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1
Steenberg, D. H. "Flitse van sosiale verandering in enkele postmodernistiese Afrikaanse romans." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.551.
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Glimpses of social change in some postmodernist Afrikaans novelsPostmodernist novels, and thus also Afrikaans postmodernist novels, are radically anti-traditional. In one respect, however, they maintain the tradition of Afrikaans fiction: they open perspectives on the development of the society from which they originate. Functioning in a multicultural community, the novelists' awareness often concerns the development of relations between different racial groupings in the South African society, which is seen as basically African. The breaking down of the (colonial) barriers between black and white by writers of historiographic metafiction - like John Miles and André Letoit - can perhaps be regarded the first step in the direction of social transition. Letoit hails Africa as the continent of promise, and authors like Berta Smit, Eben Venter and Etienne van Heerden present visions of a growing harmony between black and white in the new South Africa.
2
Nsiri, Mohamed-Arbi. "Genséric fossoyeur de laRomanitasafricaine?" Libyan Studies 49 (October 16, 2018): 93–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lis.2018.12.
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AbstractDuring his four decades of rule, Genseric appears to many Africans – Catholic and pro-Roman – as the incarnation of the Antichrist. For the African municipal aristocracy he represented the image of a greedy barbarian obsessed with power, the persecutor and the gravedigger ofRomanitas. If we look closely, Genseric had learned from the Romans how to manage strength and diplomacy, for negotiating with the Romans in particular. He sought to perpetuate his conquests by organising treaties with Ravenna and Constantinople, which did not prevent him from launching parallel plundering campaigns in Africa and along the coast that brought him respect and financial gain. First king of the vandals, he managed to create the first barbaric state on the territory of the empire. He was the type of leader who can be considered a visionary, bringing to fulfilment the material, political and spiritual conquests of a new era, theSpätantike.
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Tarasiuk, Yaroslav. "THE POLICY OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS IN AFRICA." Problems of humanities. History, no. 5/47 (March 27, 2021): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.5/47.217808.
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Summary. The purpose of the study is to analyze and explain the policy of Septimius Severus in Africa. The research methodology is based on the principle of objectivity as well as on a scientific principle. The research is based on general scientific methods (analysis and synthesis, induction-deduction) and special historical methods. The scientific novelty is that for the first time in the Ukrainian historiography the article supports and substantiates the thesis about the expedition of 203 AD, the topic, which is not very popular in classical studies. The conclusions are as follows. During his reign Roman advancement in Africa became extensive. The main regions of Roman expansion were Numidia, Mauritania and Tripolitania. Septimius Severus personally did not take part in African campaigns. The African campaign was led by the legate of the Legio III Augusta – Quintus Anicius Faustus. The Romans carried out large-scale frontier fortification works. Frontier policy in the region was similar to that in Arabia. These measures helped Rome to control trade and emigration in the region. Roman possessions in Africa reached their maximum during the time of Septimius Severus. An analysis of the sources pointing to a possible expedition of Septimius Severus to Africa in 203 AD suggests that there is no direct indication to this event. Therefore, it is likely that the Roman emperor was only preparing for a trip that was later canceled for unknown reasons.
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Chami, Felix. "The Geographical Extent of Azania." Theoria 68, no. 168 (September 1, 2021): 12–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2021.6816802.
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The Romans identified East Africa as Azania. The Chinese as Zezan. The metropolis of Rhapta was indicated to be the capital of Azania. In recent times a controversy emerged as to the location of Azania and Rhapta. A discussion has also occurred regarding the kind of people who settled in Azania. Whereas some scholars agree that the core of Azania was in East Africa modern, the geographical extent of Azania is in question. Archaeological, historical, and linguistic data have been used to suggest Azania extended from the coast of East Africa to the Great Lakes region, central Africa and South Africa. It is also argued that the people of Azania were Bantu speakers who were farming and smelting iron. It is therefore justifiable for the people of the larger region of South Africa to East Africa to name themselves Azanians.
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Markus, R. A. "Review: Vandals, Romans and Berbers: New Perspectives on Late Antique North Africa." English Historical Review 120, no. 487 (June 1, 2005): 759–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei245.
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Ezzaki, Abdelkader, and Daniel A. Wagner. "Language and Literacy in the Maghreb." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 12 (March 1991): 216–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500002233.
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The history of literacy in the Maghreb (Arabic, “west”) spans several millennia. Strategically located in the Northwest of Africa and on the Southern shores of the Mediterranean, the Maghreb has been a crossroads where several civilizations mingled and interacted: The Greeks, the Phonecians, the Romans, the Arabs, and more recently the Turks and the Western Europeans have all affected, to varying degrees, the history, culture, language, and literacy of the region (Al-khatib-Boujibar 1984).
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WESSELING, H. L. "Eurocentrism. An editorial." European Review 9, no. 2 (May 2001): 121–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000114.
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Africa is a European invention. When the Romans finally defeated Carthage, they turned the place into a province and called it Africa. Originally this referred only to a small part of Tunisia and Algeria, but it later became the name of the entire continent. The same happened to Asia, another province of the Roman Empire, in what is now called the Near East. The names of the two other continents demonstrate even more obviously their European origins: America was named after an Italian traveller – and not even Columbus! – and the term Australia comes from the fact that European voyagers who had some vague idea about the existence of this continent but knew nothing about it, called it ‘The Unknown Southland’, Terra australis incognita.
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Burton, Paul J. "Roman Imperialism." Brill Research Perspectives in Ancient History 2, no. 2 (April 11, 2019): 1–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25425374-12340004.
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Abstract Rome engaged in military and diplomatic expansionistic state behavior, which we now describe as ‘imperialism,’ since well before the appearance of ancient sources describing this activity. Over the course of at least 800 years, the Romans established and maintained a Mediterranean-wide empire from Spain to Syria (and sometimes farther east) and from the North Sea to North Africa. How and why they did this is a source of perennial scholarly controversy. Earlier debates over whether Rome was an aggressive or defensive imperial state have progressed to theoretically informed discussions of the extent to which system-level or discursive pressures shaped the Roman Empire. Roman imperialism studies now encompass such ancillary subfields as Roman frontier studies and Romanization.
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SINGH, PRABHAKAR. "FROM ‘NARCISSISTIC’ POSITIVE INTERNATIONAL LAW TO ‘UNIVERSAL’ NATURAL INTERNATIONAL LAW: THE DIALECTICS OF ‘ABSENTEE COLONIALISM’." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 16, no. 1 (March 2008): 56–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889008000066.
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The classic notions of antiquity had very imperfect notions of international justice. With the Greeks and Romans, ‘foreigners’ and ‘Barbarians’ or ‘enemy’ were synonymous in language and in fact. By their rude theory of public law, the persons of alien were doomed to slavery (…) piracy was unblushingly practised by the most civilized states which then existed (…) Grecian philosophers gravely assert that they (barbarians or foreigners) were intended by nature to be the slaves of the Greeks.1 ‘Colonialism’ has been the first gift of science to the non-European world. Developments in natural science through inventions set the pace for industrial revolution in Europe. The industrial revolution, further, set the sail for discovering new markets, resources and raw materials. An attempt to find markets and materials exposed the fragile Asian and African states to the imperial designs of colonisers, hidden in the garb of civilisers and merchants. The marriage of ‘mercantilism’ and ‘civilisationalism’ on the Asian and African soil fertilised by advances in science gave birth to colonialism. This ‘couple’ conceived many a time and brought forth ‘cultural’ and ‘military’ subjugation, servility, racism and interference into the sovereignty and society of the unexcavated soil of Asia and Africa. This family soon spread in the world what we now know as ‘the Empire’.
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Antonio, Margaret L., Ziyue Gao, Hannah M. Moots, Michaela Lucci, Francesca Candilio, Susanna Sawyer, Victoria Oberreiter, et al. "Ancient Rome: A genetic crossroads of Europe and the Mediterranean." Science 366, no. 6466 (November 7, 2019): 708–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aay6826.
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Ancient Rome was the capital of an empire of ~70 million inhabitants, but little is known about the genetics of ancient Romans. Here we present 127 genomes from 29 archaeological sites in and around Rome, spanning the past 12,000 years. We observe two major prehistoric ancestry transitions: one with the introduction of farming and another prior to the Iron Age. By the founding of Rome, the genetic composition of the region approximated that of modern Mediterranean populations. During the Imperial period, Rome’s population received net immigration from the Near East, followed by an increase in genetic contributions from Europe. These ancestry shifts mirrored the geopolitical affiliations of Rome and were accompanied by marked interindividual diversity, reflecting gene flow from across the Mediterranean, Europe, and North Africa.
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Vopřada, David. "Quodvultdeus’ sermons on the creed: A reassessment of his polemics against the Jews, pagans, and Arians." Vox Patrum 68 (December 16, 2018): 355–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3364.
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The sermons of Quodvultdeus Bishop of Carthage during the time of the Vandal invasion of Africa are characterised by their harsh polemics against the Jews, Pagans, and Arians (De symbolo 1-3; Contra Iudaeos, paganos, et Arrianos; De accedentibus ad gratiam 1-2). The polemics against the Arians derived from the fact that the new lords of Africa, the Vandals, were Arians who promoted their belief and persecuted the Romans for professing their Catholic faith. This paper aims to reassess the polemical character of Quodvultdeus’ sermons. They are examined in their liturgical context and compared to other contemporary writings on the Creed, and finally discussed in their historical and religious context. In view of this analysis, it can be stated that the works of Quodvultdeus studied here are not primarily anti-heretical, but they rather focus on affirming the doctrine of the Church and on the adherence of the newly baptised to the Church as a means of salvation. Quodvultdeus’ harsh anti-heretical language is not exceptional in the Latin tradition of creedal catechesis during the 4th and 5th centuries and has therefore chiefly a catechetical function.
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Hoyos, B. D. "Treaties true and false: The error of Philinus of Agrigentum." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 1 (May 1985): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800014592.
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Rome and Carthage had established peaceful diplomatic relations before 300 b.c. — as early as the close of the sixth century according to Polybius, whose dating there no longer seems good cause to doubt. A second treaty was struck probably in 348. Both dealt essentially with traders' and travellers' obligations and entitlements, so any military or political terms sprang from that context. In both, the Carthaginians agreed to hand over any independent town they captured in Latium. In the first treaty they were not to establish a fort in Latium either; in the second, the Romans were not to found a city in Carthaginian Africa, Spain or Sardinia.But independent military considerations are the stuff of a third treaty concluded during Rome's war with Pyrrhus. Rome and Carthage now pledged each other military aid in certain circumstances, as we shall see. And ‘geopolitical’ concerns of a very broad kind imbued a treaty which was reported by the third-century historian Philinus of Agrigentum. By this, he stated, ‘the Romans must keep out of the whole of Sicily, the Carthaginians out of Italy’ (ἔδει Ῥωμαίους μ⋯ν ⋯πέχεσθαι Σικελίας ⋯πάσης, Καρχηδονίους δ' Ἰταλίας). This is Polybius' citation of Philinus' allegation; Polybius himself then roundly rejects the very existence of such a pact and declares himself at a loss to understand how his predecessor could record it, but modern scholarship is no longer all that ready to accept his view. A strong majority of historians prefer to follow the Agrigentine, and many see 306 b.c. as the likely year for the agreement because Livy records a ‘renewal’ then of a foedus with Carthage (without giving details).
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Zounon, Ornheilia, and Etienne Mullet. "Young Beninese People’s Views Regarding Colonization: A Preliminary Study." Universitas Psychologica 18, no. 4 (January 27, 2020): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.11144/javeriana.upsy18-4.ybpv.
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The present study explored and mapped young Beninese people’s views regarding colonization. A sample of 63 students aged 18-20 and living in Cotonou, Benin were presented with 24 cards showing a story that depicted a colonization process and asked to assess each process using a response scale that ranged from “very negatively” to “rather positively”. Each story had four critical items of information: (a) the political/economic situation before colonization (e.g., the area was virtually stateless), (b) the colonial policy of the metropolis (e.g., pure exploitation of the colony’s riches and the building of a minimal infrastructure needed for easing exploitation), (c) the extent to which the average people’s standard of living and life expectancy increased during the colonial period, and (d) the level of brutality with which the colonizer’s rule was applied. Three qualitatively different positions were found: Always very negatively (4%), Undecidable (20%), and Depends on circumstances (74%). This majority position was that, even if colonization deprived African people of their right to self-determination, the colonizer’s action must be assessed taking into account the pros and the cons in each concrete situation. In other words, colonization was, in the case of Africa, not good or bad in itself. This view is in some way not that dissimilar from the one western Europeans may have today regarding past colonization by the Romans.
14
Du Rand, Jan A. "Die doodstraf: ’n teologiese standpunt." Verbum et Ecclesia 26, no. 2 (October 3, 2005): 341–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v26i2.228.
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The recent process of structural transformation on all levels of society in South Africa urges theological reflection to participate. In this instance the crucial issue of capital punishment is at stake. After a brief survey of viewpoints and arguments concerning the issue, prominent and mostly debated Biblical texts are analysed. Genesis 9:6 and Exodus 21:24, for example are read within their cultural frameworks and theological contexts. The same is done with Matthew 5:21-22; 15:4; 26:52; John 7:53-8:11 and Romans 13:1-7. The conclusion is that Old Testament references to capital punishment are to be understood contextually. A final theological decision rests on the meaning of the incarnation of Jesus Christ which put man in a new relationship with God but also to each other . That does not mean that punishment has to be is abolished as such, but any punishment has to be executed through the new God given ethos of love, demonstrated in the meaning of the incarnation of Jesus Christ.
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Vanacker, Wouter. "Ties of Resistance and Cooperation. Aedemon, Lusius Quietus and the Baquates." Mnemosyne 66, no. 4-5 (2013): 708–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852512x617588.
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Abstract Gaius’ decision to dissolve the protectorate of Mauretania and to depose its client king, Ptolemaeus, led to the outbreak of the Revolt of Aedemon (AD 40). This paper will develop a number of innovative thoughts and hypotheses concerning the extent of this rebellion and its possible impact on the deposition of Ptolemaeus, as well as the role of the Romans in its suppression. The main aim is to explore the connection between this revolt, Trajanus’ famous general Lusius Quietus (cos. AD 117?), and the Baquates, an indigenous Mauretanian tribe. I will suggest that Lusius Quietus was descended from a chief of a (semi-)nomadic tribe who supported the Roman cause during the Revolt of Aedemon. Considering the setting and dimension of this revolt, as well as the unrest in Mauretania at the time of Lusius Quietus’ execution by Hadrianus, I argue that this tribe can be identified as the Baquates. This reconstruction suggests a long-lasting and particularly positive relationship between this tribe and Rome. It allows for a further reconsideration of the relationship between (semi-)nomadic and Roman/sedentary groups in Roman North Africa, to the detriment of one-sided analytical schemes that stress endemic hostility.
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Strechie, Mădălina. "The Punic Wars: A “Clash Of Civilizations” In Antiquity." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 650–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2015-0110.
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Abstract The conflict that opposed the Carthaginians, called puny by the Romans, and the Eternal City, was one of epic proportions, similar to the Iliad, because, just as in the Iliad one of the combatants was removed forever, not only from the political game of the region, but also from history. The Punic Wars lasted long, the reason/stake was actually the control of the Mediterranean Sea, one of the most important spheres of influence in Antiquity. These military clashes followed the patterns of a genuine “clash of civilizations”, there was a confrontation of two civilizations with their military blocks, interests, mentalities, technologies, logistics, strategies and manner of belligerence. The two civilizations, one of money, the other of pragmatism, opposed once again, after the Iliad and the Greco-Persian wars, the Orient (and North Africa) with the West, thus redrawing the map of the world power. The winner in this “clash” was Rome, by the perseverance, tenacity and national unity of its army to the detriment of Carthage, a civilization of money, equally pragmatic, but lacking national political unity. So the West was victorious, changing the Roman winners in the super-power of the ancient world, a sort of gendarme of the world around the Mediterranean Sea which was turned into a Roman lake (Mare Nostrum.)
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Bembaye, Kuralambay. "К ВОПРОСУ ОБ ОБРАЗОВАНИИ РИМСКИХ ПРОВИНЦИЙ В АФРИКЕ." Journal of historical, philological and cultural studies 1, no. 51 (March 31, 2016): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.18503/1992-0431-2016-1-51-94-102.
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Arnaiz-Villena, Antonio, Valentín Ruiz-del-Valle, Adrián López-Nares, and Fabio Suárez-Trujillo. "Iberian inscriptions in Sahara Desert rocks (Ti-m Missaou, Ahaggar Mts. area, Algeria): first evidence of incise Iberian rock scripts in continental North Africa." International Journal of Modern Anthropology 15, no. 2 (May 27, 2021): 440–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v15i2.3.
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In the present paper, we show Iberian or Iberian-Guanche scripts found in the Middle of Sahara Desert, Ti-m Missaou (Tim Missao, Tim Missaw), 270 km SouthWest of Tamanrasset on Ahaggar or Hoggar Mountains (Mts.) area (Algeria). More Iberian scripts may be earthed beneath Sahara Desert sands or have been neglected by observers. We also put forward that Iberian semi-syllabary may have its origin in the Neolithic Saharo-Canarian Circle, the same as other Mediterranean, Atlantic and European lineal scripts (apart from Berber/Tuareg) like Etruscan, Runes, Old Italian languages, Minoan Lineal A, Sitovo and Gradeshnitsa (Bulgaria) writings (6,000 yearsBC) and others. In fact, Strabo wrote that Iberians had written language before since 6,000 BC. On the other hand, Sahara Desert was green and populated since before 5,000 years BC and we had proposed that most of Mediterranean culture, languages and writing, had a Saharan origin. Ti-m Missaou Sahara Iberian inscriptions, together with our previous and others researches on Canary Islands, further support this proposal, i.e.: rock scripts, Gimbutas-like Paleolithic figurines and unusual artifacts, like a lunisolar Egyptian-like calendar (“Cheeseboard/Quesera” at Lanzarote) carved in a Megalithic stone, do no support that Phoenicians and Romans carried Canarian ancient Guanche culture. Finally, a continuous lineal writing systems developing seems to have occurred during Paleolithic and Neolithic Epochs, which also harbor the related incise Lineal Megalithic Scripts that could have given rise to Iberian development and other lineal African, European and Mediterranean lineal language scripts. Our present new data is interpreted in the context of the Sahara people migration which occurred when hyperarid conditions started establishing about 6,000 years BC.
Keywords: Iberian, Iberian-Guanche, Scripts, Canary Islands, Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Prehistory, Saharo-Canarian Circle, Genetics, Megaliths, Iberia, Sahara, Atlantic, Mediterranean, Lineal Scripts, Neolithic, Tamanrasset, Hoggar, Ahaggar, Usko-Mediterranean,Etruscan, Tuareg, Berber, Lineal A.
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Arnaiz-Villena, Antonio, Valentín Ruiz-del-Valle, Adrián López-Nares, and Fabio Suárez-Trujillo. "Iberian inscriptions in Sahara Desert rocks (Ti-m Missaou, Ahaggar Mts. area, Algeria): first evidence of incise Iberian rock scripts in continental North Africa." International Journal of Modern Anthropology 2, no. 15 (May 27, 2021): 440–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v2i15.3.
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In the present paper, we show Iberian or Iberian-Guanche scripts found in the Middle of Sahara Desert, Ti-m Missaou (Tim Missao, Tim Missaw), 270 km SouthWest of Tamanrasset on Ahaggar or Hoggar Mountains (Mts.) area (Algeria). More Iberian scripts may be earthed beneath Sahara Desert sands or have been neglected by observers. We also put forward that Iberian semi-syllabary may have its origin in the Neolithic Saharo-Canarian Circle, the same as other Mediterranean, Atlantic and European lineal scripts (apart from Berber/Tuareg) like Etruscan, Runes, Old Italian languages, Minoan Lineal A, Sitovo and Gradeshnitsa (Bulgaria) writings (6,000 yearsBC) and others. In fact, Strabo wrote that Iberians had written language before since 6,000 BC. On the other hand, Sahara Desert was green and populated since before 5,000 years BC and we had proposed that most of Mediterranean culture, languages and writing, had a Saharan origin. Ti-m Missaou Sahara Iberian inscriptions, together with our previous and others researches on Canary Islands, further support this proposal, i.e.: rock scripts, Gimbutas-like Paleolithic figurines and unusual artifacts, like a lunisolar Egyptian-like calendar (“Cheeseboard/Quesera” at Lanzarote) carved in a Megalithic stone, do no support that Phoenicians and Romans carried Canarian ancient Guanche culture. Finally, a continuous lineal writing systems developing seems to have occurred during Paleolithic and Neolithic Epochs, which also harbor the related incise Lineal Megalithic Scripts that could have given rise to Iberian development and other lineal African, European and Mediterranean lineal language scripts. Our present new data is interpreted in the context of the Sahara people migration which occurred when hyperarid conditions started establishing about 6,000 years BC.
Keywords: Iberian, Iberian-Guanche, Scripts, Canary Islands, Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Prehistory, Saharo-Canarian Circle, Genetics, Megaliths, Iberia, Sahara, Atlantic, Mediterranean, Lineal Scripts, Neolithic, Tamanrasset, Hoggar, Ahaggar, Usko-Mediterranean,Etruscan, Tuareg, Berber, Lineal A.
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Wilson, Andrew. "Urban Production in the Roman World: the View from North Africa." Papers of the British School at Rome 70 (November 2002): 231–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200002166.
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LA PRODUZIONE CITTADINA NEL MONDO ROMANO, VISTA DAL NORD AFRICAQuesto articolo esamina l'evidenza per le attivita industriali nelle città del nord Africa romano e dimostra come l'importanza della produzione artigianale urbana sia stata largamente sottovalutata in molte discussioni di economia antica. Di solito è difficile stabilire la giusta scala delle attività produttive urbane senza effettuare degli scavi estensivi, visto che i laboratori erano molto spesso piuttosto piccoli; ciò non toglie che essi potrebbero essere stati comunque numerosi e distribuiti all'interno della città. Scavi della estensione necessaria non sono irrealizzabili con le tecniche odierne; due siti scavati nella prima metà del ventesimo secolo hanno infatti portato alia luce un quadro caratterizzato da numerosi laboratori: 22 fulloniche a Timgad e 18 stabilimenti per la salatura del pesce a Sabratha. La ricognizione di superficie viene qui indicata come il metodo migliore per effettuare ricerche nei siti che lo consentono, al fine di identificare l'ampiezza dei depositi di rifiuti di fabbricazione, con l'aiuto di indagini geofisiche per trovare forni e fornaci, e scavi di alcune aree specifiche. Questo tipo di tecniche è stato sperimentato con successo a Leptiminus, Meninx e Thamusida, e ha permesso di identificare la presenza di attività di produzione ceramica, lavoro dei metalli e dell'industria per l'estrazione della porpora per la tintura. L'evidenza che emerge dalle recenti indagini archeologiche suggerisce che il contributo dell'industria cittadina all'economia delle città antiche fosse potenzialmente significativo, mentre la scala di produzione nei siti discussi indica un carattere artigianale della vita di queste città molto più consistente di quanto non sia stato di solito ritenuto. Il modello della ‘città di consumo’ non sembra adattarsi completamente a molte delle città romane, e i tentativi di descrizione dell'economia dell'urbanismo romano dovrebbero prestare piu attenzione al ruolo delle città nelle reti di commercio locale, regionale e su lunga distanza.
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Rage, Jean-Claude, and Zbigniew Szyndlar. "West Palearctic cobras of the genus Naja (Serpentes: Elapidae): interrelationships among extinct and extant species." Amphibia-Reptilia 11, no. 4 (1990): 385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853890x00078.
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AbstractSome basic osteological cranial features of living and fossil members of the genus Naja are described. The extinct genus Palaeonaja Hoffstetter, 1939, is synonymized with the modern Naja Laurenti, 1768, and the extinct species Palaeonaja crassa Hoffstetter, 1939, is synonymized with Naja romani (Hoffstetter, 1939). Anatomically, the genus Naja can be divided into two main complexes, composed of: (1) living African species, N. antiqua from the Moroccan Miocene, and N. iberica from the Spanish Miocene; (2) living Asiatic species and N. romani from the Miocene of France, Austria, and Ukraine. Living members of the Asiatic complex make up a monophyletic group; they belong to at least three distinct lineages: N. oxiana, N. naja s.s. ( = N. naja naja), and the remaining taxa named here informally the 'East Asiatic Naja'. The African complex is thought to be most primitive and perhaps paraphyletic; Africa is presumed to be the centre of earliest radiation of the genus. The precise relationships of Walterinnesia, a close relative of Naja occupying the area between Asiatic and African ranges of Naja, remain unclear.
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S.S, Sumayya, Sreelekshmi S.G, and Murugan K. "CULTIVATION AND ECONOMICAL PERSPECTIVES OF GRACILLARIA: MARINE SEAWEED." Kongunadu Research Journal 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/krj206.
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For decades, seaweed has been of biological, industrial, and pharmaceutical importance. Because of their nutraceutical potential, seaweed has been used as a food throughout Asia. Traditional Chinese medicine used aqueous hot extracts of certain seaweeds in the treatment of cancer. Further, the Japanese and Chinesecultures have used seaweeds to treat goiter and other glandular problems since 300 BC. The Romans used seaweeds in the treatment of wounds, burns, and rashes. The Celts noted that ordinary seaweed contracted as it dried and then expanded with moisture. In Scotland during the 18th century, physicians used dried seaweed stem to successfully drain abdominal wall abscesses. They also inserted seaweed into the cervix in an attempt to treat dysmenorrhea. Many reports outline the use of seaweed to induce abortion. Seaweed was employed intravaginally for ripening of the cervix and was used rectally for strictures. In this juncture, culture and therapeutic potential of Gracilaria was reviewed. Gracilaria is a genus of red algae notable for its economic importance as an agarophyte, as well as its use as a food for humans and various species of shellfish. Various species within the genus are cultivated among Asia, South America, Africa and Oceania. Gracilaria is used as a food in Japanese, Hawaiian, and Filipino cuisine. In Japanese cuisine, it is called ogonori or ogo. In thePhilippines, it is called gulaman and used to make gelatin. In Jamaica, it is known as Irish moss. The moisture content is 12% and protein is 8%. The species are used by local people as salad, preparation of various curries and industrially many by products are synthesized from this sea weed. Medicinally as microbicidal, antiinflammatory, antimetastatic and immuno modulatory potential.
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Agafonov, A. F., and М. V. Dubova. "SELECTION OF LEEK FOR THE MIDLAND OF RUSSIA AT CULTIVATION NO SEEDLING METHOD." Vegetable crops of Russia, no. 3 (July 25, 2018): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18619/2072-9146-2018-3-47-51.
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Leek very ancient culture which was widely applied in cookery and as remedy still by ancient Egyptians, Greeks and Romans. Now the leek is widespread in countries of Western Europe and North Africa, in the USA, Canada, Australia. On chemical composition it is one of the most valuable onions representing in fact "the alive table of Mendeleyev". In such countries as Belgium, Holland and France it is one of the main vegetable cultures, and annual production it per capita makes from 4 to 10 kg. In Russia, unfortunately, it is still rare culture though falls into to the most valuable types of an onion on biochemical structure, productivity, resistance to wreckers and diseases. Widespread introduction of a leek in production restrains a number of factors among which lack of early ripening varieties with the increased resistance to extreme environmental conditions, and in this regard – difficulty of receiving high-quality seeds of leek in a midland of Russia to the north of Rostov-on-Don. Therefore, a vital necessity is on the basis of study under various conditions of cooperation a "genotype is an environment" and selection from world collection of sources of economic-valuable signs, creation of productive sorts and hybrids with good resistance to cold, possessing in the conditions of Moscow Suburbs, along with the high productivity and quality of products, by a high adaptivity to the different terms of height winter spending. Results of long-term researches of laboratory of selection of onions cultures (VNIISSOK) on studying, assessment and selection of exemplars of grades of leek from the VIR world collection are presented in article, receiving hybrid combinations and lines, development of methods of selection and creation on this basis of grades and hybrids of leek for not seedling culture in a midland of Russia, possessing high rates of vegetable and seed efficiency, quality of production and winter hardiness.
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Fuentes Hinojo, Pablo. "Patrimonio real y conflictos sucesorios en el reino vándalo." Hispania 57, no. 195 (March 5, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/hispania.1997.v57.i195.695.
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La instalación del exercitus wandalorum en el norte de Africa y el acceso de la nobleza vándala a la propiedad del suelo (429-442), acontecimientos que en última instancia conducirían a la ruptura de la unidad política del mundo Mediterráneo, se materializaron a costa de un importante sector de la aristocracia senatorial romana y de la curia de Cartago, despojados de sus bienes en beneficio de la élite germana. Por su parte, el linaje real de los asdingos se reservó los más ricos y extensos fundos particulares, entregados a los príncipes en forma de lotes hereditarios, así como los dominios imperiales, hasta entonces destinados a subvenir los gastos de la domus divina o casa de los emperadores y Occidente, y que a partir de este momento pasarían a constituir el patrimonio de la corona vándala. Cada uno de los príncipes asdingos dispuso además de su propia clientela, integrada tanto por elementos romanos como germánicos. Estos grupos de dependientes, concentrados en torno a las distintas casas del linaje real, a menudo entraban en confrontación durante las etapas de luchas sucesorias que periódicamente asolaron el reino, como resultado del mantenimiento del sistema de líneas transversales para regular el acceso al trono. Sería uno de estos conflictos el que en 533 brindase al emperador Justiniano la oportunidad de intervenir militarmente en el norte de Africa y restablecer así la autoridad imperial sobre la región.
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Bulić, Nada, Maria Mariola Glavan, and Daniel Nečas Hraste. "Hannibal’s Elephants and the Liburnians." Tabula, no. 17 (November 16, 2020): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/tab.17.2020.2.
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The second Punic war is a relatively well-known episode from Roman history. Reliable, detailed ancient sources such as Livy and Polybius, however, don’t say much on the topic of Hannibal’s provisions from his native Carthage. One of the questions related to the provisions is where Hannibal’s elephants came from after the battle of Cannae, as after traversing the Etrurian swamp Hannibal only had one elephant left (Livy XXII 2). Immediately after the victory at Cannae Hannibal sends a delegation requesting logistics and the Carthaginian senate decides to send him military aid, among which were 4000 Numidians and 40 elephants (Livy XXIII 11-13). In the meantime, Hannibal penetrates Campania already accompanied by elephants at the Siege of Casilinum (Livy XXIII 18). The authors of this paper believe that Hannibal’s path to Cannae was part of a premeditated military plan, according to which the Carthaginian army needed to pick up supplies near Cannae, with the Liburnians playing an important role in opening channels of communication and supplies. Several facts support this theory, most importantly the following: – one of the few suitable ports that Hannibal could count upon to be less guarded by the Romans than more northern ports, such as Ariminum, is found near Cannae; – an enormous amount of money from Africa is in circulation in Liburnia right at the time of the war with Hannibal; It is known that political entities on the eastern coast of the Adriatic had an anti-Roman political agenda during the time of the second Punic war, coordinating themselves with Macedonia among others, which became an ally of Hannibal and with which Rome went to war in 214 B.C, with which the two Illyrian wars right before and right after the war with Hannibal are related. The authors believe that the sources point to a sort of coalition for transport, trade and communication between Hannibal, the Liburnians and Carthage, which should be viewed in the context of the operations of the anti-Roman coalition of political entities on the eastern shores of the Adriatic
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Garcia Sanchez, Jorge, and José Luis Córdoba de la Cruz. "En torno al Serapeum de Cartago = About the Serapeum of Carthage." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 30 (December 3, 2017): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.30.2017.19049.
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El fenómeno de los cultos egipcios en la religión y en la sociedad romana se plasmó más allá de la región del Nilo, y la zona del Magreb africano fue uno de los territorios donde la presencia de estas devociones tuvo más incisión e influencia. Las relaciones comerciales de las provincias romanas en África y sobre todo de sus ciudades costeras extendieron muchos de estos cultos de raíz popular por regiones con una fuerte cultura propia anterior, como era la zona de Cartago. Y es gracias a la arqueología que nos podemos acercar a este panorama religioso, sobre todo a través de las expediciones académicas y científicas decimonónicas llevadas a cabo muchas veces por instituciones y arqueólogos de Francia, país que ejercía su poder colonial en Túnez. El estudio de las piezas que recuperaron, muchas de ellas albergadas actualmente en museos norteafricanos y franceses, permite reconstruir la evolución de este contexto social y religioso en el caso del dios Serapis y de su sede de culto en Cartago.Egyptian cults in the Roman religion and society took shape beyond de Nile region, and the area of the African Magreb was one of the territories where the Egyptian devotions had more influence. The commercial relations of the Roman provinces in Africa and especially of its coastal cities extended many of these cults of popular roots by regions with a strong previous culture, as in the area of Carthage. It is possible to approach to this religious panorama thanks to Archaeology, particularly trough the nineteenth century academic and scientific expeditions carried out by French institutions and archeologist; at the time, France exercised the colonial control over Tunisia. The study of the archaeological pieces they recovered, many of them housed in Noth-African and French museums, allows the reconstruction of the evolution of this social and religious context in the case of the god Serapis and the Serapeum of Carthage.
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Finkelpearl, Ellen. "Marsyas the Satyr and Apuleius of Madauros." Ramus 38, no. 1 (2009): 7–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x0000062x.
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memet professus sum…seminumidam et semigaetulum (‘I publicly described my self…as half Numidian, half Gaetulian’).ApuleiusApologyApuleius…qui nobis Afris Afer est notior (‘Apuleius…who as an African is better known to us Africans’).AugustineEpistle138I pass much time in the excellent company of a Moroccan writer of the second century AD, Lucius Apuleius, a colonial of the old Roman Empire.Salman RushdieTravels with a Golden AssApuleius of Madauros was a Romano-African, a provincial from Africa Proconsularis who, most of the time, conveys the impression of being fully assimilated, more steeped in Graeco-Roman culture than his contemporaries in the cultural centre, disdainful of his countrymen who know no Latin, and even an agent of Romanisation. Yet, given the new ways of thinking about provincial identity and centre vs periphery under the Roman Empire, it may be time to revisit the complicated hybrid and fluctuating identity of someone who, on the one hand, actively imparted Roman culture to his homeland and, on the other, pronounces his allegiance to Carthage (over Athens and Rome) and who, at least in certain contexts, refuses to be ashamed of his Numidian-Gaetulian roots. Weighing both Apuleius' few explicit statements about his allegiances to his homeland (and rejection thereof) and his fictionalised portraits of cultural outsiders, this essay argues that Apuleius expresses a dual and conflicted sense of Romano-African identity. ReadingFlorida3 (Marsyas and Apollo) against the grain of current scholarship, I argue that Apuleius is not simply an Apollo, but both a Marsyas and an Apollo, with implications for a reading of what might be provincial and African in his works.
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Gozalbes Cravioto, Enrique. "Visiones del África Romana = Views of Roman Africa." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 28 (April 5, 2016): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.28.2015.13869.
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Mendes, Norma Musco, Regina Maria da Cunha Bustamante, and Jorge Davidson. "A experiência imperialista romana: teorias e práticas." Tempo 9, no. 18 (June 2005): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1413-77042005000100002.
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Este artigo analisa os processos interativos decorrentes do contato entre culturas, surgidos a partir da constituição do Império Romano e conhecidos de forma ampla sob a denominação de romanização. Objetivamos compreender a dinâmica do "projeto imperial" através do controle político das províncias a partir dos estudos de caso da Africa Proconsularis e da Britania. Para tanto, escolhemos examinar a cooptação imperial da elite local com a formação de uma hierarquia de identidades, no primeiro caso, e a reorganização dos sistemas de assentamentos com a construção do território, no segundo.
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Wicenciak, Urszula. "Ceramic patchwork in Hellenistic to Byzantine Phoenicia: regionalization and specialization of vessel production." Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 25 (May 15, 2017): 619–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.2364.
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An analysis of pottery production in ancient Phoenicia reveals not only the land division into city-states in Hellenistic times, but also the blending in individual periods of the multifarious cultural influences reaching in from the western coast of Asia Minor, the Aegean, North African coast and Italy. The native Phoenician tradition clearly loses in significance with the arrival of the Romans in the East.
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Schwitter, Raphael. "A “Roman” Wedding in Vandal Africa." Studies in Late Antiquity 4, no. 1 (2020): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.1.114.
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The Epithalamium Fridi is a sixth-century Virgilian cento that commemorates the marriage of the Vandal noble Fridus with his unnamed bride. Its author, the African poet Luxurius, engages in versatile poetic play fusing Virgil with multiple epithalamial models such as Statius, Claudian, and Ausonius. Through the dynamics of triangular intertextuality the centonist is able to strengthen the wedding poem's generic bonds and to connect himself and his work firmly to the classical Roman tradition. At the same time, echoes of distinctive African idiosyncrasies as prefigured by Dracontius highlight the hybrid character of sixth-century Romano-Vandal elite culture and its celebration of what appears to be a distinctive African Romanness.
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Kouici, Nassera. "Los contactos entre la Península Ibérica y el norte de África según los datos histórico-arqueológicos de época púnico-romana." SPAL. Revista de Prehistoria y Arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla, no. 11 (2002): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/spal.2002.i11.14.
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Salcedo Garcés, Fabiola. "¿Alejandría o África? Ambigüedad y ambivalencia." Archivo Español de Arqueología 67, no. 169-170 (January 25, 2018): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aespa.1994.v67.403.
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La personificación de Alejandría puede representarse, en ocasiones, como la provincia romana de Africa. Por esta razón, ambas imágenes se han confundido frecuentemente, como en los casos que presentamos. La autora trata de analizar el origen y razón de esta identidad iconográfica y propone como factor diferenciador el origen étnico del receptor de la imagen.
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ΙΩΣΗΦ, ΔΕΣΠΟΙΝΑ. "CHRISTIANOS AD LEONEM. ΟΙ ΔΙΩΓΜΟΙ ΤΩΝ ΧΡΙΣΤΙΑΝΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΟΙ ΕΠΙΛΟΓΕΣ ΤΟΥΣ. Η ΠΕΡΙΠΤΩΣΗ ΤΗΣ ΠΕΡΠΕΤΟΥΑΣ." Μνήμων 26 (January 1, 2004): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/mnimon.839.
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<p>Despina Iosif, «Christianos ad Leonem». The Case of Perpetua</p> <p>Two Greek editions of the diary of Perpetua have recently appeared, one by Polymnia Athanassiadi and the other by Thanassis Georgiadis, both bound to attract attention. Perpetua lived at Thuburbo Minus, west of Carthage in North Africa. She was an upper class, well-educated Roman citizen, twenty-two years of age, newly married and mother of a baby boy, who converted to Christianity and chose martyrdom instead of sacrificing to the traditional gods of the Roman Empire. Her decision was interpreted as an insult to the gods and the emperors, and a direct challenge to the established order and resulted in her being sentenced to death to the beasts of the arena in Carthage in 203 CE. It was a well-established Roman belief that the traditional gods offered military victories, stability, prosperity and grandeur to the Roman people. In return and to secure the continuation of this benevolence, the Roman people carried certain strictly defined rites in honour of their gods. Pagan religion was less a matter of personal devotion than of national significance. The Christians despised the traditional gods, declaring that they did not exist or that they were malevolent demons and neglected or obstructed the traditional religious rites. This conduct disrupted the agreement the Romans had made with their gods and made the empire vulnerable. From the second century on, natural disasters were being attributed to the wrath of gods as a result of the Christian atheism and the hatred Christians allegedly had for the world. It is extremely fortunate that Perpetua's diary, which she kept while in prison awaiting her death, has survived. It is a bold, vivid and honest account of her prison life, her dreams and the hopeless efforts of her father to persuade her to conform and sacrifice. The fact that the text praised prophesy and placed martyrs above the established church hierarchy led scholars to believe that is was a Montanist product. Fourth and fifth century bishops felt uncomfortable with Perpetua's diary and surrounded it with homiletic commentaries. Instead of letting the text speak directly to the community of the faithful, they guided the understanding of words, subtly changing its messages, and controlled its dissemination. They made Perpetua less appealing as a role model and less threatening to the social order. The impression and fascination her diary exerted, however, remain unchanged.</p>
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Benard, Ombori N. "Apostrophe of Romans 2-3: an African Borrowing from Paul’s Evangelistic Strategy." Asia-Africa Journal of Mission and Ministry 17 (February 28, 2018): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.21806/aamm.2018.17.07.
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Ravnbøl, Camilla Ida. "The Human Rights of Minority Women: Romani Women's Rights from a Perspective on International Human Rights Law and Politics." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 17, no. 1 (2010): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181110x12595859744123.
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AbstractThis article explores the complexities surrounding the human rights of minority women. With analytical focus on Romani women in Europe it seeks to contribute with new insight into the grey areas of rights issues, where groups within special rights categories share different human rights concerns, by being both women and members of a minority group. Through an investigation of how contemporary human rights law and politics serve to address the concerns of Romani women, it sheds light on the challenges that the Romani women's issue presents to the international human rights framework. These challenges go beyond the Romani issue only and into larger issues of women and minorities. It raises questions as to whether the historical separation between categories of gender and race/ethnicity within the international community in practice has become a gap that isolates Romani women from the human rights attention that they claim. It is argued that in order to strengthen the validity of human rights in the lives of Romani women, as a framework that ensures their full and equal protection, special attention needs to be given to interrelated grounds and forms of discrimination. “Intersectionality” is re-introduced as a concept to frame such new approaches to the human rights of Romani women. The article is a summary version of the thesis “The Human Rights of Minority Women: Challenging International Discourses with the Case of Romani Women”, for which the author was awarded the Martin Alexanderson Research Scholarship, administered by the Raoul Wallenberg Institute of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lund, Sweden. This summary version brings forward the main arguments of the thesis which was an awarded EMA thesis 2006–2007 of the European University Institute in Venice. For this reason it does not present any new findings or data after 2007 but merely summarises the main chapters of the thesis. The thesis investigated the complexities surrounding Romani women's human rights at UN and European level. Thus, national systems and the regional systems in the Americas and Africa are excluded. The empirical data comes primarily from the European region.
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Alfayé Villa, Silvia, and Gonzalo Fontana Elboj. "Palabras para un envidioso: una nueva inscripción latina del África romana." Emerita 86, no. 1 (May 4, 2018): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.2018.09.1707.
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El propósito del presente trabajo es dar a conocer un epígrafe latino desconocido hasta la fecha. Se trata de un texto inciso sobre un clavo de bronce, hoy depositado en The Hunt Museum, Limerick (Irlanda). El epígrafe así como la propia pieza que le da soporte habían sido asignados a un contexto masónico o tabernario propios de época moderna. Sin embargo, consideramos que se trata de un texto mágico de carácter profiláctico procedente de la provincia romana de Africa, compuesto en latín vulgar y datable en los siglos IV-V d. C., y destinado a repeler a los envidiosos.
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Mathisen, Ralph W. "The Last of the Romans. Bonifatius—Warlord and Comes Africae by Jeroen W.P. Wijnendaele." Journal of Late Antiquity 10, no. 2 (2017): 524–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2017.0031.
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Aziza, Claude. "Jeroen W. P. Wijnendaele, The Last of the Romans. Bonifacius -Warlord and comes Africae." Anabases, no. 24 (November 10, 2016): 364–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anabases.5793.
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Rucker-Chang, Sunnie. "African-American and Romani Filmic Representation and the ‘Posts’ of Post-Civil Rights and Post-EU Expansion." Critical Romani Studies 1, no. 1 (April 13, 2018): 132–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.29098/crs.v1i1.8.
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In this article I explore linkages between the evolution of African-American filmic representation and the patterns of Romani representation in films from Central and Southeast Europe (CSEE). More specifically, I use the 1970s Blaxploitation movement and subsequent shift of African-American representation into films reliant on a realist aesthetic to contextualize analysis of the shortcomings of the Civil Rights Movement to provide broad integration for African-Americans. Given other similarities between the racialized positionalities of African-Americans and Roma, I argue that Blaxploitation can illuminate trends in the cinematic depictions of CSEE Roma, since the Roma Rights movement has had to contend with similar shortcomings in achieving political, social, and economic inclusion. The films I analyze in this piece include Roming (2007), Just the Wind (2012), Episode of an Iron Picker (2013), and Bravo! (2015).
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Gozalbes Cravioto, Enrique. "Observaciones acerca del comercio de época romana entre Hispania y el Norte de Africa." Antiquités africaines 29, no. 1 (1993): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antaf.1993.1218.
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Hancock, Ian. "The East European Roots of Romani Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 3 (1991): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408203.
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The Oxford English Dictionary defines nation as “a distinct race or people, characterized by common descent, language or history, usually organized as a separate political state and occupying a definite territory.” Nationalism in turn may be defined as a sense of identity as a people, and the efforts resulting to foster this and to obtain recognition as a distinct population, bound by common historical, cultural, linguistic, political, religious or other ties in the eyes of the larger society.While in the broadest sense the term “nation” may apply to a non-politically autonomous ethnic group consisting of only a few hundred individuals (cf. the West African or Native American use of the word as an equivalent to “tribe”), it is most often used synonymously with the notion of an actual country, the existence of an independent geographical homeland being an integral part of its interpretation. However, as the dictionary definition indicates, this is usually, and therefore by implication not invariably, a defining criterion. There have been nations of people lacking a homeland (or a homeland allowing them access or control) throughout history. The pre-1948 Jewish population, for example, or the Palestinians in the present day. Bloody wars have been fought because of the existence of nations of people lacking their own autonomous territory.It is into this latter category that the Romani nation fits and, though the efforts to secure a geographical homeland were central to the nationalist movement, especially during the 1930s and 1940s, the price paid for not having one has been heavy.
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Salcedo Garces, Fabiola. "El relieve tetrarquico de Rapidum (Sour-Djouab, Argelia). [Politica y religion en el Africa romana]." Antiquités africaines 32, no. 1 (1996): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antaf.1996.1253.
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Du Plessis, Hanri Magdalena. "Legal Pluralism, uBuntu and the Use of Open Norms in the South African Common Law of Contract." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 22 (October 23, 2019): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2019/v22i0a6456.
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In this article, a comparison is drawn between the role of good faith in the development of the Roman law of contract and the emerging role of ubuntu in the South African common law of contract. Firstly, it is shown how the Romans realised that their existing formal and rigid laws could not address the changing legal needs of the community due to the influx of foreigners (especially foreign traders) into Rome. In reaction to the changing commercial environment, they introduced flexible legal procedures and a more normative approach to these legal transactions to achieve fairness and justice between the contracting parties. This worked so well that the new flexible procedures and normative principles were transferred to the existing formalistic law. Gradually the existing ius civile became subject to a more normative interpretation in the interests of justice through the use of the open norm of good faith. It is argued that in a similar way, ubuntu can be used to address legal pluralism in the South African legal system, and its application as an underlying constitutional value could result in the better use of the open norm of good faith to address contractual unfairness.
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Banda, Collium. "The Interplay between the Christian Sacralization of Human Authority and Political Repression in Zimbabwe." Religion and Theology 16, no. 3-4 (2009): 207–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/102308009x12561890523636.
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AbstractThe reigning scandal in Zimbabwe is the simultaneous growth of Christianity and political repression, begging one to wonder why increased Christian presence has not resulted in social and political transformation. The answer can be found in the Christian sacralization of human authority and the uncritical interpretation of Romans 13:1–5 common in some leading churches. The resulting uncritical submission to repressive authority of the "anointed men of God" and the fear of holding them accountable for their questionable leadership has incapacitated Christians to challenge and address this growing political repression. Furthermore, the Christian leaders who have sacralized their authority have been in the forefront of the legitimization of President Robert Mugabe's repressive rule. Robert Mugabe has been presented as the anointed leader of Zimbabwe who should be submitted to at all costs. To promote democracy and good governance, the church must shift her paradigm to be inclusive of the full counsel of Scripture. By desacralizing human authority the church will empower the Christian community to hold church and political leaders accountable for their abuse of power. This is necessary if the African Renaissance's quest for African human legitimacy is to be realised.
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Maat, Sekhmet Ra Em Kht. "Looking Back at the Evolution of James Cone’s Theological Anthropology: A Brief Commentary." Religions 10, no. 11 (October 28, 2019): 596. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10110596.
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Reverend Dr. James Hal Cone has unquestionably been a key architect in defining Black liberation theology. Trained in the Western theological tradition at Garrett Theological Seminary, Cone became an expert on the theology of Twentieth-century Swiss-German theologian Karl Barth. Cone’s study of Barth led to his 1965 doctoral dissertation, “The Doctrine of Man in the Theology of Karl Barth,” where he critically examined Barth’s Epistle to the Romans and Church Dogmatics. His contemporaries and more recent African American theologians and religious scholars have questioned the extent to which Karl Barth’s ideas shaped Cone’s Black theology. The purpose of this brief commentary is to review the major ideas in “The Doctrine of Man” and Black Theology and Black Power, his first book, to explore which theological concepts Cone borrows from Barth, if any, and how Cone utilizes them within his articulation of a Black theological anthropology and Black liberation theology.
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Лысевич, Андрей. "Ambrosiaster's Commentary on Romans: Features of the Biblical Text and their Interpretation." Theological Herald, no. 3(34) (August 15, 2019): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2019-34-39-54.
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В статье рассматривается библейский текст и комментарий к нему древнеримского толкователя Амвросиаста. Предмет исследования примечателен тем, что является наиболее значительным фрагментом первого в истории латинской христианской литературы опыта полного комментария на все послания апостола (за исключением Евр.). Кроме того, известно, что памятник имел широкое распространение в средневековой Европе. Основной целью исследования является обнаружение особенностей библейского текста Амвросиаста и выявление их влияния на интерпретацию. В работе обсуждается принадлежность библейского текста Амвросиаста к основным текстовым типам Vetus Latina, а именно к африканскому киприановскому тексту. На основании сравнительного анализа с Nova Vulgata выделяются наиболее значимые с точки зрения смысла мутации, производится оценка их объёма, а также описывается их влияние на интерпретацию библейского текста Амвросиастом. Показано, что объём мутаций может быть оценен в размере 4-5 % от общего объёма текста. Некоторые особенности библейского текста становятся основанием мнений Амвросиаста о том, что апостол неоднократно извещал римлян о своём намерении посетить их через третьих лиц; смерти достойны не только совершающие смертные грехи, но и соизволяющие им. Мутация библейского текста становится одной из причин формирования своеобразного учения Амвросиаста о первородном грехе, как о совершённом всеми нами в Адаме. В работе высказывается предположение, что эти особенности Комментариев Амвросиаста могли получить распространение в латинской литературе даже после унификации библейского текста. Приводится пример такого влияния через сочинения блаженного Августина. The article discusses the biblical text and its commentary by the Roman interpreter Ambrosiaster. The subject of the study is notable for the fact that it is the most significant fragment of the first ever in the history of Latin Christian literature full commentary on all the Epistles of the Apostle (except for Heb.). In addition, it is known that the work was widespread in medieval Europe. The main goal of the article is to indicate the peculiarities of the Ambrosiaster biblical text and to reveal their influence on the interpretation. The paper discusses how the biblical text of Ambrosiaster belongs to the main text types of the Vetus Latina, namely to the African Cyprian text. Based on a comparative analysis with the Nova Vulgata, the most significant discrepancies of meaning are highlighted, their volume estimated, and their influence on the interpretation of the biblical text by Ambrosiaster is described. It is shown that the volume of mutations can be estimated at 4-5 % of the total text volume. Some features of the biblical text lie at the foundation of Ambrosiaster’s opinion that the Apostle had repeatedly informed the Romans of his intention to visit them through third parties; death is a just consequence not only for those committing mortal sins, but also for those who patronage them. One of the variations in the biblical text serves as one of the reasons for the formation of Ambrosiaster’s original teaching on original sin, as committed by all of us in Adam. It is suggested in the paper that these features of Ambrosiaster’s Commentaries could be spread throughout Latin literature even after the unification of the biblical text. An example of such an influence is given in the writings of blessed Augustine.
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LIMA NETO, BELCHIOR MONTEIRO. "Espaço e Materialidade na Tripolitania Romana: uma tentativa de reconstituição da cidade de Oea em meados do II Século * Space And Materiality In Roman Tripolitania: an attempt of recovery of the city of Oea in the Mid-Second Century." História e Cultura 2, no. 3 (January 31, 2014): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v2i3.1103.
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<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> Oea, atualmente Trípoli, na Líbia, foi uma cidade que integrou o Império romano nos primeiros séculos de nossa era. Dela, poucas relíquias são hoje conhecidas, uma vez que a atual capital líbia fora construída sobre a antiga <em>urbs </em>romana. Tendo em vista tais limitações e com o intuito de superá-las, empreenderemos uma tentativa de reconstituição da antiga Oea. Intencionamos dar materialidade à cidade, haja vista o nosso interesse de pesquisar o espaço citadino onde Apuleio de Madaura, escritor norte-africano de meados do II século, foi publicamente difamado e acusado de praticante magia. Por meio da obra <em>Apologia</em>, dos diminutos artefatos arqueológicos e epigráficos e de comparações com as cidades vizinhas de Sabrata e Leptis Magna – cujos sítios arqueológicos são imensamente mais ricos e completos – acreditamos ser possível visualizar, mesmo que parcialmente, o ambiente citadino vivido por Apuleio entre os anos de 157 e 159.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Oea – Espaço – Materialidade – Apuleio de Madaura.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract: </strong>Oea, now Tripoli, Libya, was a city that was part of the Roman Empire in the first centuries of our era. Few of its relics, however, are actually known, since the current Libyan capital was built on the old Roman urbs. Considering these limitations and in order to overcome them will undertake an attempt to reconstitute the ancient Oea. We intend to give materiality to the city, given our interest in researching the urban space where Apuleius of Madaura, North African writer of the mid-second century, was publicly vilified and accused of witchcraft. From the work Apology, the tiny epigraphic and archaeological artifacts and comparisons with the nearby cities of Leptis Magna and Sabrata - which archaeological sites are immensely richer and more complete - we believe we can shimmer the urban environment experienced by Apuleius between the years 157 - 159 A.D.</p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Oea – Space – Materiality – Apuleius of Madaura.</p>
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Irish, Joel D., and Brian E. Hemphill. "An Odontometric Investigation of Canary Islander Origins." Dental Anthropology Journal 17, no. 1 (September 3, 2018): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26575/daj.v17i1.139.
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Attempts by anthropologists to account for the peopling of the Canary Islands have led to theories that call for one, two, and even four immigration events. However, most agree the Canary Island Guanche are biologically closest to Berbers from Morocco and Algeria. Genetic contributions from Arabs, Romans, and Carthaginians have also been proposed. An earlier study by Irish using Penrose analysis of odontometric data in samples of Guanche, Shawia and Kabyle Berbers, and Bedouin Arabs supports many of these proposed genetic relationships.The present investigation expands upon this earlier work by adding samples of Carthaginians, Egyptians, and Nubians, and by using tooth size apportionment analysis, a more robust statistical approach for assessing inter-sample differences in the distribution, or allocation, of tooth size in the maxillary and mandibular dental arcades. The analysis yielded three components that account for >80% of the total variance. Cluster analysis and three-dimensional ordination of group component scores provide additional insight into Canary Island/North African relationships. Except for one early Nubian sample, the Guanche exhibit some measure of affinity to all others. However, they are most like Berbers and Carthaginians. These results suggest that Canary Islanders belong to a greater North African gene pool, yet show the closest affinities to Northwest Africans—which corroborates earlier dental and non-dental findings.
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SOARES, CAROLLINE DA SILVA. "O Gênero Epistolar na Antiguidade: a importância das Cartas de Cipriano para a História do Cristianismo Norte Africano (século III d.C.) * The Epistolary Genre in Antiquity: the importance of Letters of Cyprian for North African History of Christianity..." História e Cultura 2, no. 3 (January 31, 2014): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.18223/hiscult.v2i3.1104.
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<p><strong>Resumo: </strong>Ao nos debruçarmos nos estudos acerca do cristianismo antigo percebemos que algumas análises ainda se pautam numa leitura teológica e doutrinal e tendem a deixar de lado os aspectos político-administrativos e disciplinares da organização das comunidades cristãs, bem como o cotidiano dos cristãos nas <em>ciuitates</em> greco-romanas. As epístolas de Cipriano, bispo de Cartago entre os anos 249 e 258, nos dão importantes informações acerca da constituição das comunidades cristãs africanas e do cotidiano dos cristãos cartagineses de meados do século III d. C., sobretudo durante o período das perseguições dos imperadores Décio e Valeriano. Nosso objetivo nesse artigo é discutir as informações contidas nas epístolas de Cipriano como fontes primordiais para a percepção do processo de desenvolvimento do cristianismo no norte da África, especificamente na cidade de Cartago durante o século III, momento no qual a crença cristã ainda é considerada uma <em>religio illicita</em>.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave: </strong>Cristianismo – Cipriano – Cartas – Cristãos – Norte da África.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract: </strong>By examining studies about ancient Christianity we realize that some analyzes are still in a guided reading theological and doctrinal, and tend to leave out the political and administrative aspects of the organization and discipline of the Christian communities, as well as the daily life of Christians at <em>ciuitates </em>Greco- Roman. The Epistles of Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage between the years 249 and 258 , provides important information about the formation of the African Christian communities and the daily lives of Christians Carthaginians from the mid- third century A.D., especially during the period of the persecutions of the emperors Decius and Valerian. Our goal in this article is to argue the information contained in the epistles of Cyprian as main sources for the perception of the development of Christianity in North Africa, specifically in the city of Carthage during the third century, at which Christian belief is yet considered a <em>religio illicita.</em></p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong>Christianity – Cyprian – Letters – Christians – North Africa.</p>