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1
Pickford, Karen Lee. "The common soldier : military service and patriotism in the Roman republic." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610007.
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Donaldson, Adam E. "Peasant and Slave Rebellion in the Roman Republic." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/268576.
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In the second and first centuries BCE a series of three large-scale slave revolts erupted in Sicily and central Italy, each of which ravaged wide swathes of territory and were suppressed only after serious loss of life. These slave rebellions, which were unprecedented in Roman experience to that point, provoked horrified reactions from most ancient authors. Modern scholars have generally treated the late-Republican uprisings as isolated events, the unexpected consequence of military expansion. A focus on the label "slave," however, instead of on the social and economic roles of the specific rebels, has compartmentalized studies of the slave wars, allowing discussion only within the confines of Roman slavery studies. Since the rebel armies in each war were composed principally of agricultural laborers, a profitable comparison can be drawn from peasant uprisings and other manifestations of collective violence that occurred in throughout the Roman world. This study offers a new context for analyzing the slave wars, which re-integrates them into the broader sweep of Roman history and understands them as one manifestation of a broader pattern of social and cultural transformation.
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Longley, Georgina. "Polybius, Politeia, and history." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669801.
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Hastings, Ingrid. "The politics of public records at Rome in the late republic and early empire." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22489.
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Bibliography: pages 287-298.This study explores the relationship between political developments and the keeping of public records at Rome during a crucial time of transition in the inter-connected fields of constitutional law, politics, and administrative practices. The political value of control over records is illustrated in the Struggle of the Orders and remained a dominant issue. That knowledge is power was a reality implicitly recognised in the aristocratic constitution of the Republic, geared as it was to maintain popular political ignorance generally and so to perpetuate the dominance of a particular minority class. Throughout Republican history the question of exposure or repression of such knowledge was grounded in the socio-political tensions of a class-struggle. Translated into the changed setting of the early Principate, the same awareness of the value of control over access to state knowledge is exhibited by the emperor. Particularly relevant was the Augustan ban on the publication of senatorial proceedings, since the relationship between senate and emperor was an area where the increasingly autocratic nature of the emperor's position was most difficult to disguise.
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O'Braitis, Samuel. "Military Threat or Political Tool: An Examination of Mithridates VI Eupator of Pontus as a Threat to the Roman Republic from 88-63 B.C." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1230.
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This paper is an examination of how much of a military and diplomatic threat Mithridates VI Eupator of Pontus truly posed to the Roman Republic during the Mithridatic Wars from 88-63 BC. This question was posed due to the seeming disconnect between how Mithridates is portrayed in primary sources compared to the results of his military encounters with the Romans. This examination was performed with the use of numerous primary sources from the time period as well as secondary, scholarly sources pertaining to the motivations and actions of both Mithridates and contemporary Roman personages. The conclusion arrived at was that Mithridates was portrayed by Roman historians as being far more imposing than he truly was, which is supported by his lack of military success against the armies of Rome in their encounters. The reasons for his are Mithridates being used as a means for political ascension within the Roman social sphere by characters such as Sulla, Lucullus, and Pompey. Thus this paper examines how propaganda and political ambition can result in exaggerations and incomplete information being presented in historical accounts.
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McCarthy, Brendan James. "Going Viral in Ancient Rome: Spreading and Controlling Information in the Roman Republic." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1523555735651174.
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Tsirigotis, Theodoros. "Communal Authority and Individual Valorization in Republican Rome." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/743.
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In examining the end of the Roman Republic and the rise of the principate, one is inevitably struck by the transformation of the relationship between the individual and the community. Roman society during the Republic was predicated on the communal leadership of the elite and the recognition of excellence in individuals. In the days of the early and middle Republic, this individual recognition served as the vehicle to participation in communal authority, the prize for which aristocratic families competed. Communal authority was embodied in the Senate. The Senate not only acted as the supreme political body in the Roman state, but also acted as the moral and religious arbiter for society. This was in addition to their more easily foreseeable role as the face of the Roman state toward foreign peoples, both diplomatically and militarily. Heads of aristocratic families who were most often already part of the economic elite sought to secure membership within this smaller circle of political elite. Influence was sought in a variety of arenas, all with the purpose of proving one’s worthiness to be part of the administration of the state. Pursuit and possession of the traditional Roman virtues provided the foundation of legitimacy for oligarchic rule, and individual proof of virtue was necessary for inclusion within that rule. One of the chief spheres of proving one’s virtue was war, where martial valor eclipsed all other virtues, and courage on the battlefield and excellence in command proved one’s worthiness to inclusion in communal authority. However, as the Republic found itself facing every more frequent and threatening crises, it increasingly turned to its men of ability, investing them with ever greater license, and permitting, or at least having no choice but to permit, ever greater concentration of state power in the hands of individuals. These men of ambition and ability took advantage of Rome’s changing polity and the professionalization of its military under the reforms of Marius to circumvent traditional avenues of advancement in favor of more direct approaches. Each looked to the man behind him as precedent and to the future as chance for even greater glory. Eventually, Caesar took power at the head of an intensely loyal military force, ready to enforce by force of arms any protests in the name of tradition. Though ultimately assassinated, Caesar’s dictatorship marked the end of Republican Rome and the rise of the principate, defined by an inversion of the traditional relationship between the community and the individual. Now it was the Senate which sought political participation within the overarching framework of individual authority.
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Young, Lesa A. "The roles of patrician and plebeian women in their religion in the Republic of Rome." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2002. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0717102-100824/unrestricted/YoungL073102.pdf.
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Temelini, Mark A. "Cicero's concordia : the promotion of a political concept in the late Roman republic." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38422.
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The aim of this dissertation is to explain the meaning of concordia surveying the historical context in which it emerged. The thesis concentrates on the period 63--43 B.C. because it is in this crucial period that the concept achieves its most articulate and influential defence by the Roman orator, statesman, and philosopher, Marcus Tullius Cicero. My intention is to review the important writings and speeches of Cicero and to situate them in the political struggles in which he was implicated.By placing the concept of concordia in this political context, a clearer picture emerges than is available in the current literature about how Cicero promoted, defended, and skillfully redefined the concept of concordia in order to achieve his political aims. What emerges are three identifiable meanings of the concept of concordia . The first is the longstanding conventional Roman republican idea of concordia as unity, friendship, and agreement. The second is what Cicero called the concordia ordinum, an innovative idea of concordia as a harmony or coalition of the two Roman orders of the senate and equites. The third is the idea of concordia as a consensus omnium bonorum---what Cicero called concordia civium or concordia civitatis . This idea represents an important shift in the thinking of the Roman orator who began to see the survival of the republic as depending on a consensus that went beyond the coalition of the senate and equites.
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Browne, Eleanor. "Cato the Censor and the creation of a paternal paradigm." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:91509829-2305-4a3c-96fb-31cecd71f394.
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This thesis analyses the relationship between Marcus Porcius Cato Censorius and his eldest son, Marcus Porcius Cato Licinianus, considering its importance for Cato's public image and political career, investigating its place within some of the central cultural debates of the 2nd century BC, and looking at the impact which this relationship had upon received impressions of Cato the Censor as presented by later Latin authors. This is done primarily through the examination of the written works which Cato addressed to Licinianus, the extant fragments of which are presented here, with a translation and commentary, in the first modern edition to treat these texts as a unified project. The subsequent sections of this thesis set the works which Cato addressed to his son within the context of the general cultural debate and individual political competition which engaged Rome's ruling elite during this period; Cato's adoption of a paternal persona within these works is related to the character's popular appeal in the military sphere and on the comic stage; and the didactic pose and agricultural instruction featured in these texts is used to illuminate some of the challenges posed to Cato's successful performance of his duties as censor. A final section considers the reappropriation of Cato's relationship with his son as found in the De officiis of Cicero, the Institutio oratoria of Quintilian, and the anonymous Disticha Catonis. This thesis suggests that the Censor's relationship with his son, and the works which he addressed to the young man, played a more significant part in Cato's public image and political career than has hitherto been acknowledged. These texts illuminate some of the finer points of Cato's clever political strategy and they offer fresh insight into the popular culture and elite competition of the period in which he lived. The relative importance of this relationship within Cato's public life helps to explain the popularity of later images of the Censor as a paternal and educational figure and offers us a better understanding of modern conceptions of Cato.
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Bendlin, Andreas E. "Social complexity and religion at Rome in the second and first centuries BCE." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5591ee29-9497-4a1a-a1f2-9bbc56af7879.
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This thesis studies the religious system of the city of Rome and its immediate hinterland from the end of the Second Punic War to the emergence of autocratic rule shortly before the turn of the millennium. The Romans lacked a separate word for 'religion'. Scholars therefore hold that modern notions of religion, due to their Christianizing assumptions, cannot be applied to Roman religion, which consisted in public and social religious observance rather than in individual spirituality. The first chapter argues that Roman religion can be conceptualized as a system of social religious behaviour and individual motivational processes. A comparative definition of 'religion', which transcends Christianizing assumptions, is proposed to support this argument. In chapter two, modern interpretations of Roman religion, which view Republican religion as a 'closed system' in which religion is undifferentiated from politics and from public life, are criticized. It is argued that these interpretations start from unwarranted preconceptions concerning the interrelation of religion and society. Instead, I suggest that we should apply the model of an 'open system': the religious system at Rome was interrelated with its environment, but at the same time it could be conceptualized as being differentiated from other realms of social activity at Rome. Chapter three refutes the view that the identity of religion at Rome can be described by models of political or cultural identity. Instead, religious communication in Late Republican Rome was characterized by contextual rather than by substantive meanings. The fluidity of religious meaning in Late Republican Rome, a metropolis of nearly 1,000,000 inhabitants, implies that normative definitions of the constituents of Roman religion fail to convince. In relation to coloniae and municipia it is attempted to show that the religious system of Rome, a local religion geared to the physical city and its immediate hinterland, was not capable of becoming a universal religion. In the fourth chapter, the parameters organizing Roman religion are discussed. My thesis is that Roman religion in the Late Republic was decentralized in that religious authority was diffused and religious responsibilities were divided. In the city of Rome, there existed a market of religious alternatives, which was characterized by the compatibility of different deities and cults in a polytheistic context.
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Swithinbank, Hannah J. "Talking politics : constructing the res publica after Caesar’s assassination." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/910.
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The nature of the Republican constitution has been much contested by scholars studying the history of the Roman Republic. In considering the problems of the late Republic, the nature of the constitution is an important question, for if we do not understand what the constitution was, how can we explain Rome’s transition from ‘Republic’ to ‘Empire’? Such a question is particularly pertinent when looking at events at Rome following the assassination of Caesar, as we try to understand why it was that the Republic, as we understand it as a polity without a sole ruler, was not restored. This thesis examines the Roman understanding of the constitution in the aftermath of Caesar’s death and argues that for the Romans the constitution was a contested entity, its proper nature debated and fought over, and that this contest led to conflict on the political stage, becoming a key factor in the failure to restore the Republic and the establishment of the Second Triumvirate. The thesis proposes a new methodology for the examination of the constitution, employing modern critical theories of discourse and the formation of knowledge to establish and analyse the Roman constitution as a discursive entity: interpreted, contested and established through discourse. I argue that the Roman knowledge of the proper nature of the constitution of the res publica had fractured by the time of Caesar’s death and that this fracturing led to multiple understandings of the constitution. In this thesis I describe the state of Rome in 44-43 B.C. to reveal these multiple understandings of the constitution, and undertake an analysis of the discourse of Cicero and Sallust after 44 B.C. in order to describe the way in which different understandings of the constitution were formulated and expressed. Through this examination this thesis shows that the expression and interrelation of these multiple understandings in Roman political discourse made arrival at a unified agreement on a common course of action all but impossible and that this combined with the volatile atmosphere at Rome after Caesar’s death played a major role in Rome’s slide towards civil war and the eventual establishment of a different political system.
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Sillett, Andrew James. "A learned man and a patriot : the reception of Cicero in the early imperial period." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a5463abd-1626-4331-9393-00282c4bcff7.
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This thesis is a literary study of how the life and works of Marcus Tullius Cicero were received in the century that followed his death. There are two ways of understanding the importance of such a study: the first is to think of it as a vital first step in assessing Cicero's impact on European thought and literature; the second is to see it as a study of how the people of early imperial Rome interacted with their Republican past. In order to provide a broad overview of this subject, I have chosen to focus on three separate areas of imperial literature which together provide a representative snapshot of Roman literary activity in this period. The period in question is essentially an extended Augustan age: beginning with Cicero's death ending in the reign of Tiberius. The first area of imperial literature under consideration is historiography. This section begins with a consideration of Sallust's decision to downplay Cicero's role in defeating the Catilinarian Conspiracy, ultimately concluding that this is authorial posturing on Sallust's part, a reflection of Cicero's importance in the years immediately following his death. This is followed by a chapter on the presence of Ciceronian allusions in Livy, arguing that they were a key means by which he enriched his narrative of the Hannibalic war. It concludes with two chapters on historiographical descriptions of Cicero's death, noting that these treatments become markedly more hagiographic the further one progresses into Tiberius' Principate. The second area under consideration is rhetoric, specifically focussing on the prominence of the declamation hall in this era. The three chapters in this section study the testimony of Valerius Maximus and Seneca the Elder, both of whom bear witness to Cicero's fundamental importance to this institution. The section concludes that the world of declamation was the prime motor for the hagiographic treatments of Cicero that was noted in the later historical accounts of his death. The third and final section considers the poetry of the Augustan era, demonstrating that a process of declining sophistication is not the whole story in Cicero's reception. By looking at Virgil and Ovid's intertextual relationships with Cicero, this section demonstrates that he was a rich source of inspiration for some of the ancient world's most erudite authors.
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Bispham, Edward. "From Asculum to Actium : the municipalization of Italy from the Social War to Augustus /." Oxford [u.a.] : Oxford Univ. Press, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=018719044&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Mahy, Trevor Bryan. "After the daggers : politics and persuasion after the assassination of Caesar." Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/928.
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Mészáros, Alexis. "Construire la première république romaine : (VIe-IIIe siècles avant Jésus-Christ)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA01H081.
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La première république romaine (509-218 av. J.-C.) ne correspond pas à un régime politique particulier mais à une construction historiographique amorcée à partir du IIe s. av. J.- C. Les ressorts institutionnels des trois premiers siècles de la République étaient déjà incompréhensibles des Romains eux-mêmes. L’histoire de cette période servit plutôt à créer ou à faire disparaître des précédents, afin de légaliser ou non une action. Les événements lus par les historiens modernes sont le produit de strates historiographiques (des historiens grecs du IIIe s. av. J.-C. aux éditeurs des XIXe et XXe s.) et de logiques propres à chaque strate qui permettent d’élaborer un récit cohérent. L’étude comporte une analyse détaillée de ces strates. Elle propose une méthode d’analyse de la première république appliquée notamment à la construction de la dictature, magistrature emblématique de la République romaineThe first roman republic (509-218 B.C.) is not a specific regime but a historiographical elaboration beginning in the Second Century B.C. For the Romans themselves, the real operation of the institutions were lost for the first three centuries of the Republic. The history of this time was rather used to create or delete constitutionnal precedents in order to legalize (or not) some later behaviours. Events read by modern scholars are the product of historiographical stratums (from the Greek historians in the 3rd Century B.C. to the editors of the 19th and 20th centuries) and logics present in each stratum in order to elaborate a consistent story. The study includes a detailed analysis of these stratums and proposed a new method to analyze the first republic. This method is especially applied to the construction of dictatorship, typical magistrature of the Roman Republic
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Tunnicliffe, John Neil. "The Italian involvement in Greece from the third century to 167 BC." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e5e90053-2a95-445a-bd58-2d535e5d090a.
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The thesis begins with the question of who were those who appealed to Rome in 230 to provide the pretext for the First Illyrian War. This is followed by an analysis of the mechanics of trade and travel to Greece, and the conditions to be encountered there; also of the honorific inscriptions which provide much of the evidence for the presence. This evidence is then assessed for Delphi, the sanctuaries of Asklepios, Aitolia and other less cohesive presences. The conclusions are in terms of Rome's dealings with Greece up to and including the First Illyrian War, as affected by her allies' presence in Greece. There follows an excursus on the development of early Latin literature, its motivations, themes and relevance in historical context. The period of the Second Punic War is then analysed to see if and how traffic continued to frequent Greece, and how Rome's policy developed from the stance which she had taken in 230. This leads to a consideration of the causes of the Second Makedonian War, and of the differing policies of Flamininus and Scipio Africanus as revealed by their honours, dedications and letters in Greece. The subsequent Italian presence in Delphi, Thessaly, Aitolia, Thrace, the Aigæian, Boiotia and elsewhere is then assessed in its historical context. There is then a broad overview of the presence on Delos throughout the period, with the emphasis on the Syro-Aitolian War and the freeing of the port in 166.
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Gohary, Laurent. "Interregnum : le partage du corps souverain et la naissance de la Libera Res Publica." Phd thesis, Université Paris-Sorbonne - Paris IV, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00720013.
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Les institutions de la République romaine (509-27 av. J. C.) prévoyaient théoriquement que les magistratures électives et annuelles ne devaient jamais être vacantes. Ce principe juridique fondamental avait pour conséquence une continuité dans la détention du pouvoir exécutif qui reposait sur le ius, les auspicia et l'imperium. Cependant, il arriva à maintes reprises que les magistratures supérieures - consulat, tribunat militaire à pouvoir consulaire - fussent suspendues en raison soit d'entrave à la tenue des comices électoraux soit de scrupules religieux entraînant l'expiation rituelle et la renouatio auspiciorum. La légitimité et la légalité de la solution à la vacance du pouvoir exécutif reposait alors sur les patres auctores, détenteurs de l'auspicia patrum. Le rite de l'interregnum, procédure juridique archaïque, était l'émanation la plus claire de cette auctoritas patrum, apanage exclusif des sénateurs patriciens. Les vénérables pères, descendants des plus illustres familles de Rome, étaient les seuls à même de remédier à la vacance des magistratures par ce rite qui remontait, d'après la tradition, à l'époque royale latino-sabine et renvoyait au mythe bien connu du démembrement et de l'apothéose de Romulus. Le partage du corps souverain constitue à ce titre un symbole fondamental pour la représentation de l'auctoritas patrum et de la magistrature républicaine dont il serait peut-être vain de rechercher l'historicité. L'objet de cette étude est donc d'analyser la fort ancienne institution de l'interregnum qui, comme bien d'autres, était caractérisée par un passage progressif du sacral au juridique. Le droit public prévoit dans tout système institutionnel des recours d'exception révélant la représentation psychologique du pouvoir souverain. Rome n'échappe pas à la règle voire même elle put, d'une certaine façon, l'inventer.
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Burgess, Richard W. "Hydatius : a late Roman chronicler in post-Roman Spain : an historiographical study and new critical edition of the chronicle." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:82b53777-b0d6-4720-bda9-4207d9bfa313.
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Late Roman chronicles are little studied and greatly misunderstood. The purpose of this dissertation is to treat a Late Roman chronicler, Hydatius, as a living, breathing person and to use the chronicle as a means of revealing this individual: his beliefs, his interests, his fears, his attitudes, his view of the Empire, and his abilities as an historian. Hydatius was a bishop in Gallaecia, writing in 468-9 amidst the Suevic depredations of Spain. As a result he is a unique source in that he is the earliest extant historian who wrote in a post- Roman (i.e. Mediaeval) world. His chronicle is the only detailed source for Spanish history in the fifth century and the only detailed source written about the fifth-century barbarian invasions and settlements. Though extremely isolated he had remarkable contacts with the outside world and his chronicle is a unique source for much non- Spanish information. It is also one of the most personal of all the Late Antique chronicles and therefore an excellent gateway for an examination of the Late Roman world as seen through the eyes of a contemporary. For these reasons, Hydatius' vivid and often emotive account of the sufferings of Gallaecia at the hands of the Sueves and Goths, framed by the parallel military, religious and imperial history of the Eastern and Western empires and set within the eschatological context of the imminent Apocalypse, deserves detailed study. The production of a new critical edition, based on only the third, complete, first-hand examination of the sole major manuscript (B) since 1615 and the first produced from all known manuscript evidence, complete with apparatuses on the manuscripts, chronology and orthography, was necessitated by the perverse Sources chrétiennes edition of 1974 and the discovery of new evidence from a careful study of manuscript B.
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Kennedy, Jérôme. "Une "République impériale" en mutation : pensée politique, institutions et société romaine de l'époque de Sylla (138-78 av. n. è.) à la fin du Ier siècle de n. è." Thesis, Lille 3, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LIL3H021.
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Quiconque a déjà vu Gladiator de Ridley Scott a pu observer Joaquin Phoenix incarner un bien cruel empereur Commode, maître des armes et détenteur d’un pouvoir absolu, qui, isolé dans son palais, peut décider de la vie et de la mort de ses sujets. Mais il a également pu voir Derek Jacobi jouer le sénateur Gracchus, farouche partisan de la res publica (notion qui, dans ce contexte, prend le sens de République), système politique qui existait avant que ne soit créé le pouvoir des empereurs. Ce clivage politique entre pouvoir personnel et exercice collégial du gouvernement ne correspond en rien à la réalité historique propre à l’époque du dernier des Antonins, mais il est assurément le reflet de ce que l’imaginaire commun a pu retenir de cette période de l’Antiquité. Cette approche duale et contradictoire du pouvoir politique romain n’est pas une invention des Modernes. Elle peut renvoyer, certes de manière très schématique, à la période qui, du Ier siècle avant notre ère au Ier siècle de notre ère, voit émerger non pas un changement de régime mais un entre-deux politique, entre démocratie et monarchie, où le pouvoir impérial fondé par Auguste au tournant de notre ère fait sienne toute une culture nobiliaire du pouvoir tout en développant un contact et une réelle interaction avec le populus de Rome et, plus largement les habitants de l’imperium Romanum. C’est à cela même que renvoie la notion de « République impériale » romaine. Le recours à ce concept peut paraître surprenant puisqu’il a surtout été utilisé par des historiens de l’époque contemporaine, que l’on songe à Raymond Aron ou Olivier Le cour Grandmaison mais il permet de rendre compte des nuances propres à cette période où, pour paraphraser le philosophe Cicéron, des individus ont bénéficié « d’un pouvoir supérieur à celui de l’État tout entier » sans pour autant que les structures de celui-ci ne soient brutalement remises en cause. Complexe à définir et tout à fait spécifique, cet entre-deux ne peut être compris que dans une dynamique de mutation, ses structures militaires, économiques, politiques et, pour reprendre un terme actuel bien qu’inadapté, idéologiques évoluant à mesure que se renforce l’administration du « monde romain » - qui s’étend sur une partie de l’Europe, de l’Asie et de l’Afrique - mais aussi que les habitants de cet ensemble ne s’habituent au pouvoir personnel. En prenant appui sur les acquis récents de l’historiographie tout autant que sur les controverses qui lui sont propres (citons à titre d’exemple l’opposition de vue entre Fergus Millar et Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp à propos de la nature démocratique et/ou aristocratique de la res publica romaine), la présente enquête entend renouveler la perception de cadres chronologiques souvent réduits à une succession République/Empire afin de percevoir au mieux les modalités d’enracinement d’un pouvoir personnel et centralisé au sein d’un « monde romain », dont la capitale continue d’être pensée comme une cité où le pouvoir s’incarne aux travers de magistratures et de l’ordre sénatorial. Ancrée dans le champ politique et institutionnel, cette réflexion ne peut faire abstraction des apports qui sont ceux de la sociologie mais aussi de la science politique, y compris dans ses aspects les plus récents, afin de saisir comment un système politique peut profondément évoluer sans pour autant changer brutalement, soit un questionnement très actuel à l’heure où le modèle démocratique tel que forgé au sortir de la Seconde Guerre mondiale tend à être remis en causeAnyone who has ever seen Gladiator by Ridley Scott has watched Joaquin Phoenix embody a cruel emperor Commodus, a military and all-powerful leader, who, all by himself in his palace, can decide of life and death among his subjects. But they could also see Derek Jacobi play senator Gracchus, fierce partisan of the res publica (a notion which, in this context, means Republic), a political system which existed before the power of emperors was created. This political division between personal power and collective governing does not match the historical reality of the era of the last of the Antonine emperors, but it shows what people could remember of this era of Antiquity. This dual and contradictory vision of Roman political power is not a recent idea. It can refer - certainly in an oversimplified way - to the period when, from the first century BC to the first century AD, there appeared something different from a simple change of regime, a political in-between system - between democracy and monarchy - in which the imperial power created by Augustus at the start of our era integrates the aristocratic culture while developing a contact and a real interaction with the people of Rome and more generally speaking the inhabitants of the imperium Romanum. This is what is referred to by the notion of Roman « imperial Republic ». Referring to this concept may be surprising as it has essentially been used by the contemporary historians, whether it be Raymond Aron or Olivier Le cour Grandmaison ; yet it enables to bring out the subtler points of this period when, to paraphrase Cicero, some individuals benefited from « a power superior to that of the whole state » without strongly questioning the structures of that State. This political phase is really specific and thus hard to define ; it can only be understood in a dynamic of change, its military, economic, political and - to use a current term - ideological structures evolving as the administration of the Roman world - which is spread on Europe, Asia and Africa - gets stronger, but also as the inhabitants of this Empire get used to personal power. While relying on the recent studies of historiography as much as its controverses (one can quote the opposed opinions of Fergus Millar and Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp concerning the democratic and/or aristocratic nature of the Roman res publica), this study aims at casting a new light on the perception of chronological frameworks often reduced to a succession of Republic/Empire in order to understand how a personal power centralised in a « Roman world », is rooted in a world whose capital is still considered as a city where power is embodied by magistracies and senatorial order. Rooted in the political and institutional fields, this work cannot leave aside the contribution of sociological and political sciences, including their most recent aspects, so as to understand the way a political system can deeply evolve without changing brutally, which is a current issue at a time when the democratic model as forged at the end of the Second World war tends to be questioned
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Penman, Jill Diana. "Spolia and Spectacle: Art Collecting Culture in Late Republican Rome." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/702.
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This thesis looks at the evolution of art collection in the middle to late Roman Republic. Through the examination of military triumphs, manubial structures, and the sculpture collection of the Villa of the Papyri in Herculaneum, this paper investigates the social motivations for art collection. Art’s role in Roman society as both spolia and luxuria is discussed through use of ancient literary sources and archaeological evidence. The evolving role of collection is considered as an expression of national and social identity in a politically changing Rome.
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Neumuller, Nadège. "Varron et les beaux-arts : architecture, sculpture, peinture." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012STRAC047.
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La thèse de doctorat est consacrée aux aspects afférents à l’art dans l’œuvre de Marcus Terentius Varro, encyclopédiste romain du premier siècle avant notre ère. Son œuvre, en partie conservée, en partie réduite à l’état de fragments, a été transmise notamment par Pline l’Ancien, Aulu-Gelle et différents grammairiens romains. En guise de propédeutique, un développement sur un ouvrage de Varron, les 'Disciplinarum Libri', est proposé, situant les arts libéraux dans un cadre philosophique, suivi de la genèse de la critique d’art varronienne, remontant à Platon et Aristote ainsi qu’à Xénocrate d’Athènes. En parallèle, les conceptions artistiques de Cicéron, contemporain de Varron, sont présentées. S’ensuit une partie consacrée à l’architecture qui s’intéresse aux demeures des hommes, puis aux demeures des dieux. Un excursus se focalise sur la 'uilla' de Varron à Casinum ainsi que sur son tombeau. Dans la partie suivante sont présentés les regards du Réatin sur les sculpteurs grecs et hellénistiques, puis sur ceux de son temps, chacun faisant l’objet d’un développement particulier. La même approche est ensuite employée au sujet de la peinture, proposant des notices individuelles sur les peintres grecs et romains et offrant des prolongements par le biais de l’étude d’une Satire Ménippée particulièrement liée au sujet de la thèse ainsi que par l’analyse de l’œuvre qui a offert à Varron un terrain privilégié pour exprimer ses jugements de critique d’art : le 'De imaginibus'. Une ample synthèse conclusive expose les influences exercées par les opinions et les écrits d’un Varron aux goûts esthétiques marqués d’éclectisme, appréciant des œuvres du passé et du présent, figurant des dieux et des hommes, des paysages et des objets, avec toutefois une préférence marquée pour le classicisme et la tradition. Enfin, un développement final envisage la question de l’influence des écrits varroniens relatifs aux arts sur le classicisme augustéen ainsi que sur la politique de restauration conduite par le vainqueur d’ActiumThis thesis is devoted to aspects related to art in the work of Marcus Terentius Varro, a Roman encyclopedist from the first century BCE. His work, partly preserved, partly reduced to fragments, was passed on namely by Pliny the Elder, Aulus Gellius, and various Roman grammarians. The first part will emphasize on one of Varro’s works, the 'Disciplinarum Libri', in order to situate liberal arts in a philosophical framework, and on the genesis of varronian art criticism, dating back to Plato and Aristotle as well as Xenocrates of Athens. In parallel the artistic concepts of Cicero, contemporary with Varro, are presented. This section is followed by one dedicated to architecture, relating to men’s dwellings, and the homes of the gods. An excursus focuses on the villa of Varro in Casinum and on his tomb. In the next section, the views of the Reatinian on Greek and Hellenistic sculptors as well as the ones of his era are presented, each being subject of a particular development. The same approach is then applied on painting, offering individual notes on the Greek and Roman painters. Extensions are brought through the study of a Menippean Satire which is particularly related to the topic of the thesis, and by the analysis of 'De imaginibus', the work which gave Varro a fertile ground for expressing judgments of art criticism. A thorough conclusive synthesis exposes the influences exerted by the opinions and writings of Varro, whose aesthetic tastes can be described as eclectic. He enjoyed the works of past and present, depicting gods and men, landscapes and objects, but kept a marked preference for classicism and tradition. A final development considers the question of the influence of art-related varronian writings on Augustan classicism, and considers the restoration policy led by the victor of Actium
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HERNANDEZ, DAVID RAY. "STUDIES IN ROMAN REPUBLICAN TOPOGRAPHY: THE SERVIAN WALL AND THE PORTA TRIUMPHALIS." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1077839141.
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Serrati, John. "Sicily and the imperialism of Mid-Republican Rome (289-191 BC)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11102.
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This thesis will use Sicily as a microcosm to illustrate the imperialism of mid-Republican Rome, in particular in the western Mediterranean. Here, Rome received tangible benefits from occupying the places they conquered, as opposed to the east, where subjugation brought with it few short term benefits other than movable plunder. In Sicily, the revenue of occupation was grain, specifically grain for the Roman army. The second. aim of the thesis is to demonstrate the process of Roman administrative imperialism in Sicily; that Roman control and administration expanded as the island became more important as a source of military provisions. That Sicily became not just the granary of Italy, but also of the Roman legions, was not a result of the Roman conquest or of the later administration that was put into place. Instead, the reverse is true; Roman government on Sicily was a byproduct of the fact that the island provided Rome with the means to make war.
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Lundgreen, Christoph. "Regelkonflikte in Rom : Geltung und Gewichtung von Normen in der römischen Republik." Paris, EPHE, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EPHE4023.
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L'élément central de cette étude tient dans le concept de conflit de règles dans la République romaine et se penche sur les quatre champs de recherche suivants : les élections, la distribution des provinces, les règles religieuses et enfin l'octroi du triomphe. Ce travail se base sur une approche théorique des règles et montre qu'à Rome, les normes ne peuvent être considérées comme des règles fixes, mais bien plus comme des principes flexibles. La continuelle valorisation de ces principes et d'ailleurs l'ensemble des discussions sur les normes en vigueur à Rome se font au Sénat qui occupe ainsi un puissant rôle d’arbitrage. Cependant, si l'on prend en considération la force normative des décisions des assemblées populaires, tout comme le rôle du pater familias ou encore les très particuliers règles religieuses, on en conclue qu'il ne peut être question d'une hiérarchie de normes ou d'institutions, mais plutôt d'une coexistence de sphères differentes de validité. Celles-ci ont comme conséquence une grande flexibilité mais peuvent engendrer de nombreux mécanismes d'obstruction. Seul le grand consensus des décisionnaires evite des situations de blocage. C’est la bataille de Cannae qui constitue un tournant. En effet, les fortes pertes humaines entraînent la formation d’une nouvelle élite dont la socialisation a pour conséquence une positivation et ainsi une plus forte rigidité des normes : il y a de plus en plus de règles et de moins en moins de décisions sont prises cas par cas. Bien que ce développement permette de conserver la stabilité politique, il implique, à long terme, un affaiblissement important du rôle du Sénat qui perd de sa capacité d'action discrétionnaireThe key element in this study is the concept of conflicting rules in the Roman Republic. The study focusses on four major institutions: elections, allocation of provinces by lot, religion-related norms and the awarding of triumphs. Drawing on a theory-based approach to the concept of rules, it will be argued that the majority of norms in Rome are not to be understood as strict rules but rather as flexible principles, thus necessitating constant consideration and evaluation. This process of discussion and subsequent decision took place above all in the Senate, which in due course acted as a powerful arbitrator. Given the enormous normative power of the latest relevant vote of a Roman assembly on the one hand, and of religion-related norms on the other hand, one can, however, neither speak of a hierarchy of norms nor of a hierarchy of institutions. Instead, different spheres of norms and validity emerge, which create a situation where decisions can only be made based on a broad consensus and where the risk of a political stalemate always prevails. Because of the formation of a new elite in the wake of the devastating loss at Cannae, when new men entered the senate on a large scale, the emergence of this elite was enhanced by means of legislation, which transformed custom and implicit norms into regulations which were explicit but also more rigid. More and more rules were followed and complied with, less was decided case by case. Although this development led to success in terms of stability and further expansion, it turned out to be fatal in the long run for the Senate as the decision-making institution, which lost its position as the arbitrator in cases of conflicts
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Frey, Joshua Caleb. "Courage, Patriotism, Liberty, and Greatness: The political teachings of Shakespeare's Rome." Ashland University Ashbrook Undergraduate Theses / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=auashbrook1493826530278054.
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Blandenet, Maëlys. "Rusticus Romanus : recherches sur les représentations du paysan dans la littérature latine républicaine." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040063.
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Ce travail porte sur les représentations des campagnards et des paysans dans les mentalités des Romains de l’époque républicaine, en se fondant sur l’étude de textes littéraires. Dans l’ensemble des œuvres latines de Plaute à Virgile, les ruraux donnent lieu à des images multiples et contradictoires, passant tantôt pour des rustres ridicules, tantôt pour des citoyens modèles. Nous montrons comment, malgré une telle diversité, ces représentations engagent une vision d’ensemble cohérente, liée à différentes conceptions de l’identité romaine. Une étude préalable du champ lexicographique couvrant les différentes dénominations de l’habitant des campagnes et une mise au point historiographique soulignent la place essentielle qu’occupaient encore les ruraux dans la vie sociale, économique et politique de l’Vrbs aux deux derniers siècles de la République. Il apparaît ensuite que le stéréotype du rustre, susceptible d’être analysé en termes de marqueurs, constitue un véritable type théâtral dans la Néa, lequel influence d’autres textes où son utilisation dans l’invective se mêle parfois à un discours métatextuel. Car le rusticus ridicule, bien que constitué en contre-modèle de comportement, est paradoxalement associé à une identité romaine mise en débat. C’est elle qui entre aussi en jeu dans les discours des agronomes faisant l’éloge de la ruralité. Le stéréotype du bonus agricola, incarnation d’un mos maiorum rural, renvoie à des représentations collectives et à une valorisation axiologique de l’activité agricole – distincte du travail physique et de l’élevage – autant qu’à des prises de position idéologiques personnelles en faveur de la rusticitasBased on the study of literature, this work deals with the representations of the countrymen and peasants in the mentalities of Romans in the Republican era. In all the Latin books from Plautus to Virgil, the countrymen are depicted trough multiple and contradictory images, in which they are made out to be either ridiculous uncouth people or model, ideal citizens. We show that, in spite of such a diversity, these representations reveal a coherent global vision of the peasantry which is linked to different conceptions of Roman identity. A preliminary study of the lexicography encompassing the various denominations of the countryside inhabitants and a historiographical focus underline the essential place that the rural still had in the social, economic and political life of the Vrbs in the last two centuries of the Republic. It then comes out that the stereotype of the uncouth man, which could be analysed in terms of “markers”, is in the Nea a real theatrical type. These type influences other texts, in which it is used for the invective, sometimes mixed to a metatextual speech. Indeed, even if the ridiculous rusticus is a counter-model of behaviour, he is paradoxically associated to a debatable Roman identity, which also comes into play in the agronomists’ speeches praising rurality. The bonus agricola stereotype embodying a rural mos maiorum, points out to collective representations and to an axiological valorisation of the agricultural activity – unlike physical work or breeding – as much as to personal ideological stances favouring rusticitas
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Stouder, Ghislaine. "La diplomatie romaine : histoire et représentations (396-264 avant J.-C.)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX10146.
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La diplomatie romaine de l’époque médio-républicaine (396-264 avant J.-C.), c’est-à-dire au moment de la conquête de l’Italie, est connue essentiellement à travers les sources littéraires. Pour autant, il n’existe pas dans ces textes, un terme servant à désigner l’activité diplomatique. Afin de cerner un phénomène auquel ne correspond aucun terme antique, il faut donc revenir au regard des historiens modernes, des Byzantins et des historiens antiques. On constate ainsi que l’identité romaine est au cœur des enjeux diplomatiques, dans la manière dont elle fut reconstruite. L’histoire diplomatique de la période ne démontre pas autre chose : les Romains de cette époque eurent parfaitement conscience de la manière dont ils devaient se représenter aux yeux de leurs interlocuteurs, à savoir comme des Grecs, avant d’affirmer une identité plus particulièrement romaine. Enfin, l’histoire de la diplomatie ou, pour le dire autrement, de ses pratiques montre que les Romains cherchèrent à forger une identité aux yeux des autres autant que d’eux-mêmes. À une époque de changements et d’évolutions des institutions romaines, en adéquation avec les nouvelles frontières de l’imperium, les modes de gestion de la prise de décision entre l’extérieur et l’intérieur, entre le centre et la périphérie de l’hégémonie romaine, le protocole même de réception à Rome ainsi que la constitution d’un espace diplomatique, la figure de l’ambassadeur enfin, du fetialis au legatus, constituent autant d’éléments qui participèrent de l’affirmation d’une identité civique romaineThe Roman diplomacy during the medio-republican period (396-264 B.C.), that is to say while Romans were conquering Italy, is mostly known through litterary sources. Nevertheless, there is no word, in this documentation, to name diplomatic activity. In order to define a phenomenon without specific ancient terminology, we have to successively look at the way modern historians, Byzantine scholars and ancient historians understand it. We thus discover that roman identity is a central issue in diplomacy and in the way it was written. The diplomatic history of the period points out the same conclusions : Romans, in that time, were perfectly conscious of the importance of the way they do represent themselves to strangers. They first wanted to be considered as Greeks, before they begun to make up a more specific Roman identity. Lastly, the history of diplomacy or, more exactly, of diplomatic practices, shows that Romans desired to make up an identity for the others as for themselves. At a time of changes and evolutions in the Roman institutions, partially due to the new boundaries of the imperium, the way the Romans provide to decision-making, between inside and outside, between the center and the periphery of Roman hegemony, the formalities linked to reception at Rome as the constitution of a diplomatic space in Rome, finally the figure of the ambassador, from the fetialis to the legatus, contribute in different ways to the assertion of a Roman civic identity
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Moleko, Teboho Banele. "A critical analysis of the role of coltan in the Eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo’s second war (1998-2003)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017864.
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The role of natural resources in African conflicts has been subject to extensive scholarly analysis. However, much of this analysis has taken a narrow economic reductionist bias. As such, it is imperative that the dominant assumptions and accepted concepts and theories about the role of natural resources in African conflicts be re-examined. The aim of this thesis is to offer a revaluation of the role of coltan during the Democratic Republic of Congo’s (DRC) Second War (1998-2003) through a critical engagement with the resource wars literature. The purpose is to offer a re-reading of the role of coltan in the DRC Second War and the broader regional and global economic context in which this conflict took place. It rejects the commonly cited assumption that the presence of coltan in the DRC means it is an initiator of conflict. Rather, this thesis argues that the central role of coltan in the DRC Second War was as an aggravator of conflict in that its exploitation was used by different parties to fund their military and political ambitions. This thesis also argues that the DRC’s weak state structures and pivotal role within the Great Lakes region, as well as the international trade of coltan and the nature of the DRC coltan mining industry are all key factors in understanding coltan exploitation in the country’s Eastern Region during the Second War.
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Augier, Bertrand. "Homines militares : les officiers dans les armées romaines au temps des guerres civiles (49-31 a.C.)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100178.
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Lors de la période de guerres civiles (49-31 a.C.) qui marqua la fin de la République, les armées, guidées par des imperatores rivaux, jouèrent un rôle central sur la scène politique romaine. Notre étude s’est portée sur l’encadrement des armées dans cette période. Comme dans toute armée, l’obéissance, la discipline voire le dévouement des troupes étaient assurés par des cadres militaires que l’on pourrait qualifier d’officiers, préfets, tribuns militaires, questeurs et légats. On a créé une base de données recensant l’ensemble des conduites individuelles de ces cadres des armées tardo-républicaines. On s’est livré d’abord à une analyse de la position institutionnelle de ces personnages, de leurs fonctions et de la chaîne de commandement dans laquelle ils s’inséraient. On a ensuite examiné les compétences et la formation de ces personnages, qui ne connurent pas de professionnalisation et n’étaient pas des techniciens. Enfin, le rôle politique de ces officiers qui étaient des partisans politiques des imperatores, a fait l’objet d’un examen d’ensembleDuring the Civil Wars which marked the end of the Republican Period in Rome, armies, led by rival imperatores, were important actors of the Roman political scene. This study is about the military cadres during this period. As in any army, obedience, discipline and loyalty were based on the action of military cadres, who can be considered as officers, such as prefects, military tribunes, quaestors and legates. I have created a database, grouping the whole individual actions of these military cadres in late-republican armies. First, I have made an analysis of the institutional positions of these officers, I have studied their functions, and the command chain they were part of. Then, I have studied the competences and the military formation of these individuals, who were not professionals nor technicians. Finally, the political role of these officers, who were kinsmen of the great imperatores, is analysed
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STRASBAUGH, CHRIS. "CALL TO ACTION: THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS PAINTING IN UTRECHT'S GOLDEN AGE (1590-1640)." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1177423292.
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Rossi, Lucia. "D'Alexandrie à Pouzzoles : les rapports économiques entre l'Égypte et Rome du II° siècle avant J.C. au Ier siècle après J.C." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX10178.
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Nous nous intéressons à l’évolution des rapports économiques entre la Rome républicaine et l’Égypte lagide et notamment à la commercialisation du blé égyptien au bénéfice de Rome. L’étude diachronique des échanges économiques entre les deux pays nous mène à nous confronter avec l’évolution de leurs rapports politiques réciproques. Nous poursuivons notre enquête pour le premier siècle d’Empire Romain. Nous nous attarderons sur l’étude de la gestion du blé égyptien au sein du système annonaire, sans pour autant négliger les acteurs « privés » du commerce du blé sous les Empereurs julio-claudiens. Nous articulerons notre recherche autour des trois axes principaux: les institutions, les acteurs et les structures du commerce du bléWe will study the history of economic relationships between Roman Republic and Ptolemaic Egypt, focusing on Egyptian grain trade in western Mediterranean basin, especially in Rome and Puteoli. Our diachronic approach about economical exchanges between these two countries will retain attention on their reciprocal political relationships. We will continue our research during the first century of Roman Empire. We will interest to Egyptian grain administration by the annona and the imperial supply structures. We will bring interest also on private grain trade under Julio-Claudians emperors. We will develop our research on three fundamental items: the institutions, the actors and the structures of the grain trade
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Walker, Jessica Lorraine. "Our Anglo-Saxon ancestors : Thomas Jefferson and the role of English history in the building of the American nation." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0209.
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This thesis contends that Anglo-Saxon studies made a powerful contribution to Thomas Jefferson's development of public concepts of American identity and nationalism in ways that have been elided by scholars preoccupied with Jefferson's classicism. Jefferson's comprehensive survey of Anglo-Saxon grammar, language, law and emigration provided him with a precedent for revolution and helped him develop a model of American nationhood. Jefferson's detailed study of the Anglo-Saxon era set him apart from writers on both sides of the Atlantic in the period 1750-1860, and this thesis will argue that to generalize his interest as 'whig history' or a subscription to a theory of Teutonic superiority is unjustified. Chapter One considers Jefferson's educational background, his exposure to Anglo-Saxon history and the degree to which he might have been encouraged to pursue it. Previous studies of Jefferson's Anglo-Saxonism have presumed that there was a 'Gothic font' from which American Founding Fathers could drink; the detailed study of Anglo-Saxon historiography in this chapter will show otherwise. Chapter Two is concerned with a detailed examination of the collections of books relating to Anglo-Saxon history and language that Jefferson collected throughout his lifetime. If Jefferson was concerned with whig dialogues, or interested in the Saxons as a product of a passion for Tacitus we should find evidence of it here. In fact, the study of Jefferson's library in Chapter Two demonstrates that Jefferson was genuinely an expert Anglo-Saxon scholar and regarded that knowledge base as a political tool. Chapters Three and Four constitute detailed examinations of the nationalist use to which Jefferson put his understanding of early English history. Chapter Three considers the problem of shared heritage with Britain confronting the American statesman in the 1760s and 1770s and his employment of pre-Norman history in resolving this conflict. Chapter Four enlarges upon the study of American national identity, with specific reference to the linguistic debates following on the Revolution. This chapter revolves around a reconsideration of Jefferson's Anglo-Saxon Essay and his attempts to introduce this language into the education of future American statesmen. Jefferson's examination of Anglo-Saxon history, when considered in this light, seems oddly discordant with the simplistic notion of Jefferson as a founder of Teutonic superiority. Chapter Five is interested in Jefferson's impact on historical rhetoric in the nineteenth century. Thomas Jefferson used English history as an aid to separating an American nation from the British Empire and he believed that Americans could look to their Anglo-Saxon ancestors for a precedent that would justify their independence from Britain. He saw in Anglo-Saxon studies a means for appropriating those parts of English history that could underpin a national identity defined by freedom, initiative, and perhaps a racial predilection for democracy, while simultaneously rejecting Britain's authority in his present.
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Russell, John. "The role of socialist competition in establishing labour discipline in the Soviet working class, 1928-1934." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1987. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1290/.
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Between 1928 and 1934 Soviet society experienced what amounted to two industrial revolutions: the adaptation of a largely non-industrial working population to industry and the introduction of new technologies and methods of management. These radical changes inevitably gave rise to problems of labour discipline, expressed most graphically in soaring rates of labour turnover and absenteeism. These problems were exacerbated by the pace, intensity and scope of Soviet industrialisation and by the social policies that accompanied this drive. As in any such process these problems had to be tackled by utilising a blend of measures based on compulsion, conviction and incentive. The present work examines the blend employed by the Soviet regime during the period under review to stimulate, in the shortest possible time scale, a general will for industrialisation and, having established that will and destroyed opposition to it, channel the energies thus generated into the desired directions. The distinctive element in this blend is identified as socialist competition, which the regime utilised to stimulate support for and stifle opposition to industrialisation, and, subsequently, to raise work skills to the level required by the modern industry being constructed. Moreover, socialist competition allowed the regime to implement a management system geared to the maximum priority of production interests, while preserving a commitment, albeit in abstract terms, to the concept of a workers' state.
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Lynch, David. "The role of the circuit courts in the development of federal justice and the shaping of United States law in the early Republic : Supreme Court Justices Washington, Livingston, Story, and Thompson on circuit and on the court." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2015. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4347/.
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While scholars have focused on the importance of the landmark decisions of the United States Supreme Court and its Chief Justice, John Marshall, in the rising influence of the federal justice system in the early Republic, the crucial role of the circuit courts in establishing uniformity of federal law and procedure across the nation has largely been ignored. This thesis seeks to remedy this lack of research on circuit courts by revealing the central role of their presiding Supreme Court justices in the successful development of a national court system drawn up from the ‘inferior’ courts rather than down from the Supreme Court to the lower jurisdictions. This thesis argues that, at a time when the Supreme Court had few cases to consider, all of the nation’s law was formulated by the lower courts; with very few decisions appealed, the circuit court opinions were invariably accepted as final, settling the law for each circuit and for the nation if followed by other justices. Therefore, in the early years, it was the circuit experience and not Supreme Court authority which shaped the course of United States law. This thesis contributes to an understanding of this early justice system because of its focus on and the depth of its research into the work of the circuit courts. Through detailed analysis, it reveals the sources used by the justices to influence the direction of the law and, by its reading of almost 2000 cases tried by four prominent Marshall associate justices, presents insights into momentous issues facing the Union. The thesis examines the generality of the circuit work of each justice but pays particular attention to the different ways in which each contributed to the shaping of United States law. Understanding the importance of the role of the circuit courts leads to a more informed reading of early American legal history.
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Duda, Aleksandra Marta. "When 'it's time' to say 'enough'! : youth activism before and during the Rose and Orange Revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1108/.
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This thesis focuses on the emergence and development of two youth opposition campaigns, Kmara in Georgia and Pora in Ukraine, campaigns which were part of the “coloured revolutions” which took place in Eastern Europe in 2003 and 2004. The thesis identifies, analyzes and compares the influence and the role of youth activism in post-communist countries, and attributes a new role to the Kmara and Pora campaigns as vanguards of oppositional protest and transmitters of public grievances in the under-researched context of semi-authoritarian regimes. Two sets of questions are answered in this study, which relate to how and why youth opposition campaigns occurred and developed in Georgia and Ukraine. These questions are addressed through a comparative analysis of the political and social contexts in which narratives on Kmara and Pora are placed. Based on the combination of four main approaches to the study of social movements – viz. political opportunities, resource mobilization, framing processes, and diffusion – the analysis enabled deep insight into various aspects of the emergence and development of Kmara and Pora's campaigns and exposed commonalities and differences between them. The study confirms that the fixed and volatile features that decided on the nature of Georgian and Ukrainian regime provide a key tool for understanding the outburst of youth political activism in a hybrid form of a political system.
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Sar, Fatou. "Bien commun et émergence de la citoyenneté dans la République romaine (d'après les oeuvres de Cicéron, Salluste et Tite-Live)." Thesis, Perpignan, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PERP0054.
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Les notions de Bien commun et de citoyenneté ont été au centre des préoccupations des acteurs politiques comme des philosophes de la Rome antique. Elles constituent l’essence de toute République. Cette Thèse a comme objectif de montrer, à partir des œuvres de Cicéron, Salluste et Tite-Live, que la grandeur et la décadence de la République romaine sont intrinsèquement liées à la gestion du Bien commun. Notre démarche a donc été de remonter, avec nos auteurs, au passé de Rome, pour voir, à partir des valeurs qui ont fait la grandeur de la République, pourquoi ce déclin a pu s’amorcer. Le résultat auquel nous avons abouti a été de montrer que la principale cause de la décadence de la République romaine est la propension qu’ont eue les Romains, à partir de la fin de la Deuxième Guerre punique, à privilégier leurs intérêts et ambitions personnels au détriment de l’intérêt général. Ces faits nouveaux, selon nos auteurs, ont été rendus possibles par une crise sans précédent due à une ouverture démesurée de la citoyenneté qui rendit non opérationnelles des institutions prévues pour une citéThe notions of common good and citizenship were at the centre of the preoccupations of political stakeholders as well as Ancient Rome philosophers. They constitute the essence of every Republic. Based on the works of Cicero, Sallust and Livy, this thesis aims at showing that the greatness and decline of the Roman Republic are intrinsically linked to common good management. Our approach was therefore to go back, with our authors, to the past of Rome, to see, from the values that have made the greatness of the Republic, how this decline happened. Our research made it possible to conclude that the main cause of the decline of the Roman Republic was the propensity of Romans, from the end of the Second Punic War, to privilege their personal interests and ambitions to the detriment of general interest. According to our authors, these new events were caused by an unprecedented crisis due to a disproportionate openness of Citizenship that had paralysed the institutions, initially planned for just a city like Rome
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Llamazares, Martín Andoni. "La politique fiscale romaine en Sicile et en Sardaigne et ses conséquences socio-économiques : de la deuxième guerre punique jusqu'à Auguste." Thesis, Paris 1, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PA01H041.
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Cette thèse analyse les caractéristiques de la fiscalité romaine dans ses deux premières provinces d'outre-mer depuis leur conquête au IIIe siècle av. n.è. jusqu'à la lin de la République. Elle met en œuvre une grande quantité de sources et de matériel pour évaluer correctement la nature de l'économie en Sicile et en Sardaigne-Corse et celle de la politique romaine qui y est conduite. La conclusion établit un bilan équilibré entre les caractéristiques de la politique romaine centrale et les nombreuses modalités produites par son application locale, en raison des différences sociales, culturelles. politiques et économiques dans chaque région. Une politique fiscale cohérente se dégage, qui se développe simultanément dans les deux provinces depuis la deuxième guerre punique, et consistait essentiellement en la promotion de la production céréalière extensive, visant d'abord l'approvisionnement de l'armée romaine. puis de la population urbaine romaine. Cette politique économique a été possible grâce à l'existence d'une culture fiscale antérieure qui a facilité les prélèvements en nature. notamment la lex Hieronica syracusaine, que les Romains ont généralisée et systématisée au cours des dernières années du IIIe siècle dans la dîme agraire. De plus, une série de mécanismes ont été progressivement créés par l'administration romaine pour renforcer ce rôle de la Sicile et de la Sardaigne. Tous ces éléments constituent une politique fiscale claire qui a affecté l'ensemble de l'économie des deux territoires. Dans la pratique, la mise en place de ces mesures a supposé le soutien de l'administration à de nombreux programmes qui ont augmenté la superficie des terres consacrées à la culture céréalière en Sicile et en Sardaigne, réduisant ainsi la superficie disponible pour le reste des activités rurales, et notamment l'élevage. Les conséquences de ce processus ont été diverses scion les communautés locales alors que certaines personnes ont énormément profité des possibilités offertes par la nouvelle situation (par exemple, des oligarques provinciaux possédant de grandes quantités de terres et des hommes d'affaires italiques investissant dans l'agriculture, la finance ou le commerce), beaucoup d'autres ont été gravement lésées (notamment, les communautés indigènes d'éleveurs en Sardaigne rurale)This thesis analyzes the characteristics of Roman taxation in its two first overseas provinces since their conquest in the 3rd century B.C. until the end of the Republic. It introduces a vast quantity of sources and material to properly evaluate the nature of the economy in Sicily and Sardinia-Corsica and the Roman policy. ln conclusion. a balanced research is achieved between the characteristics of the central Roman policy and the many varieties that its local application produced, due to the social. cultural, political and economic differences in each area. A coherent tax policy is visible, which develops concurrently in both provinces since the Second Punic War, and consisted basically in the promotion of cereal extensive production, aimed at the supply of the Roman army first, and the Roman urban population afterwards. This economic policy was possible thanks to the existence of a previous taxing culture that facilitated the exactions in kind, namely the Syracusan Lex Hieronica. which was generalized and systematized during the last years of the 3rd century into the agrarian tithe. Moreover, a series of mechanisms were gradually created by the Roman administration to reinforce this role of Sicily and Sardinia. All these elements constitute a clear tax policy that affected the whole economy of both territories. ln practice, the establishment of these measures supposed the support by the administration of many programs that increased the amount of land devoted to cereal agriculture m Sicily and Sardinia, therefore reducing the area available for the rest of rural activities, and most notably herding. The consequences of this process were varied among local communities: whilst some individuals enormously benefitted from the opportunities offered by the new situation (c.g provincial oligarchs owning great amounts of land and Italic businessmen investing in agriculture. finance or commerce). many others were seriously damaged (the most evident example. the indigenous stockbreeding communities of rural Sardinia)
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Parisot-Sillon, Charles. "Neruus Belli. Argent monnayé, guerre et intégration en Occident nord-méditerranéen (c. 200-c. 40 a.C.)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Orléans, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016ORLE3166.
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Ces recherches sont consacrées à l’étude des fonctions et des usages militaires de l’argent monnayé en Occident nord-méditerranéen au cours des deux derniers siècles a.C. Il s’agit de caractériser, d’une part les aspects monétaires et financiers des guerres menées par les Romains au sein des Gaules et dans le nord de l’Ibérie, d’autre part la nature des relations politiques, économiques et culturelles entre le conquérant et les communautés locales. L’objectif est ainsi de mettre en évidence les modalités de l’intégration monétaire des territoires occidentaux sous la domination de la République romaine, à travers l’étude des modes de participation des alliés au processus de conquête.Ce travail est mené dans une perspective pluridisciplinaire, alliant l’étude des données historiques et archéologiques, les méthodes de la numismatique et le recours à une approche archéométrique. En effet, 945 monnaies d’argent romaines, grecques, celtiques et ibériques ont été par LA-ICP-MS au sein du laboratoire IRAMAT-Centre Ernest-Babelon à Orléans, fournissant de nouvelles données concernant les rapports métrologiques entre les monnayages étudiés, les stratégies d’approvisionnement des ateliers monétaires et la circulation de l’argent monnayé et non-monnayé en Méditerranée occidentaleThis research deals with the characterization of the military functions and uses of silver coinages in the Northwestern Mediterranean during the 2nd-1st centuries BC. It aims to assess the monetary and financial aspects of the wars fought by the Roman people in Gaul and Northern Iberia, as well as the political, economic and cultural relations between the conqueror and local communities. By doing so, we wish to identify the defining features of monetary integration as it has been experienced within the Western possessions of the Roman Republic, through the part played by each allied community in the conquest.It is the result of a pluridisciplinary approach which combines historical, archaeological and archaeometrical studies. A sample of 945 Roman, Greek, Celtic and Iberian silver coins has been measured with LA-ICP-MS in the IRAMAT-Centre Ernest-Babelon in Orléans. The results enable us to shed a new light on the metrological relations between these coinages, as well as on the mints’ silver supplying strategies and the whole view about the circulation of silver coins and bullion in the Northwestern Mediterranean
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Constantini, Laurent. "Les Constitutions des Républiques soeurs, illustration d’un modèle français pour l’Europe ?" Thesis, Paris Est, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PEST2002.
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Les Républiques soeurs, sont les républiques créées, aux Pays-Bas, en Italie, et en Suisse, pendant la Révolution, grâce à l'intervention militaire française et dont la constitution s'inspire fortement de celle du Directoire. Parmi ces dix constitutions datées de 1796 à 1799, certaines ont été simplement octroyées par la France, d'autres ont été adoptées plus librement. A ce moment où les puissances européennes font face à l'expansion de la Grande nation, celle-ci veut être entourée de républiques faites à son image, alliées, et même dociles, afin de se constituer un glacis protecteur. Ces constitutions sont donc établies grâce à la force des armes françaises, mais elles sont censées réaliser la liberté des peuples révolutionnés. Ces derniers, libérés d'une tutelle étrangère, ou d'un système inégalitaire, doivent connaître une émancipation à travers l'idéal républicain exprimé dans les constitutions. Or, la Constitution de l'an III, qui leur a servi de modèle, est elle-même la traduction d'un dilemme. Les Thermidoriens veulent clore l'épisode jacobin, tout en maintenant les acquis républicains. Les Républiques soeurs sont ainsi souvent décrites comme le lieu des expérimentations constitutionnelles qui ne peuvent être menées en France. Il s'agit donc, à travers une analyse constitutionnelle, de comparer les traductions de l'idéal républicain dans ces textes, et d'en montrer les différences par rapport au modèle français de 1795, afin de mesurer leur possibilité d'adaptation. Cette recherche des originalités des Constitutions des Républiques soeurs devant l'apport de l'idéal républicain, nécessite de passer par les thèmes qui constituent cet idéal, à savoir ceux de l'égalité, des droits, des libertés, de la garantie des droits, de la citoyenneté, de la souveraineté, de la représentation, et de la séparation des pouvoirsThe Sister Republics were created in Italy, Switzerland and the Netherlands through military intervention, during the French Revolution, and their constitutions are very much alike that of the Directoire. Of these ten Constitutions, adopted between 1796 and 1799, some were simply granted by France while others were passed on a more autonomous basis.At a time when the European powers were unable to contain the expansion of the Great nation, the latter wanted to surround itself with Republics built in its image, allied, even docile so as to surround itself in a protective glacis. These Constitutions were, thus, set up thanks to the French army's action, although they were meant to enforce the freedom of these revolutionized peoples. Freed from foreign dominion or from a non-equalitarian regime, they would experience emancipation through the republican ideal expressed in their constitutions. However, the Constitution de l'an III, upon which they were designed, was itself the expression of a dilemma. Thermidorians wanted to put an end to the Jacobin episode, while maintaining the gains of the republican regime. The Sister Republics are, hence, often described as the place of the constitutional experiments which could not be done in France. It is then question, through constitutional analysis, to compare the various translations of the republican ideal found in those texts, and to show the differences between them and the French model of 1795, so as to find out how adaptable they are. This investigation into the originality of the Constitutions of the Sister Republics in front of the republican ideal, will deal with the themes which are constitutive of this idea : equality, rights, liberties, protection of rights, citizenship, sovereignty, political representation and separation of powers
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Porte, François. "Le ravitaillement des armées romaines pendant les guerres civiles (49-30 avant J.-C.)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PESC0030/document.
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Les guerres civiles des dernières décennies de la République, de 49 à 30 avant J.-C., mettent en avant le savoir faire des élites romaines dans la conduite des opérations militaires, éclairent les limites et précipitent les transformations de l’outil militaire et des pratiques guerrières.À partir des effectifs comptabilisés et des besoins ensuite estimés, il apparaît que le ravitaillement sur le terrain ne constitue qu’un complément occasionnel et conjoncturel à un approvisionnement depuis l’arrière.À l’échelle stratégique, la mobilisation des ressources de l’Empire romain connaît alors une ampleur sans précédent. Aucune province n’est épargnée. Le partage du monde romain entre l’Occident et l’Orient, modifie les schémas habituels de mobilisation des ressources et sollicite des régions récemment intégrées au monde romain dans de nouveaux réseaux logistiques. L’ampleur et la nature des besoins des effectifs engagés vont nécessiter des bases stratégiques étendues et faire du transport maritime un axe essentiel des systèmes logistiques.À l’échelle opérationnelle, les infrastructures indispensables pour supporter le réseau logistique réduisent les choix possibles pour l’établissement des bases arrières. Les armées romaines ne bénéficient visiblement pas de structures déjà constituées à cet effet.Enfin, l’acquisition des fournitures et le financement de la logistique nécessitent des bouleversements fiscaux, parfois accompagnés d’exactions et du pillage des ressources provinciales, en raison de l’absence d’une fiscalité efficace. Ces conflits mettent en lumière la perte de pouvoir du Sénat au profit d’imperatores autonomes et indépendants, jusqu’à la confiscation définitive du pouvoir par l’un d’entre euxThe civil wars that took place during the last decades of the Roman Republic (49-30 B.C.) reveal the expertise of Roman elites in the art of war, along with its limits, and accelerate the transformations of the military tool and Roman warfare.After the manpower and needs of the Roman armies estimation, living off the land doesn’t seem to have been more than an occasional mean of supply, supplemented by a more effective logistical support from the rear.The resources of the Roman Empire are mobilized at an unprecedented scale, sparing no province, as the split of the Roman world between western and eastern sides transforms the usual patterns of logistical mobilization. Recently conquered provinces are therefore added to newly raised logistical systems in the Eastern Mediterranean. The maritime transportation plays a central role, as the amount of the supplies needed requires large strategic bases across the Mediterranean sea.The infrastructures needed to support the logistical network at an operational scale are rare among the Mediterranean cities and restrain the choice of operational bases. The Roman armies can obviously not rely on previous established military structures.Finally, the Roman tax system has to go through deep changes to face the financial needs of the logistical system, along with plunder and spoil. The Senate loses its power during the civil wars to the benefit of independent imperatores, until Octavian’s final rise to supreme power
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Petitjean, Maxime. "Le combat de cavalerie dans le monde romain du Ier siècle a.C. au VIe siècle p.C." Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040187.
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L’étude a pour objet le combat de cavalerie dans le monde romain du Ier siècle a.C. au VIe siècle p.C. Il s’agit d’un travail de synthèse, traitant de la doctrine d’emploi de la cavalerie aux époques impériale et proto-byzantine. Les questions organisationnelles et stratégiques sont abordées, mais la focale est surtout mise sur la tactique et la physionomie du combat. L’objectif de cette recherche est de rendre compte de l’évolution de l’art de la guerre durant la fin de l’Antiquité en analysant spécifiquement les enjeux liés au développement et à l’utilisation de la cavalerie. L’importance croissante des troupes montées dans la stratégie impériale marque en effet une rupture importante dans l’histoire de l’armée romaine. Au primat des guerres offensives, de la bataille rangée et de l’infanterie lourde succède progressivement celui de la temporisation, de la guérilla frontalière et des cavaliers-archers. Ces changements, qui n’ont jamais fait l’objet d’une analyse approfondie, sont ici situés dans le temps long de l’Antiquité romaine. Le dialogue des sources narratives, techniques, figurées et archéologiques permet de dégager un schéma évolutif cohérent, un « développement organique des formes de combat » (Hans Delbrück) que nous nous efforçons de réinscrire dans le contexte plus large de l’évolution de la culture militaire impériale, en attachant une importance particulière au rapport des Romains à la guerre et à leur perception idéale des rôles respectifs de l’infanterie et de la cavalerieThis study is about cavalry warfare in the Roman world from the 1st century BC to the 6th century AD. It is a work of synthesis dealing with the employment doctrine of cavalry in the imperial and early Byzantine eras. Organizational and strategic issues are discussed, but the focus is mainly put on tactics and battle mechanics. The aim of this research is to account for the evolution of the art of war during the end of Antiquity by analyzing specifically the stakes involved in the development and use of cavalry. The growing importance of mounted troops in the imperial strategy marks an important change in the history of the Roman army, with a gradual shift from offensive warfare, pitched battle and heavy infantry toward deception, frontier warfare and mounted archery. These changes, which have never been the subject of a thorough analysis, are here reviewed in the overall context of Roman history. The cross-analysis of narrative, technical, iconographic and archaeological sources reveals a coherent evolutionary pattern, an "organic development of forms of combat" (Hans Delbrück), which we endeavor to reinsert in the wider context of a changing Roman military culture, attaching particular importance to the Romans' relationship to warfare and to their ideal perception of the respective roles of infantry and cavalry
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Mathis, Véronique. "Louis Lafitte : un peintre d'histoire de la Révolution à la Restauration." Thesis, Normandie, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020NORMR081.
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Louis Lafitte (1770-1828) a tenu toute sa vie à se présenter, avec fierté, comme peintre d’histoire, ce que sa formation artistique justifie pleinement. Après un apprentissage chez le graveur Gilles-Antoine Demarteau, il entre dans l’atelier de Jean-Baptiste Regnault, concurrent et rival de celui de Jacques Louis David dans les années 1780. Présenté par ce maître, il est inscrit à l’Académie royale de peinture, sculpture et architecture en 1784 ; son cursus y est honorable : première médaille au quartier d’octobre 1788, et surtout grand prix de peinture, lors de sa première participation au concours en 1791. Ce parcours d’excellence lui vaut une place à l’Académie de France à Rome, mais il ne peut guère profiter de ce privilège, la situation politique de la France ne trouvant pas grâce aux yeux du gouvernement romain. La population supporte de plus en plus mal la présence française et en janvier 1793, c’est l’explosion ; le Palais Mancini siège de l’Académie est incendié, les pensionnaires dispersés. Tous rentrent plus ou moins rapidement en France ; certains comme Lafitte iront se réfugier à Florence jusqu’à la rupture de la neutralité de la Toscane en octobre 1793. De retour en France, commence une période paradoxale : pensionnaire de la République sur le papier jusqu’en septembre 1800, il en perçoit les modestes indemnités, compte peut-être sur un nouveau séjour romain qui ne viendra pas, mais ne parvient pas à « faire la peinture » à laquelle il aspire, faute d’obtenir un atelier, malgré des demandes répétées. Il n’entre pas non plus dans le cénacle des artistes sollicités régulièrement par les gouvernements successifs, mais il donne parfois de timides signes d’assentiment au régime en place, de l’an II jusqu’à l’Empire où il bénéficie alors de commandes officielles plus importantes, comme le simulacre de l’Arc de triomphe de l’Etoile pour le mariage de Napoléon et Marie-Louise. Son ralliement enthousiaste à la Restauration montre sans doute le vrai visage de Lafitte quant à ses affinités politiques. Il en résulte une place très officielle de dessinateur du Cabinet du Roi, qui conclut avec panache une carrière dont le parcours est souvent difficile à reconstituer. La plus grande partie de sa vie, il n’est pas dans la lumière, car faute de clients publics, il s’est tourné très vite vers une clientèle privée, que son titre de peintre d’histoire, inlassablement mis en avant, n’a pas manqué d’attirer et que ses réels talents de dessinateur ont fixé. On lui demande surtout des travaux en rapport avec les goûts du temps, décors intérieurs pompéiens, ou portraits, tous objets qui malheureusement n’ont que très exceptionnellement laissé des traces. Son crayon sûr et incisif travaille pour les graveurs d’estampes, avec des morceaux célèbres comme les figures du calendrier républicain, ainsi que pour les éditeurs de belles éditions illustrées, dont les lecteurs de l’époque sont friands. On pense notamment à la luxueuse édition Didot de Paul et Virginie, orchestré de bout en bout par Bernardin de Saint Pierre lui-même. Il s’est taillé dans ce dernier domaine une réputation telle, qu’il est resté comme un illustrateur de livres pour une part non négligeable d’auteurs du XIXe siècle. Il n’a pas manqué non plus d’être intéressé par les arts appliqués et de fournir des dessins aussi bien pour de l’orfèvrerie que pour des papiers peints ; des objets de luxe, produits en petit nombre certes, mais industriellement quand même, qui montre un artiste ne dédaignant pas les demandes d’une société de consommation exigeante. Comme on le voit, il ne fait pas œuvre de peintre d’histoire ; mais ce parcours très diversifié, faisant feu de tout bois, montre une adaptation originale à la situation nouvelle que rencontrent les artistes dans une période particulièrement troublée. Elle permit à Louis Lafitte, peintre d’histoire, sinon d’atteindre la gloire, au moins de vivre correctement de son artAll his life Louis Lafitte (1770-1828) insisted on introducing himself, with pride, as a history painter, a statement which his artistic training fully justified. After an apprenticeship with the engraver Gilles-Antoine Demarteau, he was the pupil of Jean-Baptiste Regnault, a competitor and rival of Jacques Louis David's in the 1780s. Introduced by his master, he was enrolled at the Royal Academy of Painting, Sculpture and Architecture in 1784; his studies there were honourable: first medal in October 1788, and above all the grand prize in painting, when he first took part in the competition in 1791. This course of excellence earned him a place at the Académie de France in Rome, but he could hardly take advantage of this privilege, as the political situation in France was not acceptable to the Roman authorities. The population could not stand the French presence and in January 1793, it was mayhem; the Mancini Palace, the seat of the Academy, was burnt down and the residents dispersed. All of them returned to France more or less quickly; some, like Lafitte, took refuge in Florence until the neutrality of Tuscany was ruptured in October 1793. On his return to France, a period of uncertainty began: an official resident of the Republic until September 1800, he received modest compensation. His desire to return to Rome was unfulfilled as was his aspiration to become a history painter, as he was unable to obtain a studio, despite repeated requests. Nor did he enter the cenacle of artists regularly solicited by successive governments, but he sometimes gave timid signs of assent to the regime in power, from the year II to the Empire, where he received more important official commissions, such as the simulacrum of the Arc de Triomphe de L'Etoile for the wedding of Napoleon and Marie-Louise. His enthusiastic rallying to the Restoration undoubtedly shows the true face of Lafitte's political affinity. The result was a very official position as draughtsman in the King's Cabinet, which concluded his artistic career which is often difficult to reconstruct. For most of his life, he was not in the limelight, lacking public clients, he very quickly turned to a private clientele, which he obtained by using his title of a history painter. He was mainly asked to paint works in line with the tastes of the time, Pompeian interior decorations, or portraits, which we have little trace of today. A skilled draughtsman, he worked for print engravers, producing famous pieces such as figures from the republican calendar, but also for publishers of refined illustrated editions, very appreciated by the readers of the time. One thinks, in particular, of the luxurious Didot edition of Paul and Virginie, directed from beginning to end by Bernardin de Saint Pierre himself. In the publishing field, he earned such a reputation that he remained a book illustrator for a large number of 19th-century authors. He was also interested in the applied arts and provided drawings for both the goldsmiths and wallpaper trade. These were luxury objects, produced in small numbers but mechanically manufactured. As an artist, Louis Lafitte accepted the demands of consumer society, his eclectic career showed his constant ability to adapt during the revolution and although he is not remembered as a history painter, he succeeded in making a living from his trade
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Neel, Jaclyn Ivy. "Creative History, Political Reality: Imagining Monarchy in the Roman Republic." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/32781.
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This dissertation discusses the interaction of mythology and power in the Roman Republic and early Principate. It identifies a mythological paradigm that has not been recognized in previous scholarship ("pairs") and traces the use of this paradigm by Roman writers of the second and first centuries BCE. It argues that pair stories problematize the relationship between Roman elite ambition and the Republic's political ideals of equality and cooperation among magistrates. It further argues that these stories evolve over the course of the two centuries under discussion, from tales that are relatively optimistic about the potential of reconciling the tension between individual ambition and elite collegiality to tales that are extremely pessimistic. This evolution is tied to the political turmoil visible at Rome in this period.
Several stories are identified as pair stories. The first and most well-attested is the foundation myth of the city, which is discussed at length in chapters two through six. In chapters seven and eight, the pattern is established through the analysis of Amulius and Numitor, Brutus and Collatinus, and the men known as affectatores regni. The historical development of these tales is discussed as thoroughly as possible. The argument throughout is that narratives from second-century writers depict pairs as representatives of productive rivalry. This rivalry encourages the elite to achieve beneficial results for the city, and can be set aside for the public good. Such depictions become less prevalent by the later first century, when the pair narratives instead tend to illustrate destructive competition. This destruction must be understood in the context of its times; the third quarter of the first century BCE saw the establishment of Rome's first monarchy in centuries. It is under the Principate that the tales again become clearly different: competition disappears. Soon afterwards, so does the use of these stories as a tool to think with.
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Dzino, Danijel. "Illyrian policy of Rome in the late republic and early principate." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/37806.
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This thesis examines the development of Roman Illyrian policy, from the late Republican hegemony over the region to the establishment of permanent imperial frontiers on the Danube and the beginning of the process that would integrate Illyricum ( the area between the Adriatic Sea and the River Danube ) into the Roman Empire. This thesis has two principal aims. Firstly, on the regional, ' microscopic ', level it defines and explains the development of Roman policy in Illyricum. Secondly, on the global, ' macroscopic ', level it examines some of the mechanisms of Roman policy - making, and fits Illyrian policy into the wider picture of Roman foreign and later provincial policy. Ultimately, the thesis recognizes and explains the reasons for a major change in Roman strategic interests from the Eastern Adriatic coast to the interior of the western Balkans in the late Republic and early Empire. Despite the problems of deficient sources, this thesis observes Roman Illyrian policy as essentially a political interaction between Rome and the entire regional geopolitical system of Illyricum, rather than defining it through Roman interactions with individual polities inside the system, or as part of the system.Thesis (Ph.D.)--School of Humanities, 2005.
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Davies, Sarah Helen. "Rome, international power relations, and 146 BCE." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-08-6262.
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Within a single year -- 146 BCE -- Roman generals had entered the cities of Carthage and Corinth and forever changed the course of Mediterranean history. Although involved in separate conflicts with Rome, these cities and their tragedies became uniquely linked, not only to each other, but also to a perceived trajectory of Rome as an imperial power. Subsequent generations have looked to 146 BCE as an important turning point, and in doing so have attached value-laden interpretations to it as a gauge on Roman imperialism. This dissertation looks at 146 BCE from a different angle, seeking to understand its significance in terms of its contemporary international context, asking how it first became viewed as a turning point. The analysis utilizes international relations theory of normative systems, focusing on collective perceptions and evolving political conceptions within an interstate cultural environment. Exploring contemporary texts and archaeological clues, it sees the second-century BCE as a period in which the Mediterranean was becoming increasingly globalized, drawn together by universalizing ideals. A framework of "Hellenistic" markers communicated networks of legitimacy, Rome being both participant and game-changer. At the same time, the international community was rife with disjunctions, which contributed to a disintegration of relations in North Africa, followed by re-eruptions of nationalistic fervor on the Greek mainland. When coupled with wider perceptions, that the oikoumene was becoming progressively interconnected and was moving toward a new juncture in world-history, the stage was set. The legal punishments to be inflicted by the Roman victor were to be viewed on a whole new plane, as reflections of a groundbreaking world-order. Romans were aware of these implications, made evident in the decisions of Scipio at Carthage, followed by Mummius at Corinth. In a rare and stunning move, both cities were decommissioned as political entities, and their tragedies linked to contemporary visions of cyclical world-history: Carthage burned in reiteration of Troy, and Corinth stripped of cultural Greek heritage. Polybius, uniquely positioned as a commentator on these outcomes, not only captured their ideological ripple effects, but also assured their direction over future generations, as a moment to color Rome as world hegemon.
This dissertation looks at 146 BCE from a different angle, seeking to understand its significance in terms of its contemporary international context, asking how it first became viewed as a turning point. The analysis utilizes international relations theory of normative systems, focusing on collective perceptions and evolving political conceptions within an interstate cultural environment. Exploring contemporary texts and archaeological clues, it sees the second-century BCE as a period in which the Mediterranean was becoming increasingly globalized, drawn together by universalizing ideals. A framework of “Hellenistic” markers communicated networks of legitimacy,
Rome being both participant and game-changer. At the same time, the international community was rife with disjunctions, which contributed to a disintegration of relations in North Africa, followed by re-eruptions of nationalistic fervor on the Greek mainland. When coupled with wider perceptions, that the oikoumene was becoming progressively interconnected and was moving toward a new juncture in world-history, the stage was set. The legal punishments to be inflicted by the Roman victor were to be viewed on a whole new plane, as reflections of a groundbreaking world-order.
Romans were aware of these implications, made evident in the decisions of Scipio at Carthage, followed by Mummius at Corinth. In a rare and stunning move, both cities were decommissioned as political entities, and their tragedies linked to contemporary visions of cyclical world-history: Carthage burned in reiteration of Troy, and Corinth stripped of cultural Greek heritage. Polybius, uniquely positioned as a commentator on these outcomes, not only captured their ideological ripple effects, but also assured their direction over future generations, as a moment to color Rome as world hegemon.text
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Von, Hahn Brita Bettina. "The characterisation of Mark Antony." Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2656.
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This dissertation aims to focus on the way in which Marc Antony has been portrayed in Antiquity by a careful and critical study of what the ancient (mainly literary) sources have to reveal about this historical personage. A number of primary sources present a very negative view of Antony under the influence of various political persuasions, and this will be compared and contrasted with later ancient views. The study will pursue this under key themes such as the personality of Antony, his military and political career as well as the role that he played in the East. Modern scholarly interpretations of Antony’s character and actions will also be brought into the discussion, so that an objective evaluation of the contribution which Antony has made to the history of the Roman Republic, insofar as objectivity is possible, may be arrived at.Language Services
M.A. (with specialisation in Ancient Languages and Cultures)
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Zdařilová, Eva. "Analýza životopisných rozhovorů s romskými pamětníky nacistické perzekuce na pozadí odškodňovacích procesů v České republice." Master's thesis, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-299502.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with an analysis of biographical interviews with Roma survivors of Nazi persecution. The emphasis is put on different elements that may affect narrated life histories. It views memories from the initial remembering to their new contextualization throughout the life; it draws the attention to the narrative tradition of respondent's background as well as the final narration and its specific circumstances. The analysis is framed with the Czech compensation programs for victims of war injustice. The text points out to different perspectives of history adopted by state authorities on one side and those applying on "compensation" on the other. The paper also discusses mutual misunderstanding of different perspectives of the past, of an administrator/ historian and of an eye-witness.
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Lundy, Steven James. "Language, nature, and the politics of Varro’s De lingua Latina." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22057.
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This dissertation is a historical analysis of Varro’s De Lingua Latina, a linguistic treatise composed in the 40s BCE during Rome’s transition from oligarchic Republican government to the monarchic settlement of the Augustan Principate. I advance a reading which restores contemporary political and intellectual context to the treatise, complementing and revising previous scholarship which has traditionally focused on the Greek philosophical pedigree of Varro’s work. As such, I explore Varro’s thematic emphasis on natura (‘Nature’) in his linguistic programme, which, as a term with wide-ranging intertextual functions, embodies its complex philosophical, political, and literary character.
This five-chapter dissertation is subdivided between the surviving books on etymology (Chapters 1-3) and inflection (Chapters 4-5). In Chapter 1 (“Organisation and Meaning in Varro’s Etymologies”), I explore Varro’s etymologies in De Lingua Latina, Books 5-7, and explain how his programmatic emphasis on natural philosophy conveys his unique etymological authority. In Chapter 2 (“Grammatical Discourse in De Lingua Latina”), I consider Varro’s reception of grammatical techniques of etymological exegesis, elucidating his preference for philosophical readings of poetry and the social value of literary sophistication in the late Republic. Chapter 3 (“Ethnography and Identity in Varro’s Etymologies”) develops Varro’s etymological project as a kind of ethnography of the Roman people, which contextualises Varro’s philosophical intervention in the changing circumstances of his era.
Chapters 4-5 are devoted to an analysis of Books 8-10, in which Varro describes his theory of morphological inflection (declinatio naturalis) as a platform for Latin linguistic standardisation. In Chapter 4 (“Declinatio and Linguistic Standardisation in the late Republic”), I survey the politics of linguistic standardisation in the late Republic. Mediating in a debate between Cicero and Caesar, I describe Varro’s nuanced revision of existing models of analogical inflection, and characterise his use of natura to explain linguistic standards. In Chapter 5 (“Linguistic Analogy and Natural Ratio in De Lingua Latina, Books 8-10”), I relate Varro’s linguistic innovations to contemporary shifts in cultural authority, and demonstrate how his transference of linguistic standardisation to philosophy entails a radical reorganisation of the existing political status quo.text
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De, la Bat Hetta Conradie. "Van Republiek tot keiserryk : die vir bonus volgens Tacitus." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3126.
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Thesis (MA (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2008.The term vir bonus as a comprehensive concept is nowhere precisely defined, yet the Romans clearly understood its meaning. To give substance to it, the role that the good Roman or vir bonus was expected to play in the Roman Republic, was examined. By his extensive descriptions of the evils of the Empire, Tacitus confirms this concept by emphasizing the absence of these exemplary qualities. The development of Rome from city state to Monarchy to Republic is steeped in legend. The foundation of the Roman constitution was believed to have been laid during that period, and adjusted to prevent the recurrence of a monarchy. This system of government was closely structured and demanded a high moral standard from its participants. While Roman territory was limited, this constitution functioned well. However, when after the Punic Wars Rome became master of almost the whole area surrounding the Mediterranean Sea, it was impracticable. A long and often bloody strife followed between the advocates of change and those who would not accept it. Augustus won out and established an Empire, calling it by the euphemistic term of Principate. His successors automatically acceded to their powers as emperor. During the Empire the political structures of the Republic were disempowered and the moral fibre of the ruling classes perverted. It is this process that Tacitus examines critically. He does so by describing how different people reacted under different circumstances. Some behaviour he roundly condemns, but often he makes us realise that the participants did not have much leeway, and that this consequently affected their behaviour .