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1

Kan, Jason. "Cannae, Adrianople and the Comparative Health of the Roman Empire." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1691.

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In its lengthy history, Rome arguably did not suffer a military catastrophe greater than that at Cannae during the Second Punic War in 216 BC and at Adrianople during the Gothic War in 378 AD. Yet not only did Rome recover from both these defeats to win their respective wars, if Rome’s rise and fall were to be captured as a bell-curve, the two defeats would also be interestingly positioned on opposing sides of one another. This thesis will therefore assess the extent to which Rome’s recovery from military disasters can serve as a proxy to the “health” of the Roman Empire. In the process, the differences in Rome’s political unity, social enthusiasm and good fortune between the two cases will be highlighted and discussed.
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Orizaga, Rhiannon Ysabel-Marie. "Self-Presentation and Identity in the Roman Empire, ca. 30 BCE to 225 CE." PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1016.

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The presentation of the body in early imperial Rome can be viewed as the manipulation of a semiotic language of dress, in which various hierarchies that both defined and limited human experience were entrenched. The study of Roman self-presentation illuminates the intersections of categories of identity, as well as the individual's desire and ability to resist essentializing views of Romanness (Romanitas), and to transform destiny through transforming identity. These categories of identity include gender; sexuality or sexual behavior; social status; economic status; ethnicity or place of origin; religion; and age. Applying the model of a matrix of identity deepens our appreciation for the work of self-presentation and its ultimate purposes. In this paper the practices and products used by Romans are described as vital indicators of self-identification, and as segues into Roman social semiotics, providing a more complete view of the possibilities for life in early imperial Rome. In the introduction, the use of queer theory and the function of the matrix model are outlined. Haircare, the maintenance of facial and bodily hair, the use of cosmetics, perfumes, skincare products, and beauty tools, the accessorizing of the body with jewelry, color, and pattern, and the display of these behaviors are examined in the main body chapters. The conclusion discusses the relevance of the matrix model to self-presentation studies in general and possible future uses.
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3

Wellebrouck, Gurvane. "Présence et ambitions des affranchis dans l'Empire Romain." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040070.

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Présenter la situation de la société romaine, à l’époque de l’Empire, par le biais d’une partie de sa population, celle des affranchis, nous permet d’étudier une situation particulière vécue à cette époque. En effet, les anciens esclaves deviennent, par la manumissio, des citoyens romains mais une dichotomie se dégage assez clairement : non seulement les affranchis supportent la macula, cette infériorité sociale due à leurs origines serviles, mais nombre d’entre eux vont chercher aussi à dépasser cette fatalité dans l’espoir de se hisser au rang des citoyens les plus influents de la cité. Pourtant, juridiquement, politiquement, intellectuellement, l’image que Rome renvoie des affranchis est souvent dévalorisée ; cela se révèle autant par le vocabulaire officiel et juridique qui servait à les désigner que dans les portraits que la littérature latine nous en a fait. De plus, cette inégalité sera considérée par les affranchis comme un obstacle à leur individualité et ils chercheront alors, grâce à leurs compétences, à leurs ambitions personnelles, parfois à leurs intrigues, à se rendre visibles aux yeux des Romains de naissance libre. A la lumière des sources épigraphiques, nous verrons les secteurs, publics comme privés, dans lesquels cette présence s’est affirmée et comment Rome a pris en compte cette population. La présence et l’influence que les affranchis eurent sur les traditions morales et culturelles de l’époque, créèrent des sujets de réflexion, qu’ils soient, le plus souvent, nés d’esprits critiques ou moqueurs mais aussi le début d’une nouvelle opinion sur la société romaine<br>Drawing the situation of the Imperial roman society, through a part of her population, the freedmen’s one, let us study a particular and real life of this period. Indeed, formers slaves become, by the manumissio, Roman citizens but a dichotomy clearly emerge : freedmen not only endure the macula, this social inferiority due to their slavish origins, but a lot of them also were trying to overstep this fatality in order to raise themselves in the rank of the most influential citizens of the city. Nevertheless, by law, politics and intellect, the image of the freedmen in Rome was often devaluated. It is revealing as much in legal and official vocabulary used for define them as in portrays which Latin literature makes of them. Moreover, this inequality was considered by the freedmen like an obstruction to their individuality and so, they had to search, by their competences, their personal ambitions, sometimes their arrangements, to be visible for the free-born citizens. By the light of epigraphically sources, we want to see the different sectors, public or private, in which this presence has spread and how Rome has considered this population. Freedmen’s presence and effect on the moral and cultural traditions of Imperial period created thoughts matters, issued often from critical or mocking spirits but the beginning of a new thinking about the Roman society too
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4

Alvarez, Melero Anthony. "Matronae equestres: la parenté féminine des chevaliers romains originaires des provinces occidentales sous le Haut-Empire romain, Ier-IIIe siècles." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210178.

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Cette thèse a pour objectif l’étude des parentes de chevaliers romains, dénommées matronae equestres, originaires des provinces d’Occident, entre les règnes d’Auguste et de Gallien. L’optique choisie est celle de l’approche prosopographique qui demeure la seule possible pour collecter suffisamment d’informations à leur propos. Après une analyse des différentes titulatures équestres, l’accent a été porté sur trois thématiques liées entre elles, telles que le mariage, les pratiques religieuses et les voyages, qui ont permis une réévaluation du rôle des femmes apparentées aux chevaliers. Le chapitre consacré aux alliances matrimoniales a mis au jour diverses stratégies auxquelles elles prirent part :mariages égaux, exogamie et remariages avec des personnages de toutes les catégories sociales. La section suivante a souligné leur degré d’implication parfois active à la vie religieuse de leur communauté entre sacerdoces, participation aux rites et vœux. Enfin, on a montré que ces dames se déplaçaient de manière pratiquement systématique avec leurs parents, dans tous les recoins de l’Empire, pacifiés ou non. Le catalogue prosopographique figure, quant à lui, dans le volume II, subdivisé en quatre tomes.<br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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5

Hastings, Ingrid. "The politics of public records at Rome in the late republic and early empire." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22489.

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Bibliography: pages 287-298.<br>This study explores the relationship between political developments and the keeping of public records at Rome during a crucial time of transition in the inter-connected fields of constitutional law, politics, and administrative practices. The political value of control over records is illustrated in the Struggle of the Orders and remained a dominant issue. That knowledge is power was a reality implicitly recognised in the aristocratic constitution of the Republic, geared as it was to maintain popular political ignorance generally and so to perpetuate the dominance of a particular minority class. Throughout Republican history the question of exposure or repression of such knowledge was grounded in the socio-political tensions of a class-struggle. Translated into the changed setting of the early Principate, the same awareness of the value of control over access to state knowledge is exhibited by the emperor. Particularly relevant was the Augustan ban on the publication of senatorial proceedings, since the relationship between senate and emperor was an area where the increasingly autocratic nature of the emperor's position was most difficult to disguise.
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6

Pickford, Karen Lee. "The common soldier : military service and patriotism in the Roman republic." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610007.

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7

Vincent, Alexandre. "Les musiciens professionnels au service de la cité (fin de la République – Haut-Empire)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX10069.

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Les musiciens professionnels romains ont longtemps été ignorés par l’historiographie. Seuls les grands artistes ont attiré l’attention des chercheurs, laissant de côté la majorité de ceux qui faisaient de la pratique musicale leur métier. L’épigraphie, principale source de cette étude, permet de changer de regard, en s’attachant à des hommes pour qui la musique pouvait être autre chose qu’une prestation artistique. En effet, des musiciens étaient quotidiennement appelés à participer au fonctionnement de la cité. Que ce soit pour appeler les citoyens aux rassemblements politiques ou aider aux rites de la religion publique, des hommes étaient, en tant que musiciens, au service de la cité. Les musiciens militaires, soldats et spécialistes à la carrière typée, ont fait l’objet d’une étude à part, pensée comme une contribution à l’histoire des postes inférieurs au centurionat.L’un des objectifs de cette enquête est de déterminer en quoi leur position de desservants mineurs de la cité avait des conséquences sociales pour les musiciens. Une approche prosopographique a permis de faire ressortir les caractéristiques sociales d’un groupe professionnel inséré dans la couche moyenne de la plèbe. Certains musiciens se détachent particulièrement de l’ensemble : les aenatores étaient, par excellence, des desservants sonores des cités. Le règne d’Auguste a marqué un temps fort pour la considération sociale de ces musiciens. Symboles de l’antiquité de Rome, ils étaient à même d’incarner une partie du discours augustéen<br>No general study had focused on roman professional musicians. Famous artists have been considered, but everyday musicians remained ignored, even if some of them were exercising their talent for the benefit of the State. Musicians were used to summon citizens for the political meetings, or were expected to assist with the execution of state religion’s rites. Those men were, thanks to their musical performance, minor civil servants. Epigraphy is the main resource for this research. The prosopographical methodology chosen for this work has made it possible to reach these humble citizens. It also enabled a contribution to the history of the posts ranking under centurionate : their career paths of the military musicians were distinctive.As minor civil servants, how were musicians considered among the population of the roman cities ? These men belonged to the « middle class » plebs, but a special attention must be cast on the aenatores. They were, par excellence, civic musicians. Their history highlights Augustus’ reign : they seem to have enjoyed a special attention during the first princeps’ years. As epitomes of the Roman city’s antiquity, those men were ideal instruments chosen to trumpet the imperial ideology
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8

Garfinkle, Elisa Shari. "The Barberini and the new Christian Empire : a study of the history of Constantine tapestries by Pietro Da Cortona." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30168.

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This study traces the genesis and development of the History of Constantine tapestries designed by Pietro da Cortona and woven on the looms established by Francesco Barberini shortly after his return from France in December 1625. The circumstances surrounding the creation of the series provide a foundation and a framework for exploring its meaning and purpose. Though inspired by an earlier Constantine suite of tapestries designed by Rubens, the "Cortona" panels should be read as an independent entity, the significance of which can only be fully appreciated within the context of the gran salone of the Palazzo Barberini, which I propose was their intended destination. This conclusion is supported by the many links between the tapestries and Barberini ideology, papal politics, the palace and the ceiling fresco in the Salone. Like the Divine Providence fresco, the "Cortona" series is a summa of the virtues and religious, political, intellectual and social initiatives of the family. The series emerges finally as a promotionally Italian endeavour, a showcase of Italian art and culture.
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Carrozzo, Michael Anthony. "Journeys to Byzantium? Roman Senators Between Rome and Constantinople." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274982655.

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10

Lilly, Marshall. "Companion to the Gods, Friend to the Empire: the Experiences and Education of the Emperor Julian and How It Influenced His Reign 361-363 AD." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699909/.

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This thesis explores the life and reign of Julian the Apostate the man who ruled over the Roman Empire from A.D. 361-363. The study of Julian the Apostate’s reign has historically been eclipsed due to his clash with Christianity. After the murder of his family in 337 by his Christian cousin Constantius, Julian was sent into exile. These emotional experiences would impact his view of the Christian religion for the remainder of his life. Julian did have conflict with the Christians but his main goal in the end was the revival of ancient paganism and the restoration of the Empire back to her glory. The purpose of this study is to trace the education and experiences that Julian had undergone and the effects they it had on his reign. Julian was able to have both a Christian and pagan education that would have a lifelong influence on his reign. Julian’s career was a short but significant one. Julian restored the cities of the empire and made beneficial reforms to the legal, educational, political and religious institutions throughout the Empire. The pagan historians praised him for his public services to the empire while the Christians have focused on his apostasy and “persecution” of their faith. With his untimely death in Persia, Julian’s successor Jovian, reversed most of his previous reforms and as such left Julian as the last pagan emperor of the Roman Empire.
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11

Morgan, O. G. M. "Attitudes of the eastern provincials of the Roman Empire towards Rome 31 B.C to A.D. 212." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385741.

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12

Panunzi, Stéphanie. "Les Princes de Rome ont-ils eu une politique économique ?" Thesis, Corte, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013CORT0007.

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Ecrire l’Histoire de l’économie romaine, c’est avant tout, mettre de l’ordre dans ce qui, à priori, peut apparaître comme un chaos factuel dépourvu de toute organisation, de toute logique. L’écriture de l’Histoire de l’économie romaine est réalisable si l’on parvient à rompre la discontinuité évènementielle tout en créant un réseau de causes et conséquences. Bien plus que de comprendre les liens qui relient un évènement à un autre, le plus important est de réussir à les inscrire dans le processus de développement économique mis en place par l’Empire romain. L’évènement n’a plus alors seulement un sens en lui-même, il prend sens dans le projet global des Romains.Tout au long du XXème siècle, le domaine de l’histoire de l’économie antique va être agité par un débat d’une intense vigueur : la Controverse Bücher-Meyer. Catalyseur de nombreuses théories et polémiques sur les systèmes économiques dans l’Antiquité, elle a divisé la communauté scientifique en deux camps bien distincts. Le débat est toujours ouvert, primitivistes et modernistes ne tarissant pas d’arguments pour démontrer que, depuis l’Antiquité, nous pouvons parler de permanence comportementale pour les uns, alors que pour les autres, au contraire, la société a connu des transformations économiques majeures.A ce jour, nous sommes, quasiment, sortis de l’époque manichéenne de la controverse. Et c’est heureux car cette opposition aurait fini par stériliser la recherche. Nous sommes dans une « post-Finley era », propice à l’écriture d’une nouvelle Histoire économique et sociale du monde romain.Le but premier de cette thèse n’est en aucun cas de réaliser une biographie des Princes ayant gouverné au cours des deux premiers siècles de l’Empire, d’éminents intellectuels ou historiens l’on déjà fait avant moi. Donner une définition personnelle de ce qu’est l’économie romaine, comment les Romains pensaient-ils cette économie, comment géraient-ils ce phénomène, voilà les vraies questions qui constituent mon travail de doctorat. Prenant appui sur les débats historiographiques et les nombreuses sources que nous avons à notre disposition, mon objectif est d’établir, de façon précise et avec conviction, à quel niveau de développement et à quel type de pensée économique était parvenue la civilisation romaine. En faisant référence à la théorie d’Edouard Will, « l’économie romaine n’est que… romaine », c’est en tant que telle qu’il faut écrire son Histoire. Ce qu’il faut comprendre par-là, c’est que faire une analyse objective de l’Histoire de l’économie romaine cela équivaut à Penser Rome<br>Writing down the history of Roman economy consists in first place in putting order to what may appear at first sight as a factual chaos substracted of any logic. The redaction of the history of Roman economy can be achieved only through succeeding into breaking down the chain of events while creating a network of causes and consequences. Much more than understanding relationships between an event and an other, is to manage to connect them into the economical development process created by the Roman Empire.Then the event does not make sense by itself, but it makes sense in the global Roman’s project.During the whole twentieth century, the field of the antic economic history will be troubled by a harsh debate : the “controverse Bücher-Meyer”. Catalyst of numerous theories about the antic economic systems, it has divided the scientific community into two distinct sides. The debate is still open between the “primitivistes” and the “modernistes”, indeed, forthe first ones, we can consider behavioral permanency throughout history, while the others points out that the society has known majors economical transformations. Today, the Manichean time of this controversy is almost at its end. We are in a “post-Finley era”, propitious to the realization of a new social and economical history of the Roman’s world.The main objective of this thesis is not to write down an other biography of the Empire’s first two century princes.That has already been done before by eminent historians. Giving a personal definition of what Roman economy is, how the romans used to think this economy and how they used to manage it, here are the true questions which are composing my Ph.D. thesis.Resting on the numerous sources we are disposing of, my objective, is to precisely define which level of development and which economical way of thinking did the roman society reached. Referring to Edward Will, “Roman’s economy is only Roman”, and it is with this idea in mind that we should write its history. What we have to understand here is that analyzing objectively the history of roman economy is equivalent to think about it as Rome in its whole entity
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Morley, Craig. "Rome and the Sasanian Empire in the fifth century A.D. : a necessary peace." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2015. http://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/2025143/.

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Since Ardashir’s victory over the Parthians in A.D 224 to his successors’ eventual defeat at the hands of the Arabs in 651 the Roman and Sasanian Empires had been bitter and deadly rivals. Throughout Late Antiquity the Roman-Sasanian relationship was dominated by competition; a constant battle for imperial prestige, military supremacy, cultural influence and economic advantage. In the course of their relationship Ctesiphon, the Sasanian capital, was sacked by Roman forces, the Roman emperor Valerian was captured and taken prisoner, Julian the Apostate was killed by Sassanian forces in his infamous campaign of 363, and the great Roman city of Antioch had been captured and razed. Yet in this seemingly never-ending imperial struggle the fifth century stands out as a period of unprecedented peace between the imperial rivals. It is the aim of this thesis to analyse what made the fifth century a unique period of peace. This thesis seeks to expand on current scholarship on the fifth-century Roman-Sasanian relationship, which has focused on the investigation of specific and individual events, by taking a more holistic approach. In this regard, all aspects of the relationship, military conflicts, frontier zones, barbarian threats, religious issues, economic considerations and the development of diplomatic contacts, will be analysed in order to identify what pushed the two empires towards a peace and, more importantly, how this peace was maintained in the face of old hostilities and traditional antagonism. Viewing the Roman-Sasanian relationship as merely one part of the wider late antique world, not as something unique and separate, will also be a key component of this investigation. Central to the aim and approach of this thesis is the use of political realism, a theory for understanding international relations, to reveal the motivations and pressures that both empires faced in this period that pushed them towards peace. In this regard, it will be argued that the Roman and Sasanian overriding desire and goal of ensuring their own safety and security in an anarchic world in the face of the new and dangerous threats posed by the ascendant Huns, Hephthalites and Vandals was the underlying motivation behind the fifth-century peace. It was the threat posed by these groups that forced a shift in Roman-Sasanian relations towards the accommodation that both needed to survive the turbulent fifth century. As such, it was these new threats that stimulated the development of imperial diplomacy in the fifth century that allowed the two empires to mediate their traditional casus belli and maintain peace throughout this period. This diplomatic development allowed them to reach new and innovative diplomatic solutions to their problems in the frontier zones of Arabia and Armenia.
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Frey, Joshua Caleb. "Courage, Patriotism, Liberty, and Greatness: The political teachings of Shakespeare's Rome." Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1493826530278054.

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Kassab, Maryline. "Epic film and the sensory recreation of history: Gladiator (2000) & The Robe (1953)." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/123712/2/Maryline_Kassab_Thesis.pdf.

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Epic films are integral to the experience and interpretation of history outside the limits of traditional research. In their capacity as one of the primary forms of historical adaptation for the public, they suggest new ways of understanding and representing the past. This thesis looks beyond questions of historical accuracy and political context to determine how the epic genre recreates historical worlds onscreen from a sensory perspective. It focuses on two key epics, Gladiator (2000) and The Robe (1953), and analyses them using phenomenological models which help to emphasize the importance of sensory experience in cinematic reconstructions of ancient history.
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Wei, Ryan J. Y. "The exercise of friendship in the High Roman Empire." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f89cf53e-4492-41e9-b6c9-896d9cbd3285.

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Yakoubovitch, Igor. "Les Historiae Alexandri Magni de Quinte-Curce : le mythe d’Alexandre et la représentation du pouvoir à Rome (Ier siècle ap. J.-C.)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100180/document.

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Considéré comme un historien qui sacrifie rigueur et exactitude à son souci de la rhétorique, Quinte-Curce jouit, et avec lui son histoire « romancée », d’une réputation en demi-teinte. Au-delà de faiblesses et d’un mélange des genres entre histoire, morale et rhétorique du reste caractéristiques de l’ensemble de l’historiographie romaine, les Historiae Alexandri Magni constituent un témoignage intéressant sur la représentation du pouvoir à Rome au Ier siècle de n.è. En s’appuyant sur un portrait rigoureusement construit, Quinte-Curce met en relief l’évolution du Conquérant, soumis à la tentation de l’Orient, de la fortune et de ses modèles héroïques. L’historien se livre alors à une véritable entreprise de démystification qui touche la nature même de cet Orient merveilleux, la fortune providentielle dont se réclame le Macédonien et même le langage. Sont ainsi condamnés la quête effrénée de gloire que poursuit le roi, et son rêve de divinisation : l’Orient est synonyme de renversement généralisé des normes et des valeurs, la fortune une illusion conduisant à un sentiment d’impunité. En déconstruisant la propagande d’Alexandre, Quinte-Curce révèle alors un autre imaginaire – le sien – en même temps qu’une idéologie. En filigrane, il propose aussi un idéal du pouvoir qui repose essentiellement sur l’équilibre et sur la responsabilité du prince. Par là, il interroge, au regard des réalités politiques de son temps, la pertinence d’un mythe central dans l’imaginaire politique romain et dont l’ombre plane sur tous les ambitieux, à commencer par les empereurs ou les candidats à l’Empire. Son récit bien mené incite donc à une réflexion réelle sur l’exercice du pouvoir, ses enjeux et ses limites<br>Considered a historian who sacrifices his rigor and accuracy for the sake of rhetoric, Curtius Rufus enjoys, and with him his “fictionalized” history as well, a halftone reputation. Notwithstanding its shortcomings and a mixture of genres between history, moral and rhetoric, which are also typical of the entire Roman historiography, the Historiae Alexandri Magni are an interesting testimony of the representation of power in Rome in the first century A.D. Building on a rigorously constructed portrait, Quintus Curtius highlights the evolution of the Conqueror, subject to the temptations of the East, of fortune and its heroic models. The historian attempts to debunk the very nature of this wonderful East, the providential fortune claimed by Macedonian, and even language. The unbridled quest for glory pursued by the king and his dream of deification are here condemned: the East stands for a general inversion of norms and values, and fortune becomes an illusion leading to a feeling of impunity. By deconstructing Alexander's propaganda, Curtius then reveals another imaginary—his own—along with an ideology. Implicitly, it also proposes an ideal of power mainly based on balance and on the responsibility of the prince. The historian questions the relevance of a central myth of the Roman political imagination in the political context of the times, whose shadow looms over all ambitious men, starting with emperors or candidates for the Empire. His well crafted narrative is a call for a reflection on the actual exercise of power, its challenges and limitations
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Lundgren, Olle. "The gold of the north : Amber in the Roman Empire in the first two centuries AD." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för arkeologi och antik historia, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-353025.

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Amber has been a recurring luxury around the Mediterranean Sea for thousands of years in various cultures. This study treats the first two centuries AD in the Roman Empire. The early centuries of the Empire saw a brief period of relative calm in which Baltic amber became a fashion in Rome. The purpose of this investigation is to explain how and why amber journeyed from the northern oceans of Germania into Rome, and how it expressed itself in the Empire. The Amber Road between the Baltic Sea and Rome is well trodden by modern researchers, but very little has been written about why amber arrived in various contexts. The questions are on the topics of the amber’s origin, how it was consumed and by whom. Throughout the study, the agency of amber is considered in order to approach the source material from a new angle. The first chapter investigates what effect the geographical origin and trade had on the agency of amber. The first part of the second chapter discusses amber in material culture as well as examples of amber items in ancient texts. The second part of the second chapter analyses perfume vessels made from amber. The last chapter is on the topic of amber as a luxury. The discussion and conclusion argues that rich women were major consumers of amber in Rome.
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Mudd, Shaun Anthony. "Constructive drinking in the Roman Empire : the first to third centuries AD." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/18157.

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This thesis explores ancient ideas regarding the constructive properties of intoxicating drinks, as presented in Greco-Roman sources from the first to third centuries AD. In doing so, it responds to Mary Douglas' Constructive Drinking (1987), which emphasised that, contrary to anthropological findings, many societies' authorities tend to focus upon, and overemphasise, the destructive aspects of alcohol consumption. This pattern is particularly prevalent in modern Western scholarship. The same trend can be detected within both Greco-Roman society and classical scholarship. Although many Greeks and Romans undoubtedly consumed quantities of wine, on a regular basis, in a manner which was widely considered 'moderate', the literary evidence from this period tends to focus most heavily upon excessive and/or destructive drinking. Similarly, much of the modern scholarship which addresses drinking in the Roman Empire focuses upon drunkenness and the destructive aspects of drinking. Yet it is clear that Greco-Roman society considered wine consumption to be significantly beneficial, in a wide variety of ways, provided that moderation was employed. The destructive consequences of drinking were almost exclusively associated with excessive and inappropriate consumption. In reaction to this bias in the sources and scholarship, this thesis undertakes a re-reading of the ancient evidence through the 'Constructive Drinking' lens. It identifies and explores the ways in which the Greeks and Romans of this period considered drinking to be important, useful, or otherwise 'constructive' to the individual and society. Where possible, this thesis attempts to identify how important and widespread such beliefs were. This thesis has two main areas of focus. First, the ways in which intoxicating drink was considered to be constructive for an individual's health and wellbeing. Second, the ways in which intoxicating drink was considered to be of social benefit to both individuals and groups. This thesis accordingly provides a fresh perspective on drinking in antiquity, and illustrates the methodological significance of the Constructive Drinking lens for future research.
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Carlan, Claudio Umpierre. "Moeda e poder em Roma : um mundo em transformação." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280833.

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Orientador: Pedro Paulo Abreu Funari<br>Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T12:18:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlan_ClaudioUmpierre_D.pdf: 95461994 bytes, checksum: 6115f0ed8c3c47679be2915a0ca09fff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007<br>Resumo: A partir da análise das características físicas contidas nas moedas dos Imperadores Romanos do século IV, este trabalho propõe realizar um estudo da função da moeda, tanto sobre o ponto de vista material como pagamento das tropas e abastecimento do Império, como também do caráter simbólico: as representações dos govemantes e de sua política administrativa, utilizada com um agente legitimador do poder. Para isso realizamos uma série de identificações iconográficas, através das representações políticas, militares e religiosas existentes nas imagens monetárias do mesmo período. Para isso, além das fontes numismáticas, analisamos as evidências textuais e arqueológicas relativas a Antigüidade Tardia, isto é, da tetrarquia a divisão do Império no final do século IV, cuja característica fundamental é ascensão do cristianismo comoreligião oficial. As fontes aqui utilizadas para o trabalhado fazem parte do acervo existente no Museu Histórico Nacional / RJ. Possuindo o maior espólio de moedas da América Latina, importante coleçãoarqueológicabrasileira, ainda pouco explorada<br>Abstract: The paper begins aims at studying the Rome History just before Constantine ruled the Empire, considering that Constantine is considered as a direct heir of his four predecessors. The main sources is the coins issued by Diocletian and Constantine, both collections stored at the National Historical Museum at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. By discussing political issues relating to the Roman worId in the 3rd.c. AD and in the beginning of the 4th c. The paper emphasizes the importance of using a variety of historical sources, such as iconographic, archaeological, and art historical. Using iconographic sources to study a numismatic collection at the National Historical Museum, at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, the paper aims at studying images as a source for propaganda aiming at justifying imperial rule<br>Doutorado<br>Historia Cultural<br>Doutor em História
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Tilloi, d'Ambrosi Dimitri. "Cuisine et diététique à Rome ; : IIIe siècle av. J.-C. – IVe siècle ap. J.-C." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE3029.

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L’historiographie de l’alimentation dans le monde romain a connu ces dernières années un développement considérable. Parmi la multitude de domaines qu’elle recouvre, la médecine représente un vaste champ à explorer tant les interactions avec le monde des cuisiniers sont importantes. La diététique antique s’intéresse de près au choix des aliments, à leur préparation et aux modalités de leur consommation. L’héritage d’Hippocrate dans ce domaine est largement repris par Galien ainsi que par d’autres médecins, encyclopédistes et moralistes d’époque impériale. L’un des enjeux de cette étude est d’abord de définir la meilleure façon de cuisiner et de manger sain pour la médecine, après avoir envisagé les hiérarchies alimentaires de la diététique. L’analyse des critères de choix de la nourriture, des règles pour la cuisiner, du goût qui en résulte doit permettre de mieux comprendre dans quelle mesure la cuisine définie par les médecins correspond à celle appréciée par les gourmets. Le croisement des sources médicales avec les sources littéraires de natures variées (satiriques, romanesques, épistolaires, biographiques) conduira ensuite à évaluer le degré de pénétration des principes de la diététique dans les mentalités et dans les pratiques alimentaires au sein de la société romaine. Les différentes étapes du repas romain peuvent être analysées à la lumière des textes médicaux pour déceler l’influence de l’enseignement des médecins. Au-delà des enjeux diététiques, manger sain relève d’enjeux moraux, culturels et sociaux qu’il convient d’analyser pour déterminer l’articulation entre l’idéal de l’homme romain et le comportement alimentaire. Néanmoins, cuisiner et manger sain dans l’Empire romain n’est pas univoque. Il convient d’envisager également la diversité géographique et sociale par le biais des différentes sources. Les attitudes face aux contraintes du régime peuvent également être contrastées et conduire à la transgression des normes élaborées par la diététique<br>This thesis is about Food and Medicine in Ancient Rome. Food has been a more and more important matter of study for a couple of years. The aristocratic banquet is very often the main point of attention of historians, ancient texts are above all dealing with the upper classes of society. Some aspects like the values of the banquet and sociability, or the composition of the meals, are highlighted. But one domain is very often left aside : the links between food and medicine. Medical treatises are very interesting to study because food is one of the most important aspects of ancient medicine. Dietetics is considered as one of the three main fields of ancient medicine with surgery and pharmacology. Dietetics doesn’t include just food but it is more generally the way of life, and also involves physical exercices for example or sleep. Food, indeed, can be considered as a medicine and a way to protect health and to prevent illness. The most important author on this subject is Galen, a famous doctor from the 2nd century AD, who follows the Hippocratic tradition, but other doctors from the Roman period also have to be considered like Oribasius or Anthimus who lived during the Late Antiquity. Medical theories from Antiquity are well known and studied, so it would be interesting to determine how they can impact food preparation and consumption, but also how ancient recipes could influence medical prescriptions. Medical treatises, texts containing references to food, but also archaeology have to be compared, to see if populations during the Roman Empire respected these prescriptions when they ate. This work will try to show if we can observe an impact on the population’s habits and health, and finally if we can speak of a dietary awareness
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Carlson, Jack. "Images, objects and imperial power in the Roman and Qin-Han empires." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61edd022-db89-4af6-bd21-3da3a593c390.

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How and why was imperial power made visually and physically manifest in two similar, contemporaneous megastates - the Roman Principate and Qin-Han China? Framing the Chinese and Roman material within such a question breaks it free from the web of expectations and assumptions in which conventional scholarship almost always situates it. It also builds upon the limited but promising work recently undertaken to study these two empires together in a comparative context. The purpose of this thesis is not to discover similarities and differences for their own sake; but, by discovering similarities and differences, to learn about the nature of imperial authority and prestige in each state. The comparative method compels us to appreciate the contingent - and sometimes frankly curious - nature of visual and artefactual phenomena that have traditionally been taken for granted; and both challenges and empowers us to access higher tier explanations and narratives. Roman expressions of power in visual terms are more public, more historical- biographical, and more political, while Qin-Han images and objects related to imperial authority are generally more private, generic and ritual in their nature. The Roman material emphasizes the notional complicity of large groups of people - the imperial subjects who viewed, crafted and often commissioned these works - in maintaining and defining the emperor's power. If the Han emperor's power was the product of complicity, it was the complicity of a small group of family members and courtiers - and of Heaven. These contrasting sets of power relationships connect to a concerted thematic focus, in the case of Rome, on the individual of the princeps; that is, the individual personage and particular achievements - especially military achievements - of the emperor. This focus is almost always taken for granted in Roman studies, but contrasts profoundly with the thematic disposition of Han artefacts of power: these reflect a concentrated disinterest in imperial personality altogether, emphasizing instead the imperial position; that is, both the office of emperor and a cosmic centrality. While this thesis reveals some arresting contrasts, it also harnesses the dichotomous orientations of Roman and Chinese archaeology to reveal that the conventional understanding of much of this material can be misleading or problematic. Many of the differences in the ways such images are usually interpreted have as much to do with the idiosyncrasies and path dependency of two fields - in short as much to do with the modern viewer - as they do with the images themselves and the traditions that produced them.
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Loose, Sarah Marianne. "Hero or Tyrant: Images of Julius Caesar in Selected Works from Vergil to Bruni." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2007. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/1152.

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Gaius Julius Caesar is not only the most well-known figure in Roman history, but he is also one of the most difficult to understand. Since his assassination, Caesar has played an important role in discussions of political power, imperial government, tyranny, and tyrannicide. While there have been literary treatments of Caesar from William Shakespeare to the present, little has been done to trace the image of Caesar through the Middle Ages and into the Renaissance. The present work attempts to fill that hole by examining portrayals of Caesar in medieval and early Renaissance texts. An examination of specific authors such as Geoffrey of Monmouth, John of Salisbury, Thomas Aquinas, Dante, Petrarch, Salutati, and Bruni, clearly demonstrates that Caesar was consistently portrayed as the first emperor and used to represent the Roman Empire. As the first emperor, representations of Caesar figured significantly in debates about the power of the Church and the Empire, the benefits and downfalls of imperial government, and tyrannicide. Authors were influenced in their portrayals of Caesar by the classical portrayals found in the works of Vergil, Lucan, and Suetonius. Each author's interpretation of Caesar was also impacted by the political and intellectual milieu in which he flourished. Analysis of Caesar's image over this time period serves not only as a part of Caesar historiography, but also provides insight into the ways that scholars write history to understand the world around them.
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Raga, Emmanuelle. "Le Banquet et la "transformation du monde romain": entre Romanitas, Barbaritas et Christianisme :espace romain occidental, IVe-VIe siècle." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209918.

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Ma thèse se concentre sur la question de la transformation de la pratique du banquet classique face, d’une part, à la nouvelle situation sociopolitique découlant de l’installation des royaumes dits successeurs et de la dissolution des structures politiques classiques ;et d’autre part, face à l’intensification de ce que l’on appelle communément la « christianisation » du monde romain. Mes recherches concernent le monde romain occidental (Gaule, Italie et Espagne) à partir du moment où le discours ascétique oriental se diffuse massivement en occident dans la seconde moitié du IVe siècle, mettant fin à ce que Robert Markus appelle le « christianisme antique ». La question principale de ma thèse concerne le discours chrétien et ascétique qui porte sur les questions alimentaires et les réponses données par les groupes sociaux dont l’usage du banquet classique est suffisamment documenté. En l’occurrence les aristocrates (en ce compris les évêques), les communautés cénobitiques et le mouvement anachorétique. La seconde question abordée dans mes recherches est celle posée par la présence « barbare » et l’image du mangeur barbare en ces siècles de transition socioculturelle. Le terminus ante quem de mes recherches se situe à la fin du VIe siècle, en un monde romain désormais indubitablement transformé.<p><p><p> <p>La mia tesi si incentra sulla questione della trasformazione della pratica classica del banchetto nel confronto, da una parte con la nuova situazione sociale e politica dovuta all’insediamento dei regni post-romani, e, dall’altra, con l’intensificazione della cosiddetta “cristianizzazione” del mondo romano. La tesi riguarda lo spazio romano occidentale (cioè Gallia, Italia, Spagna) a partire dal momento in cui si diffonde la grande moda dell’ascetismo orientale dalla seconda metà del IV secolo. La questione principale della tesi, che occupa i capitoli tre e quattro, riguarda il discorso cristiano e ascetico sull’alimentazione e poi le risposte date dai gruppi sociali il cui uso del banchetto è documentato a sufficienza, in fatti specie gli aristocratici, il mondo monastico, e gli eremiti. I due primi capitoli riguardano, rispettivamente, la pratica del banchetto classico nella tarda antichità e la questione della presenza “barbara” e dell’immagine del mangiatore barbaro in quei secoli. La conclusione della tesi si colloca alla fine del VI secolo, in un momento in cui il mondo romano è indubbiamente trasformato.<p><p><p>My doctoral thesis concentrates on the question of the transformation of the classical banquet through the encounter with, on the one hand, the new sociopolitical situation due to the migration and installation of the new successor kingdoms ;and on the other hand, with the intensification of the Christianization of the Roman world. My research focuses on the Western Roman world (Gaul, Italy and Spain) from the moment in which the eastern ascetic discourse spreads widely in the West in the second half of the 4th century, causing what Robert Markus calls “The end of Ancient Christianity”. The main question of my thesis regards the Christian and ascetic discourse on food practices and the answers given by the social groups who’s uses of the banquet is documented enough. In this case, the aristocrats (within which the bishops), the monastic communities and the hermits. The second question taken into consideration in my thesis is the one presented by the “barbarian” presence and the literary image of the barbarian eater in these centuries of socio cultural transformation. The terminus ante quem of my research is placed at the end of the 6th century, in a undoubtly transformed Roman world.<br>Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Elder, Olivia Laura. "Language and the politics of Roman identity." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290422.

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This thesis examines the relationship between language and Roman identity, defined in the broadest sense as the political and cultural practices involved in being Roman. It focuses on evidence of multilingualism: Roman identity was defined through opposition and interaction, and it is at points of contact that these debates are cast into relief. It looks predominantly at evidence of Greek-Latin bilingualism, but also considers evidence of other languages to consider how their relationship to Roman identity differs. It combines historical and sociolinguistic approaches to multilingualism. Understanding bilingual language practices requires close sociolinguistic reading of evidence to understand how languages interrelate and analysis of the historical factors and contexts that determine language choices and their social, cultural and political implications. The thesis responds especially to the use of bilingualism as a model for Roman cultural relations, arguing that a closer engagement with sociolinguistic terminology and with linguistic evidence is necessary if we are to use language and bilingualism as a way into broader issues of politics and identity. Language is simultaneously a model for identity that works across ancient and modern thought and a central part of this identity. It frequently plays into other markers of Roman identity and a range of themes and concerns surrounding it including integration, migration and citizenship. The thesis examines three case studies in detail: the different layers of bilingualism in Suetonius' biographies; Greek in the graffiti of Pompeii; epigraphic and literary evidence for different languages in the city of Rome. These case studies demonstrate the politics of language in different types of practice and at different levels of society: the thesis argues that the overlaps between them are greater than has sometimes been appreciated. The case studies also show that the boundaries of Roman identity did not develop in a progressive or linear fashion but were continually defined and redefined through ongoing processes of absorption and rejection.
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Zannier, Marie-Pierre. "Paysages du grand domaine et normes agronomiques de Caton à Pline l'Ancien : représentations de l'espace et "bonne mesure"." Phd thesis, Université du Maine, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00256683.

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Produits principalement entre le IIe s. av. et le Ier s. ap. J.-C., les écrits agronomiques latins, de Caton à Pline l'Ancien, permettent d'évaluer et de comprendre les contraintes naturelles et sociales qui ont déterminé, de façon évolutive, un modèle d'organisation et de gestion du domaine agropastoral. Formes de raisonnement et caractéristiques de composition et d'énonciation participent d'un effort de codification de la science agronimique et de ses objets. Tout en impliquant une représentation idéale des paysages du fundus, les normes agronomiques romaines sont édictées de façon de plus en plus souple pour intégrer la pluralité et la diversité des situations agraires que rencontre Rome au fur et à mesure de son expansion. Une analyse de fréquence des thèmes relatifs aux paysages fait apparaître les critères majeurs d'appréciation de l'environnement qui retiennent l'attention des experts agronomiques dans la perspective d'une exploitation et d'un aménagement, raisonnés et rentables, de l'espace rural. Ces normes agronomiques sont également soutenues par des considérations d'ordre idéologique. Illustrées par l'utilisation de symboles et d'images, les valeurs prônées, issues de l'ornamentum nobiliaire, viennent justifier les principes d'ordre et de mesure qui dovent présider à l'organisation spatiale et humaine des fundi ruraux.
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Hedlund, Ragnar. ""...achieved nothing worthy of memory" : Coinage and authority in the Roman empire c. AD 260-295." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Classical archaeology and ancient history, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8511.

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<p>This study examines how the Roman emperors <i>c</i>. AD. 260–295 attempt at maintaining their power-bases through legitimation of their claims to power, with reference to various potentially powerful groups of society, such as the military, the inhabitants of the provinces and the senate in Rome. The purpose has been to discern the development of ‘Roman imperial ideology’ in an age which has frequently been referred to as an ‘age of military anarchy.’ Focus is on how claims to power could be expressed through visual media. Of such media, mainly the coins struck for the emperors <i>c</i>. AD 260-295 have been studied. A close investigation has been made of the iconography of these coins. Furthermore, the ways in which coin-images are modified and combined with various legends are studied. An additional purpose of this investigation has been to provide a comment on the general potential of conveying visual imagery and messages on objects such as coins and medallions. </p><p>The study argues that novel, intricate and multi-layered images were created on the coins struck for the emperors <i>c</i>. AD 260-295. Furthermore, it is suggested that these coin-images were created to assume the function of larger-scale expressions of imperial authority, such as triumphal arches and imperial statues. This adaption of coinage was made because there was a need for intensified communication of imperial authority. This need arose due to the incessant warfare of the age, and a process of regionalization of the empire, which was connected to this warfare. The conclusion is that these coins provide an illustration of the development of the Roman empire in the second half of the third century. This was a development by which the city of Rome lost its importance in favour of regional capitals, and ultimately in favour of Constantinople.</p>
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Simon, Jesse. "Images of the built landscape in the later Roman world." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e86a09f5-a1da-4ac0-8051-ba7fca36c16e.

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At its greatest extent, the Roman empire represented one of the largest continuous areas of land to have been ruled by a single central administration in the classical period. While the extent of the empire may be determined from both the extensive body of literary evidence from the Roman world, and also from the physi- cal remains of great public works stretching from Britain to Arabia, the processes by which the Romans were able to apprehend larger spaces remain infrequently studied in modern scholarship. It is often assumed that Roman spatial awareness came from cartographic representations and that the imperial Roman administration must have possessed detailed scale maps of both individual regions and of the empire as a whole. In the first part of the present study, it is demonstrated that Roman spatial understanding may not have relied very extensively on cartography, and that any maps produced in the Roman world were designed to serve very different purposes from those that we might associate with maps today. Instead, it is argued that the extensive construction projects that defined the character of the imperial world would have pro- vided a means by which the larger physical spaces of the empire could be understood. However, as transformations began to occur within the built environment between the late-third and late-sixth centuries, spatial processes would have necessarily started to change. In the second part of the present study, it is suggested that attitudes toward the built environment would have led to changes in the physical arrangement of rural and urban spaces in late antiquity; furthermore the eventual dissolution of the constructed landscape that defined the Roman empire would have resulted in new approaches to the apprehension of larger spaces, approaches in which cartographic expression may have played a more central role.
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Burgess, Richard W. "Hydatius : a late Roman chronicler in post-Roman Spain : an historiographical study and new critical edition of the chronicle." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:82b53777-b0d6-4720-bda9-4207d9bfa313.

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Late Roman chronicles are little studied and greatly misunderstood. The purpose of this dissertation is to treat a Late Roman chronicler, Hydatius, as a living, breathing person and to use the chronicle as a means of revealing this individual: his beliefs, his interests, his fears, his attitudes, his view of the Empire, and his abilities as an historian. Hydatius was a bishop in Gallaecia, writing in 468-9 amidst the Suevic depredations of Spain. As a result he is a unique source in that he is the earliest extant historian who wrote in a post- Roman (i.e. Mediaeval) world. His chronicle is the only detailed source for Spanish history in the fifth century and the only detailed source written about the fifth-century barbarian invasions and settlements. Though extremely isolated he had remarkable contacts with the outside world and his chronicle is a unique source for much non- Spanish information. It is also one of the most personal of all the Late Antique chronicles and therefore an excellent gateway for an examination of the Late Roman world as seen through the eyes of a contemporary. For these reasons, Hydatius' vivid and often emotive account of the sufferings of Gallaecia at the hands of the Sueves and Goths, framed by the parallel military, religious and imperial history of the Eastern and Western empires and set within the eschatological context of the imminent Apocalypse, deserves detailed study. The production of a new critical edition, based on only the third, complete, first-hand examination of the sole major manuscript (B) since 1615 and the first produced from all known manuscript evidence, complete with apparatuses on the manuscripts, chronology and orthography, was necessitated by the perverse Sources chrétiennes edition of 1974 and the discovery of new evidence from a careful study of manuscript B.
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N’Guyen-Van, Vincent. "Les guerres sévériennes en Orient (193-235)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H082.

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Entre 193 et 235, les empereurs romains de la dynastie sévérienne menèrent au Proche-Orient une série de guerres qui recouvrent l’ensemble de la typologie des conflits antiques : guerres civiles, conquêtes territoriales, défense des provinces frontalières, expéditions de pillage et répressions de révoltes locales. Cette thèse cherche à analyser les articulations politiques de ces conflits sur les plans chronologique et géopolitique. Elle s’appuie sur une étude systématique des campagnes militaires menées par les Romains au Proche-Orient et sur une prosopographie des acteurs politiques de la région. La politique menée par les Sévères en Syrie et Mésopotamie s’inscrivit dans le cadre de l’impérialisme romain et porta l’empire romain à son extension territoriale maximale. Se faisant, elle rompit les équilibres géopolitiques qui prévalaient jusque là et assuraient la paix entre les Romains et les Parthes. Si la dynastie arsacide finissante ne put s’opposer à cette extension du pouvoir romain en Mésopotamie, la révolution sassanide des années 224-226 réactiva la mémoire de la perse achéménide et remit en cause le rapport de force établi par Septime Sévère au Proche-Orient. La période sévérienne n’est cependant pas une rupture avec le Haut-Empire ni une charnière avec la « crise » du IIIe siècle car le dispositif militaire mis en place au début de la période ne différait en rien du modèle augustéen et résista néanmoins à la première attaque perse en territoire romain<br>From 193 to 235, Severan emperors lead several wars in the Near East. These wars included all the type of conflicts known to the Ancient world : civil wars, local rebellions, defensive wars against the barbarians, raids into ennemy territory and territorial conquest. This dissertation discuss the political aspects of these conflicts from a chronological and geopolitical standpoint. It is composed of an analytical narration of the Severan wars in the East and a prosopography of the political actors of the area. The action of the Severan dynasty in Syria and Mesopotamia was rooted in Roman imperialism and expanded the Empire’s territory to its maximum. In doing so, the Severans destroyed the geopolitical equilibrium that had, so far, insured a relative degree of peace between Rome and the Parthian Empire. The Arsacid dynasty failed to stop the growth of Roman influence in Mesopotamia, the rise of the Sassanid in 224-226 rekindled the Achemenid ambitions and threatened the power structures established by Septimius Severus in the Near East. But the Severan age is not the breaking point of the High Empire, nor is it merely a transition between the Antonine age and the 3rd century crisis. The military system the Severan put in place in the East was heavily influenced by the Augustean military system and yet managed to repell the first Persian attack against Rome
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Tan, Adrian Hadipriono. "While Stands the Colosseum: A Ground-Up Exploration of Ancient Roman Construction Techniques using Virtual Reality." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429228335.

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Evêque, Ralph. "Les transmissions du savoir juridique durant la période impériale romaine (27 avant J.C. - 565 après J.C.)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA100136.

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Il s'agira dans notre travail de réfléchir aux premières formes de l'enseignement du droit. C'est à Rome qu'il naquit. Sous la République, le droit n'est pas encore une technique accaparée par le pouvoir mais relève de la spéculation. C'est auprès d'un maître que l'élève se forme. Enseignement et jurisprudence sont ainsi intimement liés et l'enseignement passe par la casuistique. Sous l'Empire, des changements apparaissent. Durant le Haut-Empire (27 avant J.C. - 284 après J.C.), nous n'avons pas de preuves directes d'un enseignement académique du droit. Le droit continue comme sous la République d'être transmis par l'intermédiaire de la pratique ou encore dilué au sein d'autres cursus, en particulier dans le cadre de l'enseignement de la rhétorique. Pourtant, des sources indirectes comme la présence d'une littérature juridique didactique qui apparait à partir du milieu du IIe siècle nous engage à penser qu'un enseignement académique du droit existait dans les deux derniers siècles du Haut-Empire. C'est toutefois un fait notable, il n'y a pas encore d'enseignement officiel et régulier du droit. Une rupture se produit durant l'Antiquité Tardive (284 - 565). Plusieurs facteurs concourent à une révolution de l'enseignement du droit. En premier lieu, l'absolutisme impérial qui conduit à une emprise du pouvoir sur l'enseignement juridique. Deuxièmement, le tournant bureaucratique que prend l'Empire et le besoin en fonctionnaires que cela entraine. Mais encore, les conséquences de l'édit de Caracalla de 212 qui en étendant la citoyenneté romaine, ouvre l'accès au droit romain à l'ensemble des provinciaux. L'ensemble de ces facteurs explique le développement au cours de l'Antiquité Tardive d'écoles dispensant un enseignement académique du droit<br>In our work, we will reflect on the first forms of legal education. He was born in Rome. Under the Republic, the law is not yet a technique monopolized by the power but is a matter of speculation. The apprentice is trained with a master. Teaching and jurisprudence are thus intimately linked and teaching is based on casuistry. Under the Empire, changes appeared. During the High-Empire (27 B. C. - 284 A. D.), we have no direct evidence of academic teaching of law. The law continues as under the Republic to be transmitted through practice or diluted in other curricula, especially in the teaching of rhetoric. However, indirect sources such as the presence of a didactic legal literature that appeared from the middle of the 2nd century onwards, lead us to believe that an academic teaching of law existed in the last two centuries of the Hight-Empire. However, it is a notable fact that there is still no formal and regular teaching of law. A rupture occurs during Late Antiquity (284 - 565). Several factors contribute to a revolution in law education. First, imperial absolutism, which leads to a hold of power over legal education. Second, the bureaucratic turn of events that the Empire is taking and the need for public servants that this entails. But again, the consequences of Caracalla's edict of 212, which extended Roman citizenship and opened up access to Roman law to all the provincials. All of these factors explain the development of schools providing academic education in law during the Late Antiquity<br>En nuestro trabajo, reflexionaremos sobre las primeras formas de educación jurídica. Nació en Roma. Bajo la República, la ley no es todavía una técnica monopolizada por el poder, sino que es una cuestión de especulación. El aprendiz está entrenado con un maestro. La enseñanza y la jurisprudencia están íntimamente ligadas y la enseñanza se basa en la casuística. Bajo el Imperio, aparecieron cambios. Durante el Alto-Imperio (27 a. C. - 284 d. C.), no tenemos evidencia directa de la enseñanza académica del derecho. El derecho continúa como en la República a ser transmitido a través de la práctica o diluido en otros currículos, especialmente en la enseñanza de la retórica. Sin embargo, fuentes indirectas como la presencia de una literatura jurídica didáctica que surgió a partir de mediados del siglo II, nos llevan a creer que en los dos últimos siglos del Imperio Superior existía una enseñanza académica del derecho. Sin embargo, es un hecho notable que todavía no existe una enseñanza formal y regular del derecho. Una ruptura ocurre durante la Antigüedad Tardía (284 - 565). Varios factores contribuyen a una revolución en la educación jurídica. En segundo lugar, el giro burocrático de los acontecimientos que está tomando el Imperio y la necesidad de funcionarios públicos que esto conlleva. Pero, una vez más, las consecuencias del edicto 212 de Caracalla, que amplió la ciudadanía romana y abrió el acceso al derecho romano a todos los provinciales. Todos estos factores explican el desarrollo de las escuelas que imparten educación académica en derecho durante la Antigüedad Tardía
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33

Creuset, Christophe. "La logistique de l'armée romaine sous le Haut-Empire." Paris, EPHE, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004EPHEA003.

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34

Lhommé, Marie-Karine. "Antiquaires et recherches sur la religion romaine à l'époque du Haut-Empire." Paris, EPHE, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003EPHE5059.

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Le De Verborum Significatione de Festus conservé par un unique manuscrit incomplet et mutilé, le Farnesianus (Naples, Bibl. Nat. IV. A. 3, 11e siècle) pose de nombreux problèmes d’édition et de composition. Le texte est généralement complété par les excepta du moine Paul Diacre, réalisés à la fin du 8e siècle et dédiés à Charlemagne. Mais l’essentiel des informations remonte à Verrius Flaccus, un célèbre grammairien entré au service d’Auguste, qui sollicite de nombreux antiquaires du dernier siècle de la République et du début du principat. Les monographies très spécialisées de ces hommes sont encore citées par les compilateurs du Haut-Empire comme Pline, Aulu Gelle, Festus, et plus tardif, Macrobe et Servius. Malgré les différences de statut et des titres d’ouvrages, ces érudits ont souvent écrit sur les mêmes sujets, en utilisant les mêmes outils, dont l’étymologie, et en puisant aux récits des origines de Rome. Ils se retrouvent dans l’entourage des hommes de pouvoir à qui ils dédient leurs travaux, et ont peut-être participé directement aux restaurations de la religion traditionnelle. L’étude et la traduction de 800 articles sur 3300, qui portent sur cette religion romaine, permettent de constater que la description de la religion n’est pas exhaustive, mais se concentre sur les obscurités des rites traditionnels, pour lesquelles sont accumulées les versions de différents savants. Les annexes de la thèse proposent des outils pratiques pour la manipulation de l’ensemble du lexique, et un répertoire bibliographique des travaux qui portent sur des articles de Festus<br>The De Verborum Significatione of Festus has been preserved by only one manuscript of the 11th century (Farnesianus, Cod. Neapol. IV. A. 3), incomplete and severely damaged. But most datas date back to Verrius Flaccus, a famous grammarian teaching Augustus’s grandsons. He quotes lots of antiquarians of the last century of the Republic and of the beginning on the Principate. The monographs of these men are still quoted by compilers of the Empire, such as Plinius, Aulus Gellius, Festus or Macrobius. In spite of their different social status and of the different titles, these erudites used to work on the same subjects and resorted to the same tools, such as etymology. They are advisers to powerful men they probably helped to reform traditional religion. The study and translation of 800 articles on 3300, bearing on roman religion, allow us to remark that the description of religion is not exhaustive but centered on the difficulties of traditional rituals. The annexes offer some practical tools to make the use of this lexicon easier, and, a bibliographical directory of various modern works on Festus’ articles
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35

Zuckerman, Constantin. "Recherches sur le statut social des soldats sous le Bas-Empire et à l'époque protobyzantine." Paris 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA010541.

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Cette thèse examine, principalement à travers l'étude d'un choix de dossiers documentaires (surtout papyrologiques), les différents aspects du statut social des soldats durant les six premiers siècles de l'empire romain. La thèse comporte deux parties. La première partie prend comme point de départ les reformes militaires d'Augustue et passe en revue rapide l'évolution du modèle augustéen sous le haut-empire (1-3e siècles). Elle se concentre ensuite sur les développements qui déterminent la place des soldats dans la société sous le bas-empire et à l'époque dite "protobyzantine" (4e-6e siècles). Un aperçu des diverses catégories de troupes qui composent l'armée impériale est suivi d'une étude des changements dans le statut des vétérans, un bon indice de l'intégration sociale croissante des soldats. Le phénomène de limitanei milites, soldats de garnisons qui deviennent cultivateurs, étudié en détail, en donne ensuite l'illustration. La première partie se termine par l'examen de l'intégration des soldats des unités mobiles (comitatenses) dans la société des villes et par une sérié d'appendices. La seconde partie de la thèse présente une édition préliminaire d'un petit codex sur papyrus qui contient le registre fiscal du village d'aphrodito en thébaïde (moyenne Égypte). Le commentaire vise surtout à mettre en valeur le témoignage qu'apporte ce document (et les textes apparentes) sur les changements qui interviennent dans le dispositif militaire d'Égypte au début du règne de Justinien 1er<br>This thesis studies, mainly by analysing selected groups of documents (papyri in the first place), the different aspects of the social status of soldiers in the first six centuries of the roman empire. The thesis has two parts. The first part starts with the military reforms of augustus and with a rapid overview of the evolution of the model created by this emperor under the early empire. It then focuses on the new developments which determine the place of soldiers in the society under the later roman empuire and in the early Byzantine period (4th-6th centuries). A glance at the different categories of troops that compose the imperial army is followed by a study of changes in the status of veterans which provide a good indication of he growing social integration of soldiers. The penomenon of limitanei lilites, garrison troops who stat cultivating land, is then studies in detail. The first part of the thesis ends with a study of the social integration of soldiers of mobile units (comitatenses) in the cities and with a series of appendixes. The second part presents a preliminary edition of a little codex on papyrus which contains the fiscal register of the village of aprodito in the thebaid (middle egypt). The commentary mainly aims to show the contribution of this document (and of some related texts) to our understanding of the changes in…
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36

De, Nicola Bruno. "Unveiling the Khātūns : some aspects of the role of women in the Mongol Empire." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609743.

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37

Mather, Ian Roderick. "The role of the Royal Navy in the English Atlantic Empire, 1660-1720." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307197.

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38

Morin, Melissa S. "Le Delta du Rhin de César à Julien : les représentations d'un environnement deltaïque aux frontières du monde romain." Thesis, Besançon, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014BESA1029/document.

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Dans le grand ensemble géographique de l’Empire romain, la région du delta du Rhin demeurait une zone marginale, aux frontières du monde connu : son environnement naturel deltaïque et son éloignement du centre méditerranéen attisaient son caractère sauvage et méconnu. Néanmoins, pendant plus de quatre siècles, la région des embouchures rhénanes fut incluse dans le vaste empire de Rome, hôte d’une occupation humaine dynamique. L’historien s’intéressant au delta du Rhin à l’époque romaine sera toutefois rapidement confronté à des sources classiques insuffisantes, subjectives, généralement l’œuvre de témoins indirects. Plusieurs chercheurs choisissent ainsi de se tourner vers un matériel archéologique jugé plus fiable, plus au diapason des réalités régionales. Or, le décalage entre témoignages littéraires et données matérielles, loin d’entraîner un désaveu des auteurs anciens, offre un angle d’approche prometteur puisque, en vérité, les représentations véhiculées dans les sources littéraires anciennes constituent non pas un reflet réaliste de la situation régionale, mais bien un reflet réaliste des représentations que se faisait Rome de la situation régionale. La position périphérique du delta du Rhin, loin du centre méditerranéen, aux limites de l’œkoumène, participa ainsi à la construction dans la société gréco-romaine d’une image déformée de la région, une image qui exacerbait l’hostilité de l’environnement naturel, qui exagérait l’austérité de l’occupation humaine, qui surestimait l’assujettissement des hommes aux contraintes du milieu. Cette étude montre ainsi que les représentations romaines de l’environnement naturel deltaïque ont influencé la nature de l’occupation régionale, la vision romaine des populations locales ainsi que les interactions des hommes avec un milieu naturel caractérisé à la fois par sa situation deltaïque et frontalière. Elle exploite de façon novatrice le concept de représentations et crée un dialogue fécond entre sources historiques et données paléoenvironnementales<br>Among the Roman Empire’s great geographical reach, the Rhine delta area remained a marginal zone, at the frontier of the known world: its deltaic natural environment and its remoteness from the Mediterranean center emphasized its savage and obscure character. Nevertheless, during more than four centuries, the Rhine delta area was included in the vast Roman Empire, host of a dynamic human occupation. An historian interested by the Rhine delta area during the Roman era will, however, rapidly be confronted by insufficient and subjective classical sources which are generally the work of indirect witnesses. Many researchers choose therefore to turn themselves toward archaeological material considered as more reliable, a more accurate depiction of regional realities. Yet, discrepancies between literary testimonies and material data, far from resulting in the rejection of ancient authors, offer a promising approach angle because, in truth, representations conveyed by ancient literary sources do not constitute a realistic reflection of the regional situation but do constitute a realistic reflection of Rome’s representations of the regional situation. The Rhine delta’s peripheral position, far from the Mediterranean center, at the limit of the oikoumene, contributed to the construction of a deformed image of the region within Greco-Roman society, an image which exacerbated the natural environment’s hostility, which exaggerated the human occupation’s austerity, which overestimated the subjection of men to the area’s constraints. This study thus demonstrates that Roman representations of the natural deltaic environment did influence the regional occupation’s nature, the Roman vision of local populations as well as the interactions of men with a natural environment characterized by both its deltaic and frontier situation. The study innovates in its use of the concept of representations and creates a fertile dialogue between historic sources and paleoenvironmental data
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39

Scherer, Agnès. "Les femmes de familles sénatoriales de Septime Sévère à Constantin de 192 ap. J. -C. , à 337 ap. J. -C." Paris 4, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA040135.

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40

Blonce, Caroline. "L'arc monumental dans le monde romain, du début du IIe siècle au début du IVe siècle ap. J. -C. : histoire et place dans la vie politique, religieuse et sociale." Paris 4, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA040132.

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L'établissement d'un nouveau corpus exhaustif des arcs monumentaux dans l'ensemble de l'empire fut le point de départ de nos recherches sur les enjeux politiques, sociaux et religieux de la construction des arcs monumentaux dans le monde romain, du IIe siècle au début du IVe siècle ap J. -C. Ces monuments, répartis dans tout l'empire, présentent d'indéniables points communs, dans leur aspect, leur implantation et leur fonction, à la fois urbaine et politique. D'un point de vue urbanistique, l'arc monumental revêt une fonction symbolique forte : il marque l'adhésion à la civilisation impériale romaine qui s'incarne dans le monde des cités, et dont une des valeurs fondamentales est l'urbanitas. D'un point de vue politique, l'arc monumental contribue à la diffusion capillaire de l'idéologie impériale, en tant que manifestation de la présence physique de l'empereur dans l'ensemble de l'empire<br>The creation of a new comprehensive catalogue of the monumental arches in the Roman Empire was the starting point of this research into the political, social and religious issues involved in the building of monumental arches in the Roman world, from the early 2nd century to the early 4th century A. D. These monuments, which can be encountered in the whole Empire, share not only a similar appearance but also similar settings within the city and the same political role. From an urbanistic point of view, monumental arches not only embody the notion of urbanitas but are also monumental symbols allowing the cities to claim their allegiance to the Roman world. Considering the political role, monumental arches play a great part in the wide spreading of imperial ideology, as a manifestation of the emperor’s physical presence throughout the Empire
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41

Cornillon, Jonathan. "La vie économique des communautés chrétiennes aux trois premiers siècles." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040147.

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Notre thèse a pour objectif d’éclaircir les formes et l’esprit de la vie économique des communautés chrétiennes aux trois premiers siècles. Du ministère de Jésus à la fin du IIIe siècle, les chrétiens, dans leur diversité, ont développé des modes de vie particuliers dans lesquels les pratiques économiques, fortement influencées par leur morale, ont joué un rôle majeur. Nous chercherons à éclaircir les modalités de financement de la mission et de la vie communautaire des chrétiens, mais aussi les formes institutionnelles de la gestion de ces aspects économiques ainsi que les formes de solidarité matérielle qui ont été développées par les premiers chrétiens. Dès le ministère de Jésus, une réflexion pratique sur le maniement des richesses a été menée et a produit une organisation économique particulière fortement marquée par un modèle communautaire. La portée d’un tel modèle dans les trois premiers siècles chrétiens doit être évaluée. Nous nous attachons avant tout aux aspects concrets de cette vie économique, pour en comprendre le fonctionnement. Notre étude se fonde essentiellement sur des sources littéraires chrétiennes, néotestamentaires et patristiques, mais aussi sur des sources archéologiques, épigraphiques ou papyrologiques lorsqu’elles sont disponibles<br>Our dissertation aims to enlighten different aspects of the economic life of the Christian communities during the first three centuries. From Jesus to the end of the third century, Christians, in different ways, developed specific ways of life in which the economic practices played a key role. We will try to explain how the mission and the communal life of Christians were funded, but also what role played the ecclesiastical institutions in the use of the common fund. A very important part of our work will also consist in explaining the concrete practices of the Christians concerning the care for the poor in the community. The first Christian communities developed a thought about the economic life of a religious community as early as the preaching of Jesus and we have to try to understand better the meaning and the concrete consequences of these thoughts on their communal life, and the posterity of these practices. To investigate about the economic life of the first Christian communities, we will use most of all the New Testament and patristic texts, even if at some points archaeological, epigraphical and papyrological sources can be used to strengthen our analysis
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42

Mitchell, C. P. (Colin P. ). "The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe and its primacy in seventeenth century Mughal historiography : a re-evaluation." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23230.

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This thesis is the study of one of the most consistently used primary sources of early seventeenth century Mughal India. The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe, written by England's first ambassador to the court of Jahangi r, has traditionally been construed to be a succinct and perceptive account. Moreover, historians have relied on Thomas Roe's observations and conclusions to offer certain interpretations of Jahangi r's court: most notably, its decline as a forum of centralized absolutism into an arena of intrigue and rivalry.<br>Roe, as a product of Jacobean society, perceived Mughal events and institutions from an early seventeenth century English context, thus limiting any hope of "objective" reporting. To substantiate this assertation, this thesis investigates (a) Roe's life in England and how it related to ongoing literary and political movements; (b) the appearance of Jacobean language and metaphors in his text; (c) and highlighting these incongruencies by examining indigenous Mughal documents. Lastly, the study researches historiographical trends of the colonial era and why they have contributed to the consistent use of this source.
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43

Ménard, Hélène. "L'ordre public dans l'Occident romain : violences et désordres populaires en milieu urbain (IIème -IVème siècles ap. J.-C.)." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA040045.

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La gestion des désordres collectifs en milieu urbain (du convicium et de la rixe, à la seditio) est d'abord du ressort des responsables municipaux. Le cas de Rome montre l'importance de la vicinitas, ainsi que de la préfecture de la Ville. Mais, en dernier ressort, c'est l'empereur qui est le garant de l'ordre public. Il intervient soit directement, soit par des instructions aux fonctionnaires impériaux. Les mouvements collectifs ont des motivations multiples : si les préoccupations matérielles sont primordiales, le souci de la justice, et, plus généralement, d'une bonne administration, est important. Les tensions entre communautés, se revendiquant de croyances différentes, mettent, dès le IIème siècle, les chrétiens au cœur des problèmes d'ordre public. Au IVème siècle, les luttes pour la maîtrise de l'espace urbain et l'encadrement de la population font de l'évêque une figure centrale de la gestion de l'ordre public<br>The control of collective violence in the urban environment (from convicium and brawling to seditio) was chiefly the responsibility of the municipal administrators. The importance of vicinitas as well as of the urban prefecture can clearly be seen from the case of Rome. In the last resort, though, it was the Emperor who was the guarantor of public order. He intervened either directly or by giving orders to imperial officials. Collective movements may be motivated by a whole range of factors : material concerns may be paramount, but also important in the desire for justice and good administration. Tensions between different belief communities put Christians right at the heart of public order problems from the 2nd century onwards. In the 4th century, struggles for control of the urban space and providing the people with a legal and moral structure made the bishop a key figure in the management of public order
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44

Çelik, Faika. "Gypsies (Roma) in the orbit of Islam : the Ottoman experience (1450-1600)." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79830.

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The main premise of this thesis is to demonstrate how the Gypsies, (Roma)---both Muslim and Christian, both settled and nomadic---were marginalized by the Ottoman State and society in Rumelia (Rumili) and Istanbul during the "Classical Age" of this tri-continental Islamic Empire.<br>The Ottoman state and the society's attitudes towards this marginal group are analyzed through the examination of the Muhimme Registers of the second half the sixteenth century and four major Kanunnames concerning the Gypsies issued in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Travelers' accounts and Turkish oral traditions have also been used to explore the social status of the Gypsies in Ottoman society, as well as their image in Ottoman popular culture.<br>The history of people who were marginal and voiceless in their societies is not just important for its own sake but for what it reveals about the nature of the societies in which they lived. Thus, this present work not only sheds light upon the history of the Gypsies but also attempts to open new grounds for further discussions on the functioning of the "Plural Society" of the Ottoman Empire.
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45

EL, KENTAOUI HAMADI. "L'activite evergetique en afrique romaine sous le haut- empire : etude epigraphique." Paris 1, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA010623.

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Le present travail est une etude des textes epigraphiques attestant l'activite evergetique des notables africains sous le haut-empire. Il s'agit donc de l'etude des liberalites privees faites par des personnes ou des groupes de personnes en faveur de la collectivite. Tous les aspects de cette activite ont ete abordes. Ainsi, ont ete etudiees les batiments, les distributions aussi bien en argent qu'en nature et enfin les jeux et les fondations<br>The present work is a study of inscription-survival shawing the african's evergetic activity under the principate. It deal the private liberality offered by individuals or groups of persons in favour of the collectivity. All aspects of this activity have been seen. So, we have studied buildings, distributions in money as well as in kind and at past games and perpetual foundations
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46

Pichon, Blaise. "L'empreinte de Rome dans l'ouest de la Gaule Belgique d'Auguste à la fin du IVe siècle." Paris 10, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA100124.

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Entre le Principat d'Auguste et le règne de Claude, la Gaule Belgique, conquise par César, est dotée des éléments jugés indispensables par Rome pour garantir son autorité : l'organisation en cités pourvues d'un chef-lieu se met en place, ainsi que le réseau routier stratégique. Cependant, l'empreinte de Rome sur les 7 cités de l'ouest de la Gaule Belgique ne saurait se limiter à ces éléments. Dès cette phase initiale, on observe aussi une aspiration à la romanité d'une partie au moins des populations locales. Le cadre urbain est particulièrement révélateur de ce succès de la romanité, qui se renforce et se généralise entre le milieu du Ier s. Apr. J. -C. Et le IIIe s. : les villes se multiplient, tandis que les sanctuaires, puis les campagnes prennent une physionomie romaine. A partir du IIIe s. , les mutations que connaît l'ouest de la Gaule Belgique, sous l'effet de facteurs internes et de la pression germanique, ne détruisent pas cette romanité, dont le contenu connaît néanmoins des changements<br>From Augustus to Claude, the Gallia Belgica received the essential elements which guaranteed the roman power : civitates and their chief towns are created, like main military roads. But the mark of Rome in the seven western civitates in Gallia Belgica does not limit to these elements. Since the augustean time, we may see that a part of local populations wishes to become roman. Urban development shows particularly the success of romanitas between the middle of the 1st century AD and the end of the 3rd century. There are many towns, and sanctuaries then countryside become roman. After the middle of the 3rd century, the numerous changes in western Gallia Belgica, because of internal causes and Germanic pressure, does not destroy this romanitas, which is partly changed though
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47

Schmidt, Heidenreich Christophe. "Les dédicaces religieuses dans les camps militaires du Haut-Empire romain." Paris 13, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA131026.

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L'armée romaine du Haut-Empire était stationnée dans des camps construits selon des principes uniformes. Ces lieux contenaient de nombreuses inscriptions qui, pour la plupart, appartenaient à la catégorie des dédicaces religieuses. Les édifices du camp, les unités et leurs subdivisions possédaient un ou plusieurs dieux protecteurs auxquels on élevait des dédicaces. Ces documents n'avaient jamais été recensés de manière systématique. Le présent travail propose un catalogue de toutes les dédicaces mises au jour dans un camp ou pouvant lui être attribuées en fonction de critères méthodologiques. L'étude des quelque 600 inscriptions retenues a fait apparaître que celles-ci étaient placées dans le camp selon des règles tenant compte de la divinité honorée et du statut des dédicants. Ces derniers ont un profil varié, qui va de l'officier au simple soldat. Ces hommes élevaient leurs monuments dans des espaces publics ou privés, ce qui illustre une stratigraphie sociale complexe.
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48

Bats, Maria. "L'information à Rome à la fin de la République et sous le Haut-Empire : les "Acta senatus et populi Romani"." Paris 1, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA01A034.

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49

Kaplan, Ferhat. "The Role Of The Young Ottomans In The Transformation Of Mentality In The Ottoman Empire." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608358/index.pdf.

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Abstract:
The main topic of this study is determining the role of the Young Ottomans in mentality transformation in the Ottoman Empire from the traditional one to a modern one. Their proposals aim to change three patterns of the Ottoman state and society. The relation between state and the individual is the first issue. They tried to create an Ottoman citizenry, enhanced with freedom and political rights, from a reaya. In the second step they imagined a modern society. Their proposals, which imply a secular system, aim to secure the people from the yoke of the tradition and some religious bonds. Nationalism is also important for the abolition of the traditional stratification of the Ottoman society. As a last point, the individual, himself, is tried to be changed into an active, enthusiastic, this-worldly, and rational being. However what is interesting is that while their main concern had been the survival of the Ottoman Empire and the Islamic order, their proposals had the potential to undermine these very institutions. This study will try to find the traces of these contradictions and the beginning of a mental transformation.
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50

Aral, Guillaume. "La juridiction du Saint-Siège de Rome sur les arméniens catholiques (XVII-XIXe siècle." Nice, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001NICE0023.

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Abstract:
Le Saint-Siège de Rome s'est donné pour vocation de gouverner l'ensemble des chrétiens du monde. Il entendait donc unir à lui les Eglises orientales séparées, et en particulier l'Eglise arménienne autocéphale. A défaut d'avoir réussi, une partie des Arméniens s'est progressivement détachée de son Eglise d'origine pour former des communautés uniates, c'est-à-dire reconnaissant la juridiction papale. Ces Arméniens catholiques ont dû chercher à faire reconnaître leur spécificité institutionnelle, tant par l'Eglise arménienne non-unie que par les nombreux Etats sur les territoires desquels ils étaient établis, en Orient (Empire ottoman et Perse principalement) comme en Occident (Russie, Pologne, France, etc. ). La diplomatie française favorisa activement leur reconnaissance. Ils ont également dû lutter contre le Saint-Siège lui-même pour tenter de préserver certaines traditions institutionnelles contraires au droit canonique romain. Le nombre élevé d'autorités ecclésiastiques et d'Etats impliqués explique qu'à la veille de la Première Guerre mondiale, l'Eglise arménienne catholique était constituée d'une mosai͏̈que d'institutions indépendantes les unes des autres. La juridiction du Saint-Siège de Rome sur les Arméniens a donc soulevé des questions juridiques et institutionnelles, souvent liées à la conjoncture politique internationale, que nous proposons d'étudier.
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