Academic literature on the topic 'Romanian Jews'
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Journal articles on the topic "Romanian Jews"
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Solonari, Vladimir. "“Model Province”: Explaining the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Bukovinian Jewry." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 4 (September 2006): 471–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600842106.
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Romanian war-time policy towards Jews presents a paradox. In the summer and fall of 1941 Romanian military and police were killing the Jews of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina indiscriminately. In late fall of the same year, those Jews who survived the first wave of killings were forcibly deported further to the east—this time not only from Bessarabia and the northern part of Bukovina but from the whole of the latter's province. In the late fall of 1941, Jews from Odessa were once again murdered en masse and any survivors deported from the city. At this time, i.e. in the summer and fall of 1941, Romanian policy was at least as radical and brutal as the Germans', perhaps surpassing it in its brutality, a fact that elicited Hitler's delight and commendation. But then Romanian policy underwent a gradual but more and more pronounced change. Though Romanian authorities took part in the preparations for the deportation of Romanian Jews to the Nazi concentration camps in the summer and early fall 1942, in October of that year the Romanians abruptly terminated their participation in all preparations. In 1943 and 1944 the Romanian government even took measures to protect Romanian Jewish citizens residing in the German-ruled territories by demanding that those Jews were exempt from deportation to concentration camps and facilitated Jewish emigration to Palestine from Romania. Inside Romania, Jews were still heavily discriminated against, exposed to various vexations and harsh confiscatory taxation, but the majority of them survived the war.
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Radchenko, Iryna Gennadiivna. "The Philanthropic Organizations' Assistance to Jews of Romania and "Transnistria" during the World War II." Dnipropetrovsk University Bulletin. History & Archaeology series 25, no. 1 (March 7, 2017): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/261714.
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The article is devoted to assistance, rescue to the Jewish people in Romanian territory, including "Transnistria" in 1939–1945. Using the archival document from different institutions (USHMM, Franklyn D. Roosevelt Library) and newest literature, the author shows the scale of the assistance, its mechanism and kinds. It was determined some of existed charitable organizations and analyzed its mechanism of cooperation between each other. Before the war, the Romanian Jewish Community was the one of largest in Europe (after USSR and Poland) and felt all tragedy of Holocaust. Romania was the one of the Axis states; the anti-Semitic policy has become a feature of Marshal Antonescu policy. It consisted of deportations from some regions of Romania to newly-created region "Transnistria", mass exterminations, death due to some infectious disease, hunger, etc. At the same moment, Romania became an example of cooperation of the international organizations, foreign governments on providing aid. The scale of this assistance was significant: thanks to it, many of Romanian Jews (primarily, children) could survive the Holocaust: some of them were come back to Romanian regions, others decide to emigrate to Palestine. The emphasis is placed on the personalities, who played important (if not decisive) role: W. Filderman, S. Mayer, Ch. Colb, J. Schwarzenberg, R. Mac Clelland and many others. It was found that the main part of assistance to Romanian Jews was began to give from the end of 1943, when the West States, World Jewish community obtained numerous proofs of Nazi crimes against the Jews (and, particularly, Romanian Jews). It is worth noting that the assistance was provided, mostly, for Romanian Jews, deported from Regat; some local (Ukrainian) Jews also had the possibility to receive a lot of needful things. But before the winter 1942, most of Ukrainian Jews was exterminated in ghettos and concentration camps. The main kinds of the assistance were financial (donations, which was given by JDC through the ICRC and Romanian Jewish Community), food parcels, clothes, medicaments, and emigrations from "Transnistria" to Romania, Palestine (after 1943). Considering the status of Romania (as Nazi Germany's ally in World War II), the international financial transactions dealt with some difficulties, which delayed the relief, but it was changed after the Romania's joining to Allies. The further research on the topic raises new problem for scholars. Particularly, it deals with using of memoirs. There is one other important point is inclusion of national (Ukrainian) historiography on the topic, concerning the rescue of Romanian Jews, to European and world history context.
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Shapiro, Paul A. "Food Supply, Starvation, and Food As a Weapon in the Camps and Ghettos of Romanian-Occupied Bessarabia and Transnistria, 1941-44." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 43–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus638.
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The Romanian regime of wartime leader Ion Antonescu concentrated the Jews of Bessarabia and Bukovyna in transit camps and ghettos, and then deported them to the Romanian-administered territory between the Dnister and Buh rivers, in southwestern Ukraine. Of approximately 160,000 Romanian Jews deported to “Transnistria,” only 50,000 survived the ordeal. The Romanians, with local Volksdeutsch and Ukrainian collaborators, also massacred and were otherwise responsible for the death of approximately 150,000 local Ukrainian Jews, including the large Jewish community of Odesa. While not comparable to the Jews in number, deported Romanian Roma and local Roma were also subjected to physical brutality, forced labour, and incarceration.
Famine and starvation did not cause all Jewish and Roma deaths in Bessarabia and Transnistria. Mass executions exacted a huge toll. So did exposure to the elements, exhaustion, and typhus. Still, while there was no famine in the region, starvation was a permanent presence. Romanian authorities controlled the food supply and denied it to their targeted victims. This article describes the steps taken by Romanian occupation authorities to isolate Jews and Roma; to limit the flow of food supplies to them; to prevent them from accessing food in local markets; and to prevent help that might have been offered by those local civilians who took pity on the starving victims. Official documentation and testimonies of both officials and survivors provide a vivid picture of the consequences. Specific cases reveal factors that made the situation in one locality better or worse than that in another, or that caused a situation to improve or deteriorate. Variations notwithstanding, however, all sources lead to the conclusion that Romania’s goal was to eliminate the Jews and reduce the Roma population. This made starvation, the use of “food as a weapon,” an acceptable element of state policy.
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Solonari, Vladimir. "From Silence to Justification?: Moldovan Historians on the Holocaust of Bessarabian and Transnistrian Jews." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 3 (September 2002): 435–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599022000011705.
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The Holocaust was one of the major experiences of the populations, both Jewish and non-Jewish, of those European countries that were either part of the Axis or occupied by Nazi Germany. This was certainly the case for the inhabitants of Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina, and Transnistria. These regions remained under Romanian administration from June/July 1941 to spring/summer 1944. The Soviets had seized Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina from Romania in June 1940 under the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact. These territories were then reoccupied (“liberated”) by the Romanian and German armies after the German attack against the Soviet Union in June 1941. From 1941 to 1944 they were Romanian provinces ruled by separate highly centralized administrations. Transnistria (meaning literally “territory across the Dniester” in Romanian), which lies between the Dniester and Bug rivers, though never formally incorporated into Romania, was ruled by the Romanians during this period under the agreement with Hitler. Romanian authorities deported practically all Jews from Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to Transnistria, accusing them of both treason and collaboration with the Soviets in 1940–1941 during the Soviet occupation and hostility towards the Romanian state in general. Some Roma, together with other “hostile elements” from other Romanian provinces, were also deported to Transnistria.
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Novikova, Liudmyla. "TO THE QUESTION ON REFLECTION OF ROMANIA AND TRANSNISTRIA SIGNIFICANCE FOR THE HISTORY OF EASTERN EUROPEAN JEWS IN THE AMERICAN PRESS PUBLICATIONS IN 1940s." Paper of Faculty of History, no. 32 (December 29, 2021): 96–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2312-6825.2021.32.250084.
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This article covers the content of information about the place of Romania in the 1920–1940s and Transnistria in the history of Eastern European Jews, which was published in predominantly English language materials in a number of American newspapers in the 1940s, such as «Românul American», «The Southern Jewish Weekly», «Evening Star» and «Detroit Evening Times». The purpose of the study is to determine the structure of the newspaper narrative regarding the place of Romania in the 1920–1940s and Transnistria in the history of Eastern European Jews, contained in the mentioned newspaper publications. As a result of the study, a conditionally holistic information narrative on the isignificance of Romania and Transnistriain the history of Eastern European Jews in the 1920–1940s was reconstructed in publications of a number of American newspapers, which spread in mass opinion. The main components of this English-language narrative are following: in pre-war Romania was an increased influence of official actual anti-Semitism; this was of particular importance given that Transnistria was predominantly a zone of Romanian administration during World War II; the plight of Jews in Romania and Bukovina during the war; cases of non-Jewish support for Jews; brutal deportations of the Jewish population from Romania, Bukovina, Bessarabia (sometimes also Moldavia, which regarding changes in the characteristics of Bessarabia and Bukovina) to Transnistria; domination of the atmosphere of fear of the possibility of deportation to Transnistria among the still undeported Jews; manipulation by the Romanian government of the Jewish population through this fear; the plight of Jews, the Holocaust in Transnistria; repatriation to Romania and migration to Palestine as the «historical homeland» of Jews deported during the war to Transnistria. According to some materials, this narrative had not only an exposing anti-Nazi purpose, not only appealed to the public support of Jews who had experienced repression, deportation and the Holocaust, but also had to serve to preserve the democratic worldview of the Romanian minority in the United States (most of the used publications were contained in the newspaper «Românul American»).
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Fischer-Galati, Stephen. "Jew and Peasant in Interwar Romania*." Nationalities Papers 16, no. 2 (1988): 201–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408082.
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Common historical wisdom has it that the Peasant Revolt of 1907 and the elections of December 1937 reflected the profound anti-Semitism of the Romanian peasantry. And since the events of 1907 and 1937 have also been looked upon as decisive in determining the course of the history of the peasantry, if not of Romania as such, it seems only proper to assess the accuracy of these contentions.The revolt of 1907 was indeed a social movement directed against the exploitation of the impoverished Moldavian and Wallachian peasantry by Romanian landlords and Jewish “arendaşi” (Leaseholders). After 1907, and throughout the interwar years, Romanian historiography and political propaganda stressed the anti-Semitic character of the uprising in an effort to exonerate the absentee, and other, Romanian landowners and to emphasize the exploitative nature of Jews and Jewish capitalism. The Jewish question was organically connected with the peasant question in a variety of ways, all condemnatory of Jewish and Judaizing capitalism.As none of the major political parties of pro-World War I Romania—or, for that matter, few of interwar Romania as well—paid more than lip service to the economic and social plight of the peasants, it was convenient to regard the Jew as the root cause of all the evils affecting the peasantry. Before World War I, populists and, paradoxically, socialists enunciated political theories regarding “neoserfdom,” which, however different in origin, converged in demands for radical land reform. The reform came not because of such demands but because of the Bolshevik Revolution and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires. Officially, it was unrelated to any political ideology, certainly separated from the Jewish question which, in theory, was resolved concurrently with the peasant question through the granting of citizenship and extension of political rights to the Jews of Romania. Following the countrywide agrarian reform in Greater Romania the peasant and the Jewish questions were in fact severed as Jews and Jewish capitalism had virtually no connections with the land.
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Ioanid, Radu. "The Holocaust in Romania: The Iasi Pogrom of June 1941." Contemporary European History 2, no. 2 (July 1993): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000394.
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In 1930, the Romanian Jewish community, one of the largest in Europe, numbered 756,930 members. Of these, about 150,000 lived in Northern Transylvania, which was occupied by Hungary in the summer of 1940; the remaining 600,000 Jews remained in territories ruled by Romania. In 1944, the Jews from Northern Transylvania shared the fate of the Hungarian Jews; only about 15,000 of them survived the deportations.
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Dumitru, Diana, and Carter Johnson. "Constructing Interethnic Conflict and Cooperation: Why Some People Harmed Jews and Others Helped Them during the Holocaust in Romania." World Politics 63, no. 1 (January 2011): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000274.
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The authors draw on a natural experiment to demonstrate that states can reconstruct conflictual interethnic relationships into cooperative relationships in relatively short periods of time. The article examines differences in how the gentile population in each of two neighboring territories in Romania treated its Jewish population during the Holocaust. These territories had been part of tsarist Russia and subject to state-sponsored anti-Semitism until 1917. During the interwar period one territory became part of Romania, which continued anti-Semitic policies, and the other became part of the Soviet Union, which pursued an inclusive nationality policy, fighting against inherited anti-Semitism and working to integrate its Jews. Both territories were then reunited under Romanian administration during World War II, when Romania began to destroy its Jewish population. The authors demonstrate that, despite a uniform Romanian state presence during the Holocaust that encouraged gentiles to victimize Jews, the civilian population in the area that had been part of the Soviet Union was less likely to harm and more likely to aid Jews as compared with the region that had been part of Romania. Their evidence suggests that the state construction of interethnic relationships can become internalized by civilians and outlive the life of the state itself.
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Babich, Oleksandr. "THE EXISTENCE OF CERTAIN ETHNIC GROUPS IN ODESA IN THE CONDITIONS OF OCCUPATION 1941–1944." Chornomors’ka Mynuvshyna, no. 18 (December 28, 2023): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2519-2523.2023.18.292467.
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The article is devoted to the existence of certain ethnic groups in Odesa under the conditions of occupation in 1941–1944. After all, the national policy of the Romanian occupation authorities in Odesa not only directly influenced the life strategy of representatives of certain ethnic groups of the city population, but in some cases the very possibility of survival or death depended on, which was recorded in the passport in the «nationality» column. It has been proved that three ethnic groups received the greatest privileges from the new government: Germans, Romanians and Moldovans. Since the ethnic Germans outside Germany were perceived by the Hitler government as representatives of a superior race, who were to be used in the new territories as allies in the implementation of the occupation policy, a separate unit of the SS «R» was created to work with the German population of Transnistria Governorate, which was subordinate to the Main Board of Repatriation of ethnic Germans «Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle». It was established that the Romanian government understood the need to focus its national policy on the Moldavian ethnic community in the region, because it was this population that was to become the support of the government in the temporarily occupied territory. That is, Moldovans began to be considered an ethnic group of the Romanian population. It is significant that about 250,000 Moldovans lived in the territory between the Dniester and the Bug, who were concentrated as much as possible in the villages along the Dniester. However, despite the loss of population in the first year of the war, the number of such residents decreased to 198,000. The occupiers immediately began to implement the priority policy of this particular nation. Therefore, the main bet was placed on them, as the support of the government in the new territories. Moldovans were declared an ethnic group of the Romanian population. The desire of the Romanian authorities is understandable: in this way they proved that this is historically their territory and they came «to protect their population». As for the attitude towards the Slavic peoples, namely Ukrainians, Russians, Bulgarians and Poles, all the documents show that they had a much lower status in the occupied city. Their position cannot in any way be compared with the attitude of the occupying power towards the privileged Romanians and Germans. Yes, they were not totally exterminated, like Romani people or Jews. Rather, they were seen as a necessary labour resource to be fully subjugated by the new masters. Therefore, in the case of loyalty to the occupiers, nothing formally threatened them, but it is quite difficult to call the conditions of their existence «absolutely favourable». The situation of the local Jews was the most difficult. A sufficient number of documents and studies have been presented, which prove that the policy of the Romanian occupation authorities in relation to them was dictated by the doctrine of the ethnocratic state and, as a result, provided for the total destruction of the local Jewish population. The attitude towards the Jews was understandable and became a continuation of political processes and the involvement of Romania in the sphere of influence of Germany. The Holocaust of the Jews of Bukovina and the Jews of the Old Kingdom, Bessarabia or Transnistria was dictated by the doctrine of the ethnocratic state. At the meeting of the Council of Ministers on February 7, 1941, I. Antonescu first raised the issue of introducing measures against the Romani people. As a result, a number of orders appeared where the main mechanism of the Romanian government became deportation from the territory of Romania to Transnistria. But it is important to note that, we have not found a single document in the archives about the relations between the occupation authorities and the Romani people directly in Odesa. Considering that according to the census of 1942 there were only 5 of them, we can allow not to consider them as a representative separate group. Consequently, Odesa citizens were forced to build a strategy for their survival in the conditions of occupation in accordance with the entry in the column «nationality» in the passport. On the highest steps of this cynical «racial pyramid», the occupiers placed Moldovans, Romanians and Germans. Below them were supposed to be Ukrainians, Russians, Poles and representatives of other ethnic groups of multinational Odesa. And somewhere outside this pyramid, the doomed Jews and Romani people were pushed out.
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Stone, Dan. "Romania and the Jews in the BBC Monitoring Service Reports, 1938–1948." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 3 (April 9, 2017): 545–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417701817.
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Using the little-known BBC Monitoring Service (BBCM) archives, this article shows how Romanian governments in the period 1938–1948 chose to represent themselves via the medium of radio to the rest of the world. After introducing the BBCM and discussing the problems of using such Open Source Intelligence (OSINT) material, the article shows how four key aspects of Romanian history were presented by the Romanian authorities at this time: the wartime expropriation of Jews prior to their planned deportation; Romania’s changing of sides in the war as of 23 August 1944; the return of Jewish deportees after the war; and the communist governments’ changing attitudes towards Palestine/Israel and Jewish emigration. The article suggests that these sources are highly revealing but that they need to be used with considerable caution when trying to understand the tumultuous events of wartime Romanian history.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Romanian Jews"
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Müller, Dietmar. "Staatsbürger auf Widerruf : Juden und Muslime als Alteritätspartner im rumänischen und serbischen Nationscode : ethnonationale Staatsbürgerschaftskonzepte 1878-1941 /." Wiesbaden : Harrassowitz, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40083835q.
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Rastbäck, Emma. "Kriminalitet sätter mannen på prov : En studie av identitetsskapande i romanen Snabba Cash." Thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Institutionen Biblioteks- och informationsvetenskap / Bibliotekshögskolan, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-18890.
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The aim of this Master’s thesis is to examine how representations of identity construction are performed through the characters in the novel Snabba Cash by author Jens Lapidus. I examine what means the characters are using, and how the identity construction processes are related to the idea of modern society. For a theoretical background I use sociologist Anthony Giddens’ theories regarding modernity and self-identity, to study general identity construction. Due to the fact that the three main characters of the novel are all men, I also examine the construction of masculine identity using sociologist R.W. Connell’s theories about hegemonic masculinity. Lastly, I use theories about representations by mass communication professor Stuart Hall, in order to examine the representation of reality presented in the novel. The study is performed within a Sociology of Literature framework, and the method used is a form of ideology analysis.The result shows that the three characters have a lot in common regarding how they define themselves as men. They tend to use the same features in order to appear masculine, with a few divergences. I found that the criminal life style that they are all embracing is a fruitful means in their work of construction and re-construction of their masculine identity, but that criminality is not essential in this process. Modernity is also a key factor to the reflexive project that is elementary in construction of a self-identity, and its wide range of possibilities is more or less the key to identity construction and re-construction.Uppsatsnivå: D
Books on the topic "Romanian Jews"
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A, Halévy M., and Arhivele Statului din Iași, eds. Romanian census records. Teaneck, NJ: Distributed by Avotaynu, Inc., 1995.
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Hîncu, Dumitru. Un licăr în beznă: Acțiuni necunoscute ale diplomației române. București: Editura Hasefer, 1997.
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Zvi, Hartman, ed. Antisemitism in Romania: The image of the Jew in the Romanian society : bibliography. [Tel Aviv]: Goldstein-Goren Centre for the History of the Jews in Romania, Diaspora Research Institute, Tel Aviv University, 1993.
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Ilan, E. Divre yeme Yehude Romanyah. [Ḥolon]: ha-Ḥevrah ha-hisṭorit le-ḥeḳer toldot Yahadut Romanyah, 1986.
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Rubinshṭain, Shimʻon. Mitsʻad ha-eṿelet: ʻaśur la-yom bo holikhah ha-"Securitate" et ha-dor ha-sheni shel yotsʾe Romanyah be-Yiśraʾel ba-af. Yerushalayim: Sh. Rubinshṭain, 1999.
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Sandu, Frunză, ed. De la Iași la Ierusalim și înapoi: Pornind de la un dialog cu Sandu Frunză. București: Ideea Europeană, 2007.
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Rubinshṭain, Shimʻon. Mitsʻad ha-eṿelet: ʻaśur la-yom bo holikhah ha-"Securitate" et ha-dor ha-sheni shel yotsʼe Romanyah be-Yiśraʼel ba-af. Yerushalayim: Shimʻon Rubinshṭain, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Romanian Jews"
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Heymann, Florence. "“Bottles in the Sea”: Letters of Deported Jews in Moghilev (Transnistria), November–December 1941." In Local History, Transnational Memory in the Romanian Holocaust, 77–89. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230118416_5.
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Stone, Dan. "Romania and the Jews in the BBC Monitoring Service Reports, 1938–1948." In Fascism, Nazism and the Holocaust, 158–77. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in fascism and the far right: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003084181-11.
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Harward, Grant T. "Introduction." In Romania's Holy War, 1–16. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759963.003.0001.
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This introductory chapter shows how nationalism, religion, antisemitism, and anticommunism fueled Romania’s “holy war” from 1941 to 1944. Romanian soldiers believed they participated in a just war against Soviet aggression. Indeed, shared antisemitism, anticommunism, and to a much lesser extent anti-Slavism, bound Romania to Nazi Germany. So much so that the Romanian Army closely collaborated with the German Army in Adolf Hitler’s “war of annihilation.” While anti-Slav racism was less prevalent than in the German Army, the Romanian Army was anxious to take vengeance on Jews in eastern Romania, whom it accused of treachery, and it was more than willing to back the S.S. in implementing the “Final Solution” in the Soviet Union. Romania’s holy war consisted of two interlinked campaigns: fighting on the front, and slaughtering Jews and communists in the rear. The same ideology that justified sacrifice in battle also predisposed Romanian soldiers toward genocide against Jews.
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Harward, Grant T. "Ideology of Holy War." In Romania's Holy War, 17–35. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759963.003.0002.
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This chapter delves into the ideological basis of Romanian soldiers' motivation. Nazi Germany and the U.S.S.R.’s titanic struggle has always been recognized as ideological, but Romania’s part in it has fallaciously been portrayed as unideological. In truth, centuries of religious tradition, age-old anti-Judaism combined with modern antisemitism, a century of nationalist zealotry, and burgeoning anticommunist paranoia predisposed Romanians to embrace the holy war. These ideological beliefs cut across class boundaries, uniting soldiers horizontally with comrades and vertically with officers. The Romanian Army started mobilizing in 1937, so there was time for soldiers to form primary groups, many of which experienced the humiliating withdrawal from eastern Romania in 1940 that army propaganda blamed on Jews.
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Lincoln, Bruce. "A Hidden Past." In Secrets, Lies, and Consequences, 8—C2P83. Oxford University PressNew York, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197689103.003.0002.
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Abstract In 1927, at the age of twenty, Eliade established himself as the most eloquent, intelligent, and daring spokesperson for Romania’s “Young Generation.” Striking an apolitical stance, he argued that his generation’s mission was to draw on the nation’s traditions to create works of spiritual depth and cultural genius that would win Romania international recognition. By the mid-1930s circumstances had changed, and he struggled to maintain his position of generational leadership, as most of his friends and colleagues were becoming fervent supporters of the Legion of the Archangel Michael under the influence of Nae Ionescu, Eliade’s charismatic mentor. Founded by Corneliu Codreanu, the Legion presented and understood itself as a militant crusading force that would rid the Romanian nation and Orthodox Church of the alien influences at the root of all its problems, which it attributed to Romania’s Jews.
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Steinke, Ronen. "A Daring Plan." In Anna and Dr Helmy, 59–64. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893369.003.0008.
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This chapter starts with a discussion of Anna’s defiance to wear a yellow badge that recognizes her as Jewish. It mentions the Gestapo that deported Jews from Berlin, including Anna who was ordered to get her passport stamped at the Romanian Consulate and leave Germany for Romania. It also talks about the Consular official that stamped Anna’s passport, who advised her not to travel to Romania under any circumstances as Jews were sent to camps in Poland instead. The chapter details how Anna turned to Dr. Mohamed Helmy to hide from the Gestapo and changed her identity into the Muslim Nadia, Dr. Helmy’s niece and assistant. It recounts the beginning of the Gestapo’s search for Anna after they were notified that the Jewish girl had gone away on 10 March 1942.
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Ioanid, Radu. "Chapter Eight. The Survival of the Romanian Jews." In The Holocaust in Romania, 479–520. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9781538138090-479.
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Ioanid, Radu. "Chapter Nine. The Fate of Romanian Jews Living Abroad." In The Holocaust in Romania, 521–40. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9781538138090-521.
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Harward, Grant T. "1942–1944: Holy War of Defense." In Romania's Holy War, 169–205. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759963.003.0007.
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This chapter argues that, despite eroding morale following the defeat at Stalingrad during the winter of 1942–1943, Romanian soldiers remained motivated to fight into 1944, but they were less motivated to commit atrocities. After the battle of Stalingrad, the Romanian Army fought for another year and a half alongside the German Army, helping to delay the Red Army’s advance. By mid-1943, Romanian soldiers knew the Axis was losing the war, and morale steadily eroded. Poor morale, mounting casualties, and inferior equipment increasingly reduced Romanian divisions' combat effectiveness. Romanian soldiers could still lash out at times, but now they thought twice about killing Soviet civilians, prisoners of war, partisans, and even Jews, as their motivation to perpetrate atrocities waned. The proliferation of trench warfare helped sustain soldiers' motivation in the Caucasus and Crimea, and there were only a few isolated cases of mutiny on the front.
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Bazyler, Michael J., Kathryn Lee Boyd, Kristen L. Nelson, and Rajika L. Shah. "Romania." In Searching for Justice After the Holocaust, 359–78. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190923068.003.0035.
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Romania was allied with Germany for most of World War II. Extensive “Romanianization” (akin to Germany’s Aryanization) of Jewish property took place. More than 400,000 Romanian Jews died during the Holocaust. After switching sides in the war, Romania promptly enacted legislation to reverse the theft of property. Little was done, however, to act on these commitments during the Communist regime (1945–1989). Instead, widespread nationalization resulted in a second wave of confiscation. Restitution only began to take place after 1989. However, restitution laws have not been effectively applied, and to date only limited restitution has taken place in Romania. A 2013 restitution law was recognized by the European Court of Human Rights as providing, in theory, an accessible and effective framework for the restitution of nationalized or confiscated property. In the post-Communist period, Romania has enacted a number of laws relating to the restitution of communal property belonging to religious organizations and national minorities. These laws chiefly cover communal property taken during the Communist era. Romania endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.
Conference papers on the topic "Romanian Jews"
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Boamfa, Ionel. "THE CHRONO-SPATIAL DISTRIBUTION OF SOME DEMOGRAPHIC PECULIARITIES AT THE LEVEL OF THE DISTRICTS OF FAGARA? MUNICIPALITY." In 9th SWS International Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES - ISCSS 2022. SGEM WORLD SCIENCE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35603/sws.iscss.2022/s01.005.
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The article highlights the chrono-spatial distribution of the evolution of some demographic peculiarities at the level of the districts of Fagara? for almost a millennium, starting from the XIth century, until today. Thus, first of all, the evolution of the population is highlighted, as a whole and on the component districts. Closely related to this is the evolution of density, both for the settlement's total and at the district level. Also, based on documentary sources � statistical-fiscal (urbaria, conscriptions), before 1850, censuses (from 1850-2011) � and other (yearbooks, phone books, electoral lists, etc.), we have reconstituted the ethnic, linguistic and confessional structure of the population, both on the whole locality and on the districts. We note, on the one hand, an inconsistent, slow evolution, with demographic setbacks, in the Middle Ages and a continuous increase, after 1800 and, especially, during the communist period, of the population and its density, followed by a decline, after 1989. Regarding the ethnolinguistic structure of the population, at the background of the continuous presence of an important share of the Romanians, until the interwar period, inclusive, important communities of Hungarians, Germans (Saxons) and Jews were formed and lasted for centuries, which declined during the communist period: the Hungarians stagnated or, at the background of a modest birth rate, decreased their number and share, the Germans emigrated en masse to Germany, and the Jews � to Israel. In confessional terms too, the most important community remained the Romanian Orthodox, but with the presence, notable, until a few decades ago, of the denominations of other communities (Catholic, Calvin, Unitarian � for Hungarians, Lutheran � for Saxons, Mosaic � for Jews).
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Istrate, George Dan. "The image of the other in titles pertaining to visual arts. References to painting." In International Conference on Onomastics “Name and Naming”. Editura Mega, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30816/iconn5/2019/56.
Full textAbstract:
The term multiculturalism is very complex and implies, among other things, the ethnic and cultural differences that exist in a specific geographical area. Our aim is to investigate the way in which these differences are noticeable in paintings and are perceived in the context of the analysis of the titles of paintings. As a part of this approach, we have to consider first and foremost the relations between the linguistic sign and the visual one. Practically, the title sequence which sets apart a visual work from all the others functions as a personal name; it is a linguistic sign which, first of all, identifies and individualises so that further on, from the point of view of the communicative process, it establishes a contact with the public who is informed about the existence of a specific visual text. Our research aims to present a typology of the titles which evoke the image of the other in the field of painting. It is limited to the Romanian cultural area, given the fact that, starting with the 19th century, this topic is well illustrated. We find it interesting to address a series of titles of paintings containing ethnonyms, as they represent characteristic images of several ethnicities found in Romania: Jews, Tartars, Roma.
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Sauty, C., J. J. G. Lima, K. Tsinganos, A. Aibeo, Z. Meliani, and N. Vlahakis. "Solar wind and stellar jets, from newtonian to relativistic ones." In FIFTY YEARS OF ROMANIAN ASTROPHYSICS. AIP, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2720407.
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