formally incorporated into Romania, was ruled by the Romanians during this period under the agreement with Hitler. Romanian authorities deported practically all Jews from Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to Transnistria, accusing them of both treason and collaboration with the Soviets in 1940–1941 during the Soviet occupation and hostility towards the Romanian state in general. Some Roma, together with other “hostile elements” from other Romanian provinces, were also deported to Transnistria.
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Baran, Dana. "Some Landmarks in the Romanian history of medicine." Shidnoevropejskij zurnal vnutrisnoi ta simejnoi medicini 2021, no. 1 (March 2021): 4–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/internalmed2021.01.004.
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The article provides an overview of the development of the history of medical science in Romania. The achievements of Romanian historians in the study of various areas of the history of medicine are presented.
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Turnock, David. "Romanian Villages: Rural Planning under Communism." Rural History 2, no. 1 (April 1991): 81–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793300002636.
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The village is an important research theme in Romania in view of its significance for culture and ecology as well as the modernisation process. Interest developed after Romanian Independence but the efforts of the early historians like A.D. Xenopol (1847–1920) were greatly extended after the First World War, when the enlargement of frontiers, adding Transylvania (and temporarily Bessarabia) to the Old Kingdom embracing Moldavia and Wallachia, gave Romanian scholars access to the whole of the central Carpathian belt. Historians like C. Daicoviciu (1898–1973) and C.C. Giurescu (1901–77) were joined by ethnographers and sociologists, such as D. Gusti (1880–1955) and R. Vuia (1887–1963), ecologists like I. Simionescu (1873–1944) and geographers including I. Conea (1902–74) and V. Mihailescu (1890–1978).1 Interdisciplinary research stimulated by royal patronage was particularly fruitful in the case of the project involving a selection of some sixty representative Romanian villages (‘60 sate romanesti’).2 This gave rise to numerous publications, including monographs and shorter pieces, which formed the core of a distinguished sociology journal of the 1930s: Sociologie Romaneasca.
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CICANCI, OLGA. "ΤΟ ΣΤΑΔΙΟ ΤΗΣ ΕΡΕΥΝΑΣ ΣΧΕΤΙΚΑ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗ ΕΜΠΟΡΙΚΗ ΔΙΑΣΠΟΡΑ ΣΤΟΝ ΡΟΥΜΑΝΙΚΟ ΧΩΡΟ (ΤΟΝ 17ο - 18ο ΑΙΩΝΑ)." Eoa kai Esperia 7 (January 1, 2007): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/eoaesperia.99.
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<p>This paper offers an overview of the state of research on the Greek tradediaspora in Romania. The preoccupation of the Romanian historiographywith the Greek trade diaspora in Romania dates back to early 40's. The commercialactivity and the institutional organization of the Greek tradecompanies of Sibiu and Braçov was the topic which initially attracted theattention of Romanian historians. Since the 80's multiplied the number ofpublications and research projects concerning the history of Greek merchanthouses in the Transylvanian towns, while the economic role of Greeks hasbeen accentuated by scholars of the Romanian economic history of the 18thcentury. Recently, the research interest has been expanded to the study of theGreek commercial activity in the Romanian port-cities during the 19thcentury.</p><p>The paper includes information about archival data, unpublisheddocuments and doctoral theses, as well as a list of the more recentpublications concerning the history of the Greek trade diaspora in Romania.</p>
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Bitkova, Tatiana. "ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS: POLITICAL, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2021): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.02.11.
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The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.
7
Ţoca, Vlad. "Romanian Art Historiography in the Interwar Period. Between the Search for Scholarship and Commitment to a Cause." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.5.
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At the end of World War I, Romania emerged as a much stronger nation, with a greatly enlarged territory. During the two world wars, the Romanian state was permanently looking for the best way to preserve the newly created national state and defend its frontiers. This was the only matter all Romanian parties seemed to agree on. The threat of territorial revisionism coming from Hungary, the Soviet Union and, to a lesser extent, Bulgaria united all the political actors in defending the peace system of Versailles and supporting the League of Nations as the guarantor of this peace and stability. The interwar period was a remarkable time for Romania’s cultural history. Between the two world wars, the Romanian cultural scene was dominated by what Keith Hitchins calls the ‘Great Debate’ about national identity and development. The opponents were those advocating synchronism with the West, on the one hand, and those pleading for tradition, on the other, with many others looking for a third way. In Romanian interwar culture, the country’s modernity was emphasized in order to place the country within the larger family of European nations. An opposing, and at the same time, complementary line of thought was that of presenting the long and noble Romanian history, tradition and ancestral roots. These two themes have been present in Romanian culture since the mid-19th century. They were used by various authors, sometimes in a complementary fashion, while at others, in a conflicting manner in literature, historical writing or political discourse. This process did not end with the creation of the Greater Romania after the end of World War I. New threats, which are mentioned above, maintained the need to continue this discourse. In this context, historical arguments became political arguments and were used by the Romanians in order to justify the new territorial gains and the Versailles system. Art history, part of the family of historical disciplines, came to play an important part in this. Romanian art historical writing or political discourse. This process did not end with the creation of the Greater Romania after the end of World War I. New threats, which are mentioned above, maintained the need to continue this discourse. In this context, historical arguments became political arguments and were used by the Romanians in order to justify the new territorial gains and the Versailles system. Art history, part of the family of historical disciplines, came to play an important part in this. Romanian art historical writing did not exist as such until the end of the 19th century. It was only in the first years of the next century that the number of scholarly works produced following western standards steadily increased. As part of a general tendency of aligning Romanian academic practices with those in the West, art historiography established itself as a respectable academic discipline, a process which went hand in hand with the establishment of new institutions such as museums, university departments, research institutions and the Commission for historical monuments. All these institutions were founded and financed by the Romanian state, and most scholars were involved with these institutions in one way or another. Although Romanian art historiography of the period is dominated by the desire to produce academic works to the highest standards, the ideas of the Great Debate are present in the works of that time. At the same time, in several texts, the most prominent art historians of the day strongly affirm the necessity of putting their work in the service of the national cause. In this paper, we will be looking at the general histories of Romanian art written between the two world wars. The choice of these texts is motivated by the fact that these works are the result of larger research projects and have a broader scope and as such better summarise the trends of the interwar period.
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Janowski, Maciej, Constantin Iordachi, and Balázs Trencsényi. "WHY BOTHER ABOUT HISTORICAL REGIONS?: DEBATES OVER CENTRAL EUROPE IN HUNGARY, POLAND AND ROMANIA." East Central Europe 32, no. 1-2 (2005): 5–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-90001031.
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The article analyzes the ways in which the concept of Central Europe and related regional classifications were instrumentalized in historical research in Hungary, Poland and Romania. While Hungarian and Polish historians employed the discourse of Central Europe as a central means to contextualize and often relativize established national historical narratives, their geographical frameworks of comparison were nevertheless fairly divergent. the Hungarian one relating to the former Habsburg and Austro-Hungarian lands while the Polish one revolving around the tradition of the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth. Romanian historians approached the issue from the perspective of local history, debating two alternative regional frameworks: the Old Kingdom, treated as part ofthe Byzantine and Ottoman legacies, and Transylvania, Bukovina and the Banat that were shaped by the Habsburg project of modemity. In the Romanian context the debate on Central Europe reached its peak at a time when it lost re1evance in the Polish and Hungarian contexts. While conceding to recent critiques on the constructed and often exclusivist nature of symbolic geographical catcgories, the authors maintain the heuristic valuc of regional frameworks of interpretation as models of historical explanation transcending the nation-state at sub-national or trans-national level.
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JANOWSKI, MACIEJ, CONSTANTIN IORDACHI, and BALÁZS TRENCSÉNYI. "WHY BOTHER ABOUT HISTORICAL REGIONS?: DEBATES OVER CENTRAL EUROPE IN HUNGARY, POLAND AND ROMANIA." East Central Europe 32, no. 1 (2005): 5–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1876330805x00027.
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Abstract: The article analyzes the ways in which the concept of Central Europe and related regional classifications were instrumentalized in historical research in Hungary, Poland and Romania. While Hungarian and Polish historians employed the discourse of Central Europe as a central means to contextualize and often relativize established national historical narratives, their geographical frameworks of comparison were nevertheless fairly divergent, the Hungarian one relating to the former Habsburg and Austro-Hungarian lands while the Polish one revolving around the tradition of the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth. Romanian historians approached the issue from the perspective of local history, debating two alternative regional frameworks: the Old Kingdom, treated as part of the Byzantine and Ottoman legacies, and Transylvania, Bukovina and the Banat that were shaped by the Habsburg project of modernity. In the Romanian context the debate on Central Europe reached its peak at a time when it lost relevance in the Polish and Hungarian contexts. While conceding to recent critiques on the constructed and often exclusivist nature of symbolic geographical categories, the authors maintain the heuristic value of regional frameworks of interpretation as models of historical explanation transcending the nation-state at sub-national or trans-national level.
10
Vasiliu, Laura-Otilia. "Noi istorii ale muzicilor românești [New histories of Romanian types of music] – The most important editorial publication in the Romanian musicology of recent years." Artes. Journal of Musicology 24, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 329–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajm-2021-0020.
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Abstract The vast work Noi istorii ale muzicilor românești [New histories of Romanian types of music]1 (816 pages), published by Editura Muzicală in 2020 was a project of the Romanian Composers and Musicologists’ Union, represented by composer and university professor Adrian Iorgulescu, a project meant to mark the celebration of a century of activity of the organisation. The two volumes of the New histories, coordinated by Valentina Sandu-Dediu and Nicolae Gheorghiță, reflect the fulfilment of a long research project, begun in the 1990s, with a view to reassessing the musical past of Romania, expressing ideas verified in time through repeated analyses. The coordinators’ vision is edified through the following directions: 1. the joining of all musical genres – Byzantine, folkloric, military, academic, jazz, entertainment – and creating a modern perspective on the types of Romanian music; 2. using the tools of modern musicology – interdisciplinary relating, archival and recent bibliography, an objective, critical, accessible style, efficient and orderly elaboration; 3. removing all influences of the communist ideology reflected by the writings about music in the second half of the 20th century by assimilating the ideas formulated by historians after 1990; 4. capitalising on foreign authors’ writings about Romania and about Romanian music, but also on last-minute research on international music for the synchronisation with the contemporary manner of historical research.
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Cain, Daniel. "Conflicts over Dobruja during the Great War." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849079c.
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A sensitive topic for decades (for ideological reasons), Dobruja is still a challenge for many Romanian and Bulgarian historians. A peripheral and hardly populated region, this territory lying between the Danube and the Black Sea became the major source of dispute between Bucharest and Sofia at the dawn of the last century. After 1878, legal history and statistics were the pillars of the new identity of this former Ottoman territory di?vided between Romania and Bulgaria, as a result of a decision made by the Great Powers. In order to meet the specific requirements of young national states, Dobruja underwent a colonisation process (whose intensity differed in the two parts of the region). Ethnic diversity caused much concern, particularly in the critical moments that endangered the relations between the two neighbouring countries. The Balkan Wars represented the moment when the Dobruja question officially emerged. Romania?s decision to annex South?ern Dobruja would traumatise Bulgarian society, which would look forward to retaliating. This moment occurred earlier than many Romanian politicians expected. The spirit of revenge explains why the fighting on the Dobrujan front was so intense in the autumn of 1916. Dobruja was the first province of the Romanian Kingdom that fell under the Central Powers? occupation. The documents stored in Romanian archives are too few to make it possible to accurately reconstruct the history of this province during its military occu?pation by the Central Powers. This is not an easy challenge: Romania, Bulgaria, Russia, Serbia, Germany, Turkey and Austro-Hungary were in some way involved in the events in Dobruja in the autumn of 1916.
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Miskolczy, Ambrus. "A Kárpátokon túli román fejlődés eredeti jellegzetességeiről." Belvedere Meridionale 32, no. 2 (2020): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2020.2.3.
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The question how to describe the Romanian development beyond the Carpathians lost his old ideological content. Before 1989 the communist historians fought for feudal system because the transition from one mode of production to the other legitimated the communism. Therefore the concept of Tributary Mode of Production had a kind of anti-communist sous-entendu. It was a disciple of the so called monographic school of sociology, H. H. Stahl, who described how the concept of the tributary mode of production did work in the Romanian world. When Samir Amin and John Haldon identified this concept with that of feudalism, Stahl accentuated its parasitic character. Daniel Chirot brushed up Stahls theory. Today this this conceptual way of thinkig is out of mode. Nevertheless if we want to understand the past the work of Stahl remained pertinent. It gives an ansver to the question of Lucian Boia: Why Romania is other?
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Nowak, Krzysztof. "Dyplomacja Nicolae Ceauşescu wobec przemian politycznych w Polsce w 1989 roku." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.017.13810.
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Nicolae Ceauşescu’s Diplomacy in the Face of Political Changes in Poland in 1989 In 1989, Romania belonged to the communist countries, which particularly strongly attacked communist Poland for carrying out democratic reforms. For many months the diplomacy of communist leader Nicolae Ceaşescu tried to organize a conference of socialist countries on the subject of Poland, but as a result of Moscow’s opposition it did not come to fruition. During the Gorbachev era, the Soviet Union rejected the Brezhnev doctrine, while Romania actually urged its restoration. This was in contradiction with the current political line of Ceauşescu in favor of not interfering in the internal affairs of socialist countries. However, in 1989 it was a threat to communism, which is why historians also have polemics about Romanian suggestions for the armed intervention of the Warsaw Pact in Poland. In turn, Romania did not allow Poland to interfere in the problems of the Polish minority in Bukovina.
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Stopchak, Mykola. "The Policy of Poland and Romania Concerning Interned Army of the Ukrainian People's Republic (1921–1924s): Modern Domestic Historiography." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 35 (2021): 118–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-35-118-129.
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The article focuses on a comprehensive analysis of the historiographical achievements of modern Ukrainian historians on the policy of the leadership of Poland and Romania regarding the interned in the camps of these countries, the Army of the Ukrainian People's Republic. The methodological basis of the study comprises the principles of historicism, objectivity and systematics. General scientific and special research methods were used in solving the set tasks: historiographical analysis and synthesis of knowledge development, generalization, quantitative, historical-comparative, chronological, retrospective, etc. The scientific novelty of the work lies in a comprehensive analysis of the state of study in modern domestic historiography of the policy of the leadership of Poland and Romania during 1921-1924s concernig interned Army of the UPR. Conclusions. The analysis of the historiographical achievements of modern Ukrainian historians proved they have made significant progress in studying the scientific field. Having gained access to previously closed domestic and foreignarchival materials, scholars of independent Ukraine cooperated with foreign historians and rejected unscientific, ideologically biased approaches and conclusions of Soviet historiography regarding the policy of the Polish and Romanian leadership towards the interned army. The shortcomings of Ukrainian foreign historiography on this problem, which consisted of a number of inaccuracies and a weak source base, were eliminated, which led to the distortion of historical realities. Domestic historians have clearly shown that the policy pursued by the governments of Poland and Romania regarding the internment of the UPR Army in the camps of these countries was aimed at ensuring their own national interests. It varied depending on the state of relations with its aggressive northern neighbor – Bolshevik Russia. The orientation of this policy was significantly influenced by the position of the Entente states, the victors of the First World War/ They viewed the UPR Army as a force capable of counteracting the expansionist aspirations of Bolshevik Russia. At the same time, despite significant progress in the study of this topic, especially in the 1990s – early XXI century, in the last twenty years, domestic historians didn’t pay enough attention to its study. A number of aspects of this problem remain unexplored and require further scientific analysis.
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Marin, Prof PhD BUGIULESCU. "THE PRESENCE OF THE SAINT APOSTLE ANDREW IN SCITYA - A HISTORICAL REALITY OF THE ROMANIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH." Icoana Credintei 6, no. 12 (June 24, 2020): 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/icoana.2020.12.6.71-75.
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This article contradicts some historians, researchers or professors claim that there is no evidence to prove the presence of the Saint Apostle Andrew in Dobrogea. Researchers of history know that some sources are written, direct, and others unwritten. Undoubtedly, the origin of Romanian Orthodox Church is apostolic, due to the missionary activity of Saint Andrew the Apostle on the territory of Dobrogea district.
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Teodoreanu, Elena. "Little Ice Age in Romania in the Vision of a Syrian Traveler." Present Environment and Sustainable Development 8, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pesd-2014-0012.
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Abstract Archdeacon Paul of Aleppo of Damascus accompanied the Patriarch Macarios of Antioch, in Moldavia, Wallachia, Dobrogea for nearly seven years (1652-1659), just in time considered one of the coldest during the Little Ice Age, Maunder Minimum namely (1645-1715). His journey is recorded in his travel diary, written in Arabic and translated into Romanian in 1900. Romanian historians were particularly concerned with the information provided by the passenger about the towns, monasteries, and farmhouses, aspects of daily life, customs, habits and Romanian economy countries. But Paul of Aleppo describe and climate issues, particularly cold winters with frost Danube, snowy, storm at sea, rain, floods, etc. It is a very rich source of information in this area, so far little taken into consideration, showing that the Little Ice Age was also evident in Eastern Europe.
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Torrey, Glenn E. "The Revolutionary Russian Army and Romania, 1917." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1103 (January 1, 1995): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1995.60.
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The growth ofthe revolutionary movement in the ranks of the Russian army on the Romanian front in 1917 has attracted the attention of a number of Soviet historians. M.M. Gitsiu, Deiatel 'nost' soldatskikh sovetov i komitetov na rumynskom fronte i v Moldavii v 1917 g. (Kishinev, 1985), concentrates on the soldier's organizations and the growth of Bolshevik influence among them. E.N. Istrati, Demokraticheskoe dvizhenie za mir na rumynskom fronte v. 1917 gody (Kishinev, 1973), has a broader perspective emphasizing the question of war or peace. M.S. Frenkin, Revoliutsionnoe dvizhenie na rumynskom fronte 1917 g. - mart 1918 (Moscow, 1965), is the best of this genre but despite the title, covers only one of four Russian armies attached to the Romanian front, and the one which was not on Romanian soil. Frenkin's second book, Russkaia armiia i revoliutsiia 1917-1918 (Munich, 1978), written after his emigration to Israel, is a welcome corrective to all Soviet accounts, including his earlier one. But in covering all four fronts, Frenkin devotes limited attention to the Romanian. By far the best general survey of the impact of the Revolution at the front is Allan Wildman, The End of the Russian Imperial Army, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1980, 1987), which is distinguished by balance and insight. However, neither Wildman nor the others mentioned deal with the Romanian response to Russian revolutionary agitation or with Russo-Romanian relations.
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Delcea, Sergiu. "The politics of writing history." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 22 (April 15, 2014): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.22.5.
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After exhibiting one of the "hottest" instances of ethno-national related violence in all post-socialist transitions, early 90s Romanian society seemed to have "cooled" down in terms identitarian conflicts, hence making it even more surprising why an apparently small-scale debate concerning history textbooks quickly spiraled to the point of becoming a fully-fledged public scandal against a Government dubbed as "Anti-Romanian". The aim of this paper is thus to contribute to the overarching research question: Why did nationalism remain such a powerful force despite the fall of the Ceausescu regime? To provide a comprehensive answer the article looks at two, tightly interwoven, sides of cultural reproduction: the politics of history-teaching in Romanian high-schools and its more general background -historians' debates on nationalism. The conclusion reached through this analysis is that a conservation of ethno-centered nationalistic thinking about history was generated by a distorted understanding of professionalization of history qua science.
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Lajos, Katalin. "The Image of Transylvania in the Works of Two Contemporary Romanian Historians. Translation and Related Views on History." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 9, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausp-2017-0002.
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Abstract “As every inhabited area, culturally Transylvania can also be conceived of mainly as a symbolic space. Starting from its physical, material reality, our perceptions are made up into a subjective image of the area in question. This is the real Transylvania, or rather, the place in connection with which we formulate our ideas and to which we adjust our deeds. This image may seem so real also because it is equally shared by many, occasionally several millions. If many see things in the same way, we could say, this means that they are so in reality, though most of the time we only share prejudices, clichés and misunderstandings” - Sorin Mitu writes. Comparative imagology examines the formation of these collective ideas as well as the issues of identity and attitude to the Other. As a member of the imagology research group at the Department of Humanities of Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania, Miercurea Ciuc, Romania, I translated one chapter of Sorin Mitu’s volume entitled Transilvania mea [My Transylvania]. During the translation process it became obvious to me that if translation is not only linguistic but also cultural transmission, it is especially true for the translation of historical works and that it would be worth examining whether some kind of rapprochement could be detected between the Romanian and Hungarian historical research of the past decades; if yes, whether this is reflected in the mutual translation of the respective works
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Webster, Alexander F. C. "The Romanian Legionary Movement: An Orthodox Christian Assessment of Anti-Semitism." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 502 (January 1, 1986): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1986.23.
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The Legionary Movement in Romania between the two world wars in this century provides a useful historico-ethical case study of the inter-relations among anti-Semitism, modern nationalism, and Eastern Orthodox Christianity. To be sure, this historical phenomenon is fascinating in its own right, and the burgeoning literature on this subject reflects the interests of historians and social scientists alike. The purpose of this essay, however, is to examine this complex political-cultural movement in the light of the secondary literature and the primary documentary source in order to evaluate it from the perspective of an Orthodox Christian moral theologian.
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Platon, Mircea. "The Iron Guard and the ‘Modern State’. Iron Guard Leaders Vasile Marin and Ion I. Moţa, and the ‘New European Order’." Fascism 1, no. 2 (2012): 65–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00201002.
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Historians and literary scholars still working in a Cold War paradigm cast Romanian Fascism as a form of reactionary resistance to liberal modernity, and not as a competing modernizing discourse and drive. Nevertheless, in a 1933 programmatic article, the Legionnaire leader, ideologue, and ‘martyr’ Vasile Marin wrote that political concepts such as ‘the Right,’ ‘the Left,’ and ‘extremism’ lost their relevance in Romania, as well as in Europe. They had been replaced by a ‘totalitarian view of the national life,’ which was common to Fascism, National-Socialism, and the Legion. This new ‘concept’ would allow Romania to ‘overcome, by absorbing them, the democratic and socialist experiences and would create the modern state,’ – a ‘totalitarian’ state. The present article aims to consolidate the conceptual gains of ‘new consensus’ historiography, which views the Iron Guard as part of a global revolutionary movement that was spurred by the practice of a political religion promising a ‘national rebirth’ or a ‘complete cultural’ and anthropological ‘renewal.’ Far from militating for national autarchy and populist-agrarian conservatism, the two Legionnaire leaders discussed in my article sought to align Romania with the modernizing, industrializing drive of Western European Fascism.
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GHEORGHE, Elena. "ROMANIAN RELIGION AND CUSTOMS IN THE MIDDLE OF THE 19TH CENTURY IN THE VISION OF FOREIGN TRAVELERS." Icoana Credintei 7, no. 13 (January 24, 2021): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/icoana.2021.13.7.92-102.
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The notes of foreign travelers represent a major source of interest for the reconstruction of Romanian society in the middle of the nineteenth century. Although they were not "professional" historians, most often curiosity or diplomatic missions brought them to these lands, their visits led them to numerous political, economic, cultural and psychological observations.Abundance of travelogues and testimonies on the Romanian Lands of this period represents the consequence of the international reactivation of the “oriental problem” and of the intensification of the struggle for emancipation and national liberation of the peoples of the Balkans. of the culture from which they came, foreign travelers projected, consciously or not, their own light on the realities they presented. In no other historical source will we find anything more picturesque and full of life than in the events and descriptions presented by them.
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Sabău, Nicolae. "„Sok szíves üdvözlettel régi barátos…”. Colegamenti di amicizia di Coriolan Petranu con storici magiari." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia Artium 65, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhistart.2020.06.
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"„Sok szíves üdvözlettel régi barátos...” (“With kind regards, your old friend...”). Coriolan Petranu’s Friendly Connections to the Hungarian Historians. Coriolan Petranu is the founder of modern art history education and scientific research in Transylvania. He had received special education in this field of study that is relatively new in the region. He started his studies in 1911 at the University of Budapest, attending courses in law and art history. During the 1912-1913 academic year he joined the class of Professor Adolph Goldschmiedt (1863-1944) at the Friedrich-Wilhelm University in Berlin. The professor was an illustrious personality from the same generation as art historians Emil Mâle, Wilhelm Vögte, Bernard Berenson, Roger Fry, Aby Warburg, and Heinrich Wölfflin, specialists who had provided a decisive impetus to art historical research during the twentieth century. In the end of 1913, Coriolan Petranu favored Vienna, with its prestigious art historical school attached to the university from the capital of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. There he completed and perfected his education under the supervision of Professor Josef Strzygowski (1862-1941). The latter scholar was highly appreciated for his contributions to the field of universal art history by including the cultures of Asia Minor (Syria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Persia), revealing the influence that this area had on proto-Christian art, as well as by researching ancient art in Northern Europe. In March 1920 the young art historian successfully defended his doctoral dissertation entitled Inhaltsproblem und Kunstgeschichte (”Content and art history”). He thus earned his doctor in philosophy title that opened him access to higher education teaching and art history research. His debut was positively marked by his activity as museographer at the Fine Art Museum in Budapest (Szepműveszeti Muzeum) in 1917-1918. Coriolan Petranu has researched Romanian vernacular architecture (creating a topography of wooden churches in Transylvania) and his publications were appreciated, published in the era’s specialized periodicals and volumes or presented during international congresses (such as those held in Stockholm in 1933, Warsaw in 1933, Sofia in 1934, Basel in 1936 and Paris in 1937). The Transylvanian art historian under analysis has exchanged numerous letters with specialists in the field. The valuable lot of correspondence, comprising several thousands of letters that he has received from the United States of America, Great Britain, Spain, France, Switzerland, The Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary, Poland, the USSR, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Egypt represents a true history of the stage and development of art history as a field of study during the Interwar Period. The archive of the Art History Seminary of the University in Cluj preserves one section dedicated to Hungarian letters that he has send to Hungarian specialists, art historians, ethnographers, ethnologists or colleagues passionate about fine art (Prof. Gerevich Tibor, Prof. Takács Zoltán, Dr. Viski Károly, Count Dr. Teleki Domokos). His correspondence with Fritz Valjavec, editor of the “Südostdeutsche Forschungen” periodical printed in München, is also significant and revealing. The letters in question reveal C. Petranu’s significant contribution through his reviews of books published by Hungarian art historians and ethnographers. Beyond the theoretical debates during which Prof. Petranu has criticized the theories formulated by Prof. Gerevich’s school that envisaged the globalization of Hungarian art between the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period and that also included in this general category the works of German masters and artists with other ethnic backgrounds, he has also displayed a friendly attitude and appreciation for the activity/works of his Hungarian colleagues (Viski Károly and Takács Zoltán). The previously unpublished Romanian-Hungarian and Hungarian-Romanian set of letters discussed here attest to this. Keywords: Transylvania, correspondence, vernacular architecture, reviews, photographs, Gerevich Tibor, Dr. Viski Károly "
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Szelényi, Balázs A. "Enlightenment from Below: German-Hungarian Patriots in Eighteenth-Century Hungary." Austrian History Yearbook 34 (January 2003): 111–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800020464.
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Paradox and Contradiction often characterized the formation and evolution of national identity in the Hungarian Kingdom. Starting in the mid nineteenth century, an explosion occurred in efforts to recover supposedly ancient “ethnic” memory as historians, linguists, and archeologists produced one great breakthrough after another, revolutionizing their conceptions of the past. At the same time, an equally strong forgetting of the complex multicultural and multiethnic reality of the region also transpired.1 The parallel processes of recovering and forgetting intensified after the end of World War I. By the 1930s and 1940s, Slovak historians had reconstructed their history on the foundations of the Great Moravian Empire, Romanian textbooks became dominated by the Daco-Roman continuity thesis, and Hungarian historical narratives were almost exclusively concerned with the history of the Magyars. While historians did occasionally write books that were not biased in favor of their respective ethnic-national groups, they remained marginalized and, most importantly, the mass of students learning history at the middle, high school, and university levels were only superficially introduced to the role other ethnic groups played in their history.
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Hariuc, Marian. "“With Marx against Moscow”: the backstage of editing Karl Marx’s manuscripts about Romanians." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 65, no. 2 (May 26, 2021): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2020.2.02.
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"“With Marx against Moscow”: the backstage of editing Karl Marx’s manuscripts about Romanians. In mid-1960s, a book containing unknown manuscripts attributed to Karl Marx was published in Romania. The documents were discovered at the International Institute of Social History in Amsterdam by the Polish historian Stanislav Schwann. The sources of the most important notes were reprised from a book written by the French historian Élias Regnault in mid-19th century. For the Romanian communist leadership, the Russian presence in the Romanian Principalities during the first half the 19th century was the most relevant part of the texts signed by Marx. As such, the historical discourse was co-opted in the political plan aimed to emancipation from Soviet authority in Romania. The main Romanian historian involved in the plan for editing Karl Marx’ writings was Andrei Oţetea. As Director of the Institute of History of the Romanian Academy in Bucharest, he received the main mission of maintaining the correspondence with the Institute of Amsterdam. The study aims to establish the evolution of Romanian-Dutch treaties, in order to exploit the manuscripts, as well as the involvement of the historiographical circles. Although the question was treated as a strictly political one, the project experienced several phases influenced in particular by the changes of attitude from the Dutch Institute. Thus, an important objective of the study is to highlight the reactions produced by the Romanians’ intentions to bring to light some important data attributed to Karl Marx Keywords: Andrei Oţetea, Karl Marx manuscripts, Institute of Social History Amsterdam. "
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Drace-Francis, Alex. "Cultural Currents and Political Choices: Romanian Intellectuals in the Banat to 1848." Austrian History Yearbook 36 (January 2005): 65–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004847.
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Most theories of nationalismdepend to a greater or lesser extent on formulating explanations in terms of the dynamic relationship between culture and politics in the development of a given ethnic group. Nationalism was famously defined by Ernest Gellner as “a political principle which holds that the political and the cultural unit should be congruent.” Irrespective of whether such a cultural unit is considered to be “real” or “imagined,” “primordial” or “constructed”—and however one might define culture and politics—there is a widespread consensus in the theoretical literature that nations owe a great deal to the activities of the literary elite who saw their role as creating and defining a group identity for a given people; and that these activities gradually became the basis for mass activism and a claim to political sovereignty. In the words of Miroslav Hroch, “the national consciousness has found expression in the conduct, the activities, of concrete personalities.” The historians task, therefore, becomes that of “finding out which kinds of social media within the emerging small nation afforded a relatively stronger response to patriotic agitation.”
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NASEREDDIN, Temam. "DONATUS' RESISTANCE TO ROMAN POWER, BETWEEN THE 3RD AND 5TH CENTURIES AD." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 03, no. 06 (July 1, 2021): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.6-3.3.
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According to the term Catholic polemicists, historians such as Opitat Milév and Saint Augustin, who called the anti-Romanian movement and the Catholic Church of Carthage loyal to it, called the Donatismus, a Christian religious movement that appeared in Morocco in the third century AD and flourished between the fourth and fifth centuries AD, which was named after one of its great founders (Donatus), a Christian cleric born in Tivest (present-day Algeria), who refused to submit to the will of the emperor, and the resistance of the Catholic bishops of Carthage who They contented themselves with being under the banner of the emperor and the Roman authority, Those conditions in which Donatus saw a severe indignation from the principles of Christ and a shattering of the strength of the faithful believers in Christianity, an outright retreat from true Christianity, a religious apostasy and a betrayal of the victims of oppression (martyrs). Donatism emerged in the form of an independent religious current opposing the Church of Carthage, a reason that was sufficient for the beginning of the conflict between Donatism and its allies from The lower popular classes, together with the Church of Carthage and the Romanian authority, were evident in the many revolutions throughout Morocco, represented by the revolutions of the Circum Cellas, who tasted the woes of the Romanian authority and the Catholic Christians in Morocco, and the revolts of the Fermus brothers and after Gildon (Ghildon), However, the Romanian authority did not remain static, but rather used all its capabilities to quell these revolutions and eliminate this Donatian bee that was able to strike the stability of the Romans and Catholics in Morocco.
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Stan, Ana-Maria. "Romanian University Historians in the 1930s and 1940s – the Case of Dimitrie Todoranu, Professor at the University of Cluj." Journal of Research in Higher Education 3, no. 1 (July 1, 2019): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/jrhe.2019.1.5.
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Janas, Janina. "Miron Costin – cronista e poeta." Fabrica Litterarum Polono-Italica, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 179–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/flpi.2020.02.12.
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The volume is based on the analysis of the historiographic and literary work of Miron Costin, who held positions of primary importance in the military, administrative and political life of the Principality of Moldavia during the central decades of the seventeenth century. In particular, are examined the narrative structures of his chronicles, which often are inspired by the creations of contemporary and previous Polish historians. Furthermore, the contribution to the affirmation of the latinity of the Romanian people is clarified, when the question had not yet been put on the agenda. Moreover, the echoes of Greek and Latin classicism are identified in the verses of the poem La vita del mondo (The life of the world), steeped in motifs and modules of the overflowing spirit of the Baroque era.
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Bartosiewicz, Olga. "Constructions and Deconstructions of Cultural Identities in Greater Romania. B. Fundoianu and the Self-Colonizing Metaphor." Przegląd Humanistyczny 62, no. 4 (463) (May 24, 2019): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2634.
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The article “Constructions and Deconstructions of Cultural Identities in Greater Romania. B. Fundoianu and the Self-Colonizing Metaphor” proposes a general overview of two dominant narratives in cultural identity discourse in Greater Romania: the traditionalist and the modernist one. Even though the proponents of each of the tendencies have a different vision of constitutive elements which Romanian identity consists of their aspirations are similar: they want to define Romania’s place in the changed political system in Europe after World War I. Furthermore, they attempt to answer the following question: what path of evolution should the new-born country follow? However, the article also presents a critical approach to the ideas and myths circulating in intellectual milieus after 1918. Hence, the second part of the study analyzes two essays: “Preface” to Images and Books from France and “Critical Spirit in Romanian Culture,” published by a Romanian Jewish author B. Fundoianu (1898–1944). Through his texts, the young essayist builds a counter-narrative which exposes the danger of blind search for national specificity and encourages Romanian intellectuals to use the “critical spirit” as the main tool in the processes of modernization. Denominating Romania “a French cultural colony,” Fundoianu draws attention to the dilemmas discussed in the article through the prism of the category of “self-colonization,” introduced to the discourse about Central and South-Eastern Europe by the contemporary Bulgarian historian Alexander Kiossev.
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Tomonicska, Ingrid. "Imre József Balázs and the Romanian Culture." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 9, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausp-2017-0003.
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Abstract Imre József Balázs is a Hungarian poet, literary critic, editor and literary historian from Romania. His main subject of interest and research area is the Hungarian avant-garde from Romania. His research and work prove his attachment to Romanian literature as well - especially with the avant-garde. For example, he deals with Gellu Naum’s poems for children and their translation. Thus, he fulfils the role of a mediator between Hungarian and Romanian literature not only through his studies and academic papers written in Romanian, but also through his contributions to the appearance of Hungarian poets in literary anthologies written in Romanian language. Furthermore, he plays an important role in publishing the Hungarian translations of Romanian poetry, thus becoming a mediator between the Hungarian and Romanian cultures.
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Maxim Marian Vlad. "Divine Philanthropy and Human Misanthropy. The Abusive Defrocking and the Rehabilitation Process of Metropolitan Anthim of Iberia." Technium Social Sciences Journal 13 (October 12, 2020): 561–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v13i1.1852.
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Saint Anthim of Iberia was one of the most cultured people of his time. He is a creator of a whole epoch in Wallachian and, in general, Romanian history. A highly learned metropolitan, he was also one the greatest Orthodox theologians of the time, a master of morality and doctrine, and finally a wise politician, who played a great role in the very complex social, political and cultural life of the Wallachian Principality. He harshly criticized the illiteracy and the greed of clergy, Eastern Patriarchs’ craving for wealth and power, and he relentlessly denounced the corruptness and the moral degradation of the ruling classes. His efforts to ally with Russia to liberate Wallachia from the Ottoman yoke led him to conflict with his great contemporary, Constantin Brâncoveanu, and then, even more gratingly, with the Voevoda Nicholas Mavrocordatos (1716-1730), described by some historians of the time as unwaveringly loyal to the Ottomans. The Phanariote Nicholas Mavrokordatos, who was only interested in the Ottoman Empire, replaced the Wallachian princes. Mavrokordatos was suspicious of Metr. Antimos and ordered the metropolitan to resign. Mavrokordatos appealed to Patriarch Jeremiah after Metr. Antimos refused to do so. The Patriarch convened a council of bishops, without any Romanian representation, that condemned the metropolitan to anathema and excommunication. Not satisfied in a finding that denied Metr. Antimos his title of Metropolitan of Hungro-Wallachia, Mavrokordatos order the metropolitan to exile to St. Catherine’s Monastery at Mount Sinai. On September 14, 1716, while en route to his place of exile, Metr. Antimos was ambushed by Turkish soldiers on the bank of the Tundzha River, near Gallipoli, as it flowed through Adrianople, and butchered him. Then, they threw his remains into the river. This brutal action ended the earthly life of a great man who had dedicated his strength, talent, and knowledge to the revival and strengthening of Orthodox Christianity among the people of Wallachia. The faithful Romanian people, considering, from the beginning, the sentence of defrocking as unjust and illegal, not only never stopped honoring Anthim the Iberian as chief priest also after his abusive defrocking, but with the passage of time increased their acts of piety and honor, considering him one of the most worthy hierarchs who pastored the Romanian Orthodox Church and a martyr, who sacrificed his life, with dignity, for the Orthodox faith and for the freedom and independence of the Motherland, which, since his adoption, he served as the most devoted and loving son.
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Shanes, Joshua. "Neither Germans nor Poles: Jewish Nationalism in Galicia before Herzl, 1883-1897." Austrian History Yearbook 34 (January 2003): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780002049x.
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Although galician jewry constituted one of the largest Jewish communities in the world before World War I, it has attracted too little scholarship. Galician Jews sat on the frontier between East and West. Religiously and economically, they were similar to Russian and Romanian Jewry, but since their emancipation in 1867 they enjoyed wideranging civil and political rights akin to those of their Western brethren. Historians focusing either on the numerically more significant Russian Jewry, or the politically and financially more important Western Jewry, have tended to avoid Galicia, even though the region was home to almost a million Jews by the turn of the century. Most Zionist historiography has also underemphasized the importance of this community, particularly in the pre-Herzlian period, by which time Galician Zionists could already boast a considerable degree of organizational infrastructure. This neglect is partly a reflection of the general historiographical trend within modern Jewish history. It also reflects, however, the unusual nature of Galician “Zionism,” which was largely Diaspora-oriented—directed toward national cultural work in the Diaspora as well as political activities designed to secure national minority rights—long before Zionists in either Russia or the West had begun to engage in such activities.
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FINK, CAROLE. "A New Historian?" Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (February 2005): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730400219x.
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-Your mother is a judge. It's her job to put a line through the past by passing sentence. I'm a historian. For me the past is a gold mine of surprises and possibilities.-A gold mine?…A dunghill is more like it.-Dunghills have their surprises too.President Ion Iliescu [of Romania] has just announced the formation of an international expert commission charged with studying the history of the Holocaust in Romania between 1937 and 1951.Historians are not judges. A historical commission is not a court of law.
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Iaţeşen, Loredana Viorica. "11. Traditional and Innovative Methods in Approaching Music Styles. Pedagogical Implications." Review of Artistic Education 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rae-2016-0011.
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Abstract The approach to music styles entails an in-depth musicological analysis aimed at synthesizing numerous bibliographical sources belonging to different fields and directions of research. A chronological overview of studies (Jean Molino, Fait musical et sémiologie de la musique, 1975; Jean Jaques Nattiez, Quelques reflexions du style, 1993; R. J. Pascall, Style, in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 1994; Jean Jaques Nattiez, La musique de l’avenir, in Musique. Une Encyclopédie pour le XXI siècle, 2003; Mario Baroni, Stil şi mutaţii stilistice în tradiţia muzicală europeană, in Musique Une encyclopédie pour le XXI siècle, 2006) and of universal (Leonard Meyer, Explaining Music, 1973; Charles Rosen, Le style classique: Haydn. Mozart, Beethoven, 1978; Leonard B. Meyer, Style and Music. Theory, History and Ideology, 1989; and Romanian specialised literature (Cornel Ţăranu, Elemente de stilistică muzicală (sec. XX), 1981; Edgar Papu, Despre stiluri, 1986; Valentina Sandu-Dediu, Alegeri Atitudini Afecte, 2010; Vasile Iliuţ, O carte a stilurilor muzicale, 2011; Valentin Timaru, Stilistică muzicală, 2014) from the late 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, reveal the different and, more often than not, contrasting views of historians, analysts, aestheticians, philosophers, scholars and educators, starting from the meaning of the very idea of style, to the reception of this phenomenon in contemporaneity. On these grounds, this study proposes a systematization of the most relevant landmarks in documentation to date, for the purpose of applying them from a didactic perspective.
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Boiechko, Vasyl. "From Scientific Work to Practical Diplomacy." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 169–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-8.
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Ukrainian-Romanian relations have in fact become the main subject of my professional life. I started as a historian during the Soviet Union times and later as a diplomat of Independent Ukraine from December of 1992. For almost 14 years out of 24 of my diplomatic service I worked first as political adviser at the Embassy of Ukraine in Romania (1994–1999), and then twice as Consul General of Ukraine in Romanian city of Suceava in 2001-2005 and in 2010–2014. I had the honour to open the Ukrainian consular office in Romania in 2001, which was unfortunately closed in 2014! It was a combination of pleasant moments with sad feelings. Due to a certain aggravation of relations between Ukraine and Romania in the middle of 1994, in particular the Transnistrian crisis, I was urgently appointed as a Counsellor at our Embassy in Bucharest. Thus, after a year and a half of joining the staff of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in July 1994 I left for a long-term diplomatic appointment to Romania. After the end of this assignment in November 1999, I was appointed as a deputy Head of the Secretariat of the new Minister for Foreign Affairs Borys I. Tarasiuk. In December 2001 I was appointed as the first Consul General of Ukraine in Suceava city. At that time, the Ukrainian-Romanian political relations were rather complicated. Occasionally, the Romanian side officially accused Ukraine of “non-fulfilment” of the basic bi-lateral political agreement, especially with regard to ensuring the cultural and educational rights of the Romanian minority in Ukraine, although the real situation was completely different. The first Consulate General of Ukraine in Romania which I had the honour to open, performed all the functions stipulated by our national Consular Statute. Our first concern was the provision of necessary support to citizens of Ukraine who visited Romania or lived in this country. My first Consular mission to Romania ended in 2005 and from September 2010 to November of 2014 I again represented Ukraine in Suceava. However, this time my working mood was not so uplifted. Then I remembered an advice of B. I. Tarasiuk, then already the deputy at our Verkhovna Rada, who said to me, “You have to serve Ukraine”. The distinctive thing about consular work is that its main aim is to protect the rights of Ukrainian citizens living or temporarily staying in the territory of a country of one’s appointment. Therefore, I paid special attention to this working direction. After returning from Romania, I worked for some time again as the Ambassador at large and reaching the retirement age in January 2016 I discontinued my diplomatic service by my own will, as I believed that young Ukrainian diplomats should have “space” for their career and professional growth. Keywords: Embassy of Ukraine in Romania, Consulate General of Ukraine in the Romanian city of Suceava, reminiscences, biography, diplomatic service of Ukraine.
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Mustata, Dana. "History in the Backstage of Romanian Television Archives." Making Sense of Digital Sources 1, no. 1 (February 21, 2012): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2012.jethc010.
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The historical value of audiovisual archives lies as much in the documented collection they have to offer as in the losses that history has imprinted on them. Controversial material that has been confiscated by the secret police in communist Romania or records of programmes that have been destroyed due to economizing practices of ‘taking the silver out of the pellicle’ are important facts in the history of Romanian television. Equally important for history is the ‘leftover’ material filmed during the Romanian revolution, which now lives in the shadow of the screened footage. Pursuing the life story of an archival institution and understanding its relations with history forms an important preliminary step for the historian in assessing the documented history within the archive.
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Theodorescu, Răzvan. "What exactly did Romanian post-war nationalism mean?" Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849183t.
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In the last century nationalism as a spiritual element - according to the 1919 state?ment of the historian, archaeologist and philosopher Vasile P?rvan - was a blessed plant grown on Romanian soil during the ?48 revolution, the ?59 union under Prince Cuza, the ?77 war of independence and the preparation of such a national project as the Union with the Romanian Kingdom of several Romanian-speaking provinces dominated by two em?pires - the Austrian and the Russian - epitomized by Transylvania which came finally to the motherland on the 1st of December 1918, the same day when the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was born. In the nationalism project, the Union Transylvania was a political priority. But we must add immediately that in the events of 1914-1916 in the neighbourhood of Romania a symbol of the national struggle became what Nicolae Iorga, in a famous lecture of 1915, called ?the heroic and martyr Serbia?.
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Fotache, Oana. "Did Romania Move South?" Journal of World Literature 3, no. 1 (February 16, 2018): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056480-00301003.
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Abstract This essay tackles Romania’s geocultural position and its consequences for localizing Romanian literature in South-Eastern rather than Eastern Europe by comparing critically the implicit ideological dimension of three types of imaginary spatial narratives: the historian Nicolae Iorga’s (1871–1940), the folklorist and comparatist D. Caracostea’s (1879–1964), and the literary critic Mircea Muthu’s (b. 1944). I chose these three perspectives because they illustrate the way different disciplines looked at Romanian culture’s geographical and symbolical location on the European map during the 20th century. These three contributed to the perception of Romanian culture as part of a South-Eastern cultural heritage. Originating in these ideological representations, there is a parallel tradition in Romanian literature that configures also a Southern identity. More than just a side note to the Eastern European framework still dominant in literary studies, to rethink the location of Romanian literature as a South-Eastern European one means to imagine an alternative paradigm that has different political consequences for configuring a more complex geocultural identity.
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Rados, Leonidas. "A “Dynasty” of Hellenists in twentieth-century Bucharest: Demosthene Russo, Ariadna Camariano-Cioran and Nestor Camariano." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 10 (December 13, 2012): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.314.
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<p>Romanian academic circles became more interested in the study of Greek-Romanian relations towards the end of the nineteenth century and in the early twentieth. Demosthene Russo, a young Greek immigrant to Romania, educated at Constantinople, Athens, Berlin and Leipzig, profited from this favourable trend; he managed to establish at the University of Bucharest, after 1915, a powerful centre for Byzantine and Neohellenic research and to impose his own critical school, based upon a rigorous method, in direct competition with the line directed by the most highly acknowledged Romanian historian, Nicolae Iorga, a researcher with many achievements and famous initiatives in South-East European studies. In the interwar period Russo took on the responsibility for the education of his nephew and niece, Nestor and Ariadna Camariano, to whom he transmitted his appetite for detailed research and critical methods in his field and whom he left to continue his work. The three have deeply marked the study of the history of Hellenism; they distinguished themselves, sometimes under unfavourable circumstances, by their valuable scientific production, opening new directions in the cultural history of South-East Europe.</p>
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Mariuts, I. "EDUCATIONAL SPHERE SPECIALISTS PREPARATION ON THE EXAMPLEOF MULTIDIMENSIONAL E DUCATIONAL AND ENLIGHTENMENT ACTIVITIES OF SIDOR VOROBKEVICH." Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Pedagogy, no. 1 (9) (2019): 32–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-3699.2019.9.08.
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The article presents the study of Sidor Vorobkevych educational activities in the multicultural environment of Austrian Bukovina. Under such conditions, study of the creativity and activity of such a multidimensional and multicultural personality as Sidor Vorobkevich is especially topical. After all, he lived and worked at such time and territory when the agreement was reached between people of different ethnic groups, different cultures, values, religion. Conducted parallel with the modern tasks of education and society development and proposed their solution on the example of S. Vorobkevich's activities, such as modern historians consider Austrian Bukovina like a kind of prototype of the European Union. In Soviet times, his name and works were either completely ignored or interpreted pre-conceived. It was inadmissible that he had a sacerdotal rite and teaching in theological seminary and theological faculty of Chernivtsy University, what contradicts to communists ideology. His pedagogical work started in theological seminary, real school, gymnasium and dascalia (deacon school) in Chernivtsi, where he had up to 40 training hours per week. Having entered the post of teacher of music and singing of the theological seminary, S. Vorobkevich encountered a number of problems that required an urgent solution like absence of any teaching and methodological base – textbooks on musical literacy and solfeggio, didactic instructions for teaching singing, a collection of songs for the school repertoire. The young teacher starts solving the situation on his own. He had to create everything in the process of work. Slowly he wrote plenty of manuals for studying music and languages (he wrote in Ukrainian, Romanian, German). His manuals were used not only in Bukovina and in Ukraine, but also far beyond its borders. In the article we conduct the parallel with the image of modern teacher – tolerant, creative, developed, multidimensional person, as teacher should be.
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Diamantis, Alexandros. "Il Convegno AICA del 1984. La Presidenza Hăulică e la questione dei Marmi del Partenone." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia Artium 65, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhistart.2020.08.
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"The 1984 Conference of the International Association of Art Critics. The Presidency of Dan Hăulică and the Issue of the Parthenon Sculptures. In 1984, the Conference of the International Association of Art Critics (AICA), chaired by the Romanian Dan Hăulică (1932-2014), was organized for the first time in Greece; the event offered an opportunity for historians and art critics of various nationalities to meet. The theme of the conference, „Contemporary art and the Greek world. The XXth century in the face of the civilizations that have followed one another in the Greek space”, on the one hand honored the host country and on the other, placing the accent on the relationship between XXth century art and the Western artistic tradition, was part of the international discussion on the end of the avant-gardes. The complex relationships between the ancient and the contemporary were discussed in terms of influences, continuity and discontinuity. Particular attention was paid to the concept of myth and the mythical dimension of contemporary art. On the other hand, the generic definition of „Greek world"", intentionally chosen by the Greek section of the AICA, re-proposed the national narrative of an essentially unitary historical-artistic development. The Conference also had a dimension of international political significance connected to the fact that the previous year the AICA, an organization affiliated with UNESCO, had approved a motion for the return to Greece of the Parthenon marbles kept at the British Museum. In Athens, the confirmation of solidarity with the Greek cause was also a matter of electoral campaign for the renewal of the Presidency of the AICA. Keywords: AICA Congress, art discourse, contemporary art, Parthenon marbles, classical heritage, myth "
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Ursu, Vasile-George. "Școala română din Paris (Fontenay-aux-roses) – file semnificative din istoria unei instituții românești dispărută în negura timpului / Romanian School in Paris (Fontenay-aux-roses) – significant Pages in the History of a Romanian Institution that Disappeared in the Mists of Time." Supplement 9, no. 1 (July 24, 2021): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i1s_5.
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The beginning of the twentieth century was strongly marked by the First World War. Among the unexpected results of this conflagration we can observe an exponential growth of cultural relations between the states involved in the conflict on the same side. If we explicitly look at the Romanian-French cultural relations from this perspective, it becomes obvious that we are dealing with an exceptional example of cultural collaboration on the European continent. The first concrete step of this process was the signing in Bucharest of The PoincaréAngelescu Educational Convention on June 15, 1919, a document according to which the French state provided its support for the consolidation of Romanian education, especially in the new provinces that entered the Romanian state. Thus, in Bucharest, the French university mission was created as a separate entity as a result of this convention. Later, in 1924, it was reorganized into the French Institute of Higher Studies. Through these two concrete actions, the French state took the initiative and offered its promised support for its ”Latin sister in Eastern Europe”. In the same period, the actions of the Kingdom of Romania in this sense were much slower and more indecisive, requiring a private initiative of the historian N. Iorga.
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Velimirovici, Felician. "A Historian, the Securitate and the “Holy Party”. Reading the Secret Police Files of Ioan Dimitrie Suciu (1949-1982)." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Historia 65, no. 2 (May 26, 2021): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbhist.2020.2.03.
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"A Historian, the Securitate and the “Holy Party”. Reading the Secret Police Files of Ioan Dimitrie Suciu (1949-1982). The following article describes the life times and events that historian Ioan Dimitrie Suciu has experienced in Romania after 1948, under communist rule. By studying his personal Secret Police Files drawn up by the Securitate officers over a period of more than 30 years, I propose an account of his life story focused primarily upon his relationship with the communist regime. As an anti-Fascist former student of Nicolae Iorga, until 1947 I.D. Suciu has managed to become a self-made man in the capital city of interwar Romania. In 1949, he has got into a first conflict with communist authorities when he tried to flee the country. After spending over 3 years in jail, he was released in 1952, only to be soon again arrested and incarcerated for 6 years, for committing the crime of “conspiracy against the social order”. Between 1964 and 1975 I.D. Suciu has worked as a researcher at “Nicolae Iorga” History Institute in Bucharest, before being sent to jail for a third and last time (1975-1977). Never becoming a political dissident, during his last years of life, he experienced a growing discontent towards the regime and expressed abundant critiques against the Communist Party and its leaders. Keywords: Romanian Communist Party, Securitate, Ioan D. Suciu, condemnation. "
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Dragan, D. G. "Foreign policy strategy of the Romania. Evolution, principles, goals." Post-Soviet Issues 5, no. 2 (July 6, 2018): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2018-5-2-140-148.
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In this article, the author attempts to determine the strategic directions of Romania’s foreign policy. Significant geopolitical events in Europe expose the need to clarify the priorities of the policy pursued by the country. Historically in foreign relations Romania has employed diplomatic strategies that allowed it, according to historians, to «anoeuvre» between the centres of power on the international arena. However, in the early 2000’s a departure from this tradition has become apparent, especially during the administration of Traian Basescu (2004–2014), which also coincided with the country’s joining NATO in 2004 and EU in 2007. After the collapse of the socialist bloc Romania set its priorities, firstly, in the direction of joining both NATO and EU and later bringing the country in accordance with their norms and standards was put high on the agenda. Having become a member of the Alliance and an EU-state, Romania has been determining its foreign policy from the point of view of synchronizing its strategic goals with those of NATO and EU. Along with this, the strategic partnership with the US and the attached to it significant importance for Romania dictate the one-sided political approach deprived of the traditional manoeuvre capability in foreign affairs. This is also proven by the fact that despite the declared and established privileged relations with a number of countries, the level of their “strategic” execution is very low in reality. That being said, the direction of the relations between Romania and the Russian Federation, whose views on many regional and international issues differ, are likely to be greatly influenced by the state of the Russia-West affairs. Having analyzed the historic and current aspects of Romania’s foreign policy, the author determines the preservation of the euroatlanticism course as the main direction of the development of the foreign policy of Romania.
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Bot, Ioana. "The Founding Attempts of the Literary Historian. Solitudes, Singularities, Exemplarities." Philobiblon. Transylvanian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research in the Humanities 25, no. 2 (2020): 385–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.26424/philobib.2020.25.2.12.
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The present study reviews D. Popovici’s founding attempts in the field of literary history. It pursues his activity along four axes: critical editions of modern Romanian authors, studies in literary history, university lectures and “Studii literare” [Literary Studies], the scientific journal he founded as a professor of Cluj University. Both original and modern in his theoretic, methodologic as well as academic options, Popovici is a founder of institutions and initiator of a research school. His scientific projects are singular in their scope. Yet his critic posterity destines him to an unwarranted “singularity”. Our reflection focuses upon the exemplary elements in the scholar’s destiny.
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Abrudan, Mircea-Gheorghe. "Keith Hitchins (1931–2020): A Great Historian and Friend of Romanians." Transylvanian Review 30, no. 1 (May 20, 2021): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33993/tr.2021.1.09.
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Magocsi, Paul Robert. "The Scholar as Nation-Builder, or as Advisor and Advocate: Remarks Delivered by Paul Robert Magocsi (Chair of Ukrainian Studies, University of Toronto) for the Special Panel “Paul Robert Magocsi on the Scholar as a Nation-Builder” at the ASN 2007 World Convention, Columbia University." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 5 (November 2008): 881–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802415842.
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The Czech philosopher Tomáš G. Masaryk was a scholar and nation-builder; the Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga was a scholar and nation-builder; the Ukrainian historian Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi was a scholar and nation-builder; Paul Robert Magocsi is a scholar but not a nation-builder. Unlike the first three distinguished figures, the North American Magocsi never lived in any country among any people that was in need of being “built.” At best he may be considered an advocate or a promoter of a nationality; that is, a people in search of a distinct identity recognizable to themselves and to others.
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Chiriac, Bogdan. "Mihail Kogălniceanu’s Historical Inquiry into the Question of Roma Slavery in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Romanian Principalities." Critical Romani Studies 2, no. 2 (December 2, 2020): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.29098/crs.v2i2.64.
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This article examines Ochire istorică asupra sclăviei (A brief historical survey of slavery), a mid-nineteenth-century pioneering study about the history of slavery, to ascertain the growing influence of anti-slavery ideas in the framing of the new Romantic historical discourse about Roma slavery in the Romanian principalities. The study, written by the leading Romanian historian, writer, journalist, and liberal statesman Mihail Kogălniceanu (1817–1891), was published in 1853 in a censored edition and has received only limited scholarly attentiondue to its incomplete form (the full version of the original article has yet to be published). The present paper intends to provide a critical reflection on the main features of Kogălniceanu’s analysis of the institution of slavery in the Romanian principalities by exploring the author’s multilayered interest in the question of Roma slavery, his command of primary sources, and the underlying historical interpretation and social doctrines thatframed his investigation.
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Miroiu, Mihai. "Changing Attitudes Towards the Ottomans in Romanian Historiography." New Perspectives on Turkey 12 (1995): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001175.
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Students of Eastern European affairs have pointed out that this part of the world shares in considerable measure the historical mode of thinking about itself; its self-perception is, in part at least, provided by its historical awareness and a tradition of historiography, that is, the past as organized and interpreted by the historian (Roberts, 1970). Unlike other societies, in which the historical component of self-identification is not at all prominent, its place being taken either by a set mythology or by all-embracing religious or legal norms, Eastern European societies have developed a historiographical tradition. It can truly be said that they have been obsessively preoccupied by history and the main reason for this obsession is that for over four hundred years these societies were an integral part of the Ottoman empire.