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Journal articles on the topic 'Rome. Santa Maria Maggiore (church)'
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1
Miles, Margaret R. "Santa Maria Maggiore's Fifth-Century Mosaics: Triumphal Christianity and the Jews." Harvard Theological Review 86, no. 2 (April 1993): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600003114x.
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The fifth-century mosaics of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome represent the oldest surviving program of mosaic decoration in a Christian church. Its political context includes the steady drain of political authority and power to the Eastern empire from the early fourth century forward, the proscription of paganism at the end of the fourth century, and the massively disruptive Sack of Rome by Alaric in 410 CE. In the vacuum of political power in the West, the papacy under Sixtus III made a strong claim for a new basis of Roman power—the religious primacy of the city of Peter and Paul under papal leadership. The building and decoration of Santa Maria Maggiore played an important role in the consolidation and public announcement of papal power.
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Noreen, Kirstin. "The icon of Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome: an image and its afterlife." Renaissance Studies 19, no. 5 (November 2005): 660–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-4658.2005.00130.x.
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Imposa, Sebastiano, and Sabrina Grassi. "Georadar survey inside the Santa Maria Maggiore church of Ispica (Sicily-Italy)." Environmental Earth Sciences 73, no. 5 (July 27, 2014): 1939–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12665-014-3542-9.
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Tsykunov, I. V. "Cosmatesque matrix: syntax of style in Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome." Язык и текст 4, no. 1 (2017): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2017040109.
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Cosmatesque style mosaic is not only the decorative ornament that has decorated medieval temples; it is the developed symbolical system, which represents religious concepts and ideas of a universe structure. Cosmatesque structure includes hierarchy of levels that is similar to phonetic, lexical and grammatical levels of language in its functions. Figures of this style can be include in composition, structurally and functionally corresponding to the sentences and texts developing in a narrative. This article to analyse Cosmatesque syntax and interpretation of concepts of craftsmen Cosmati, on the example of Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome. The author of this article assumes that the basilica floor represents the Christological cycle made of plots of the New Testament. Nevertheless, as at that time there was a ban on images of the Scripture Christological cycle is presented by symbolical design of craftsmen Cosmati.
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Gill, Meredith J. ""Where the Danger Was Greatest": A Gallic Legacy in Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 59, no. 4 (1996): 498. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482889.
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Tsykunov, I. V. "Prayer in stone: symbols cosmatesque in the Basilica of Santa-Maria-Maggiore in Rome." Язык и текст 3, no. 3 (2016): 31–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2016030305.
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All the architectural elements of a medieval temple, like itself, are common symbolic space where all details represent the idea of God and face either the faithful or to the Creator himself. And in this system are not the masters of mosaic floors Cosmati alien element - in fact, it is nothing like prayer, created in stone, but the prayer of living presented in the complex language of mosaic figures of Christian imagery. In the article on the example of the Roman basilica of Santa-Maria-Maggiore are considered rich semiotic cosmatesque opportunity to express ideas and concepts of his age. Author restores the value style characters, based on the texts of the era and the reconstruction of views of the Middle Ages made by historians of art and religion.
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Riccioni, Stefano. "Rewriting Antiquity, Renewing Rome. The Identity of the Eternal City through Visual Art, Monumental Inscriptions and the Mirabilia." Medieval Encounters 17, no. 4-5 (2011): 439–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006711x598802.
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AbstractDuring the eleventh and twelfth centuries the Church began a process of renovation (renovatio) and the city of Rome was given new meanings. Antiquity is part of the identity of the Eternal City; the reuse or reframing of aspects of antiquity inevitably transformed the image of Rome. Public spaces, architecture and objects were given new Christian readings. Inscriptions, present both in sacred and secular settings, played an important role. A similar rewriting can also be found in travel literature and descriptions of the city, such as in the Mirabilia urbis Rome, where ancient monuments were re-interpreted to demonstrate the superiority of Christianity. Inscriptions were used as symbols of authority, as can be seen in the altar of the church of Santa Maria in Portico, in the papal thrones (San Clemente, Santa Maria in Cosmedin, San Lorenzo fuori le mura) and also in mosaics (San Clemente, Santa Maria in Trastevere). Inscriptions appeared on porticoed atriums built on new churches and added to older foundations, and they were used to renew ancient monuments and places. The Roman Commune used a similar strategy with civil buildings. The image of Rome was transformed through restoration and new construction that used spolia as meaningful objects, and inscriptions for their authoritative value.
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Lidova, Maria. "The Imperial Theotokos: Revealing the Concept of Early Christian Imagery in Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome." Convivium 2, no. 2 (November 2015): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.convi.5.111178.
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Bolgia, Claudia. "An Engraved Architectural Drawing at Santa Maria in Aracoeli, Rome." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 62, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 436–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3592496.
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The use of tracings-drawings engraved on floors or walls showing an architectural detail to scale-was an important stage of the Gothic building process. Although examples of such engravings have survived all over Europe, very few Italian tracings are preserved. Two hitherto unknown examples, found in the Roman church of Santa Maria in Aracoeli, are presented here for the first time. One portrays the profile of a small base and was probably a trial drawing. The other is a two-light-and-oculus tracery pattern, and is particularly interesting because it is drawn to full scale and was cut into a reused slab of ancient marble. In this essay, I reconstruct the geometric process of generating the design and analyze the position of the tracing, with its peculiar Roman features, within the European Gothic context. I also consider the engraved drawing's possible function (guideline for template- and stone-cutters, or slab from which the tracery was to be cut directly), destination (sepulchral monument, window, or ciborium), and dating.
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TANGARI, NICOLA. "Mensural and polyphonic music of the fourteenth century and a new source for the Credo of Tournai in a gradual of the Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome." Plainsong and Medieval Music 24, no. 1 (April 2015): 25–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137115000029.
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ABSTRACTAn early fourteenth-century gradual produced for use in Avignon and today preserved in Rome at the Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore is a new source for understanding the musical and liturgical exchange between France and Italy in the fourteenth century. The present article will consider compositions written after the main body of the gradual, and found now in the initial fascicle and on the last three folios of the manuscript. These folios contain a hitherto unknown source for the Credo of Tournai as well as other works not recorded elsewhere; for example, a polyphonic Gloria, a polyphonic Credo, a troped Sanctus and a Credo in cantus fractus.
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Booth, Sara Elizabeth, and Albert van Helden. "The Virgin and the Telescope: The Moons of Cigoli and Galileo." Science in Context 13, no. 3-4 (2000): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700003872.
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The ArgumentIn 1612, Lodovico Cigoli completed a fresco in the Pauline chapel of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome depicting Apocalypse 12: “A woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet.” He showed the crescent Moon with spots, as his friend Galileo had observed with the newly invented telescope. Considerations of the orthodox view of the perfect Moon as held by philosophers have led historians to ask why this clearly imperfect Moon in a religious painting raised no eyebrows. We argue that when considered in the context of biblical interpretation and the rhetoric of the Counter-Reformation, the imperfect Moon under the woman's feet was entirely consistent with traditional interpretations of Apocalypse 12.
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booth, sara elizabeth, and albert van helden. "the virgin and the telescope: the moons of cigoli and galileo." Science in Context 14, s1 (June 2001): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889701000345.
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in 1612, lodovico cigoli completed a fresco in the pauline chapel of the basilica of santa maria maggiore in rome depicting apocalypse 12: “a woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet.” he showed the crescent moon with spots, as his friend galileo had observed with the newly invented telescope. considerations of the orthodox view of the perfect moon as held by philosophers have led historians to ask why this clearly imperfect moon in a religious painting raised no eyebrows. we argue that when considered in the context of biblical interpretation and the rhetoric of the counter-reformation, the imperfect moon under the woman's feet was entirely consistent with traditional interpretations of apocalypse 12.
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Cook, A. "A Roman tercentenary." Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 56, no. 3 (September 22, 2002): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2002.0183.
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Three hundred years ago, on 6 October 1702, the Pope, Clement XI, inaugurated a new meridian line in the church of Santa Maria degli Angeli in Rome, a line that had been set out by a Fellow of The Royal Society, Francesco Bianchini. In my foreword to our January issue I wrote something of his career at the papal court in Rome, of his activities as an astronomer and his membership of the Accademia Fisicamathematica associated with Queen Christina of Sweden (who then lived in Rome). The portrait shows Ada, Countess of Lovelace (1815–1852). (Reproduced courtesy of the Science and Society Library.)
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Raimo, Nadia. "The Frescoes in the Crypt of Saint Adam." Paragone Past and Present 2, no. 1 (July 16, 2021): 114–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24761168-00201005.
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Abstract This essay explores bibliographic and historiographical studies on the frescoed vaults in the crypt of Saint Adam, located in the church of Santa Maria Maggiore in Guglionesi (Campobasso province, Molise, Italy). The frescoes have never been the subject of a detailed study; in fact, they have received only sporadic mention in some volumes of Molise art and history. The most ancient bibliographic information that can be recovered is reported in the nineteenth-century La Cronistoria di Guglionesi by Canon Angelo Maria Rocchia (Guglionesi, 1830–1907) and the three glorious translations by the medieval Benedictine monk Saint Adamo Abate (990–1070). The canon mentioned the historical events that led to the establishment of the crypt and the changes in its pictorial decoration. This essay begins with Canon Rocchia’s hypotheses and moves on to further investigate the crypt and the history of the frescoes, bringing to light similarities and differences in the interpretation of the pictorial decorations.
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Barclay Lloyd, Joan. "SAINT CATHERINE OF SIENA'S TOMB AND ITS PLACE IN SANTA MARIA SOPRA MINERVA, ROME: NARRATION, TRANSLATION AND VENERATION." Papers of the British School at Rome 83 (September 16, 2015): 111–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246215000069.
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By examining the historical narratives of Saint Catherine of Siena's death and burial this paper sheds new light on the liturgical layout of the Dominican church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva in Rome c. 1380. Since then Saint Catherine's remains have been translated five times, and at each translation, the form and decoration of her sepulchre has changed, showing how different aspects of her life were commemorated at each renewal of her tomb. These transformations are examined in the light of what survives today and of other literary documentation. Particular attention is given to the way Catherine was represented before and after her canonization in 1461. This explains why a relief attributed to Donatello that has been associated with her tomb may date c. 1430, while a figure of the saint by an artist close to Isaia of Pisa was made c. 1466. The paper also examines the consequences of placing the tomb under the altar of the Capranica chapel in 1579, and of moving the monument under the high altar of the church in 1855, when Santa Maria sopra Minerva was restored according to neo-Gothic principles. Each phase of her tomb shows how Catherine has been venerated from 1380 until the present.
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Andrews, Margaret, and Seth Bernard. "Urban development at Rome's Porta Esquilina and church of San Vito over the longue durée." Journal of Roman Archaeology 30 (2017): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400074109.
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San Vito's modern location on the Esquiline betrays little of the importance of the church's site in the pre-modern city (fig. 1). The small church was begun under Pope Sixtus IV for the 1475 jubilee and finished two years later along what was at that time the main route between Santa Maria Maggiore and the Lateran. Modern interventions, however, and particularly the creation of the quartiere Esquilino in the late 19th c., changed the traffic patterns entirely. An attempt was made shortly thereafter to connect it with the new via Carlo Alberto by reversing the church's orientation and constructing a new façade facing this modern street. This façade, built into the original 15th-c. apse, was closed when the church was returned to its original orientation in the 1970s, and, as a result, San Vito today appears shuttered. In the ancient and mediaeval periods, by contrast, San Vito was set at a key point in Rome's eastern environs.
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Marchiori, Laura. "Medieval wall painting in the church of Santa Maria in Pallara, Rome: the use of objective dating criteria." Papers of the British School at Rome 77 (November 2009): 225–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200000088.
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Le pitture medievali nella chiesa di Santa Maria in Pallara hanno ricevuto poca attenzione da parte degli studiosi, forse per via dell'incertezza della loro datazione; infatti non si possiede nessuna indipendente documentazione letteraria per la loro realizzazione. Tradizionalmente datati al X secolo, le pitture mostrano un'iconografia più comune nei contesti del XII e XIII secolo, una rappresentazione di Apostoli seduti sulle spalle dei Profeti, che senza dubbio contribuiscono alla loro dimenticanza, visto che i monumenti più tardi sono ben documentati. Comunque, l'iconografia deriva dalle tradizioni romane della decorazione ecclesiastica, tradizioni che possono essere utilizzate in un'analisi delle pitture al fine di arrivare ad una datazione indipendente basata solo sulla loro forma e contenuto. Seguendo una metodologia sviluppata da John Osbornc per la datazione di pitture medievali prive di documentazione a Roma, questo articolo analizza i criteri obicttivi di datazione delle pitture di Santa Maria in Pallara; tali criteri sono la messa in opera, la funzione, il soggetto, le iscrizioni e la tecnica pittorica. Simili analisi suggeriscono che per le pitture è possibile una data al X secolo, che sono ben classificate nella storia della tecnica pittorica di Roma tra monumenti sicuramente datati al IX secolo e quelli datati all'XI e XII secolo.
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Popovic, Marko. "The Saxon church in Novo Brdo - Santa Maria in Novomonte." Starinar, no. 69 (2019): 319–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1969319p.
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The site with the remains of the Saxon church, that is, the former Catholic church of St Mary, lies on a mild slope that descends from the fort to the southeast, or the village of Bostane. Located at a distance of about 1,200 m from Novo Brdo?s Lower Town, it was outside this former urban area. It was intermittently investigated in the 1950s and ?60s, but the complete results of these works have not been published. With this in mind, after almost six decades, an attempt was made, based on the remaining fieldwork documentation, to examine in more detail the complex of this important Novo Brdo edifice. The investigated remains of the church itself reveal three stages, or more precisely, construction phases, which reflect the emergence, renovation and extension of this temple over an extended period of time, from the first decades of the 14th to the end of the 17th century. The first and most important stage comprises the construction of the church itself, as well as the successive adding of masonry tombs and graves in the interior of the original temple. The following stage includes an extensive renovation and expansion of the church, while the third and final stage is distinguished by the construction of a porch in front of the western fa?ade (Fig. 2). The Saxon church is a single-nave temple of a spacious rectangular base. On the eastern side, two massive pilasters separated the nave from a much narrower alter area that terminated in a semicircular apse. This space, that is, the presbytery, was divided by a pair of similar massive pilasters into two unequal parts - a shorter western one, which could be labelled as the choir, and a much larger eastern one, in the centre of which was a masonry altar mensa in the form of a massive column and two simultaneously built steps. In front of them, on the same western side, this construction also included the first, monolithic step, which on the sides had step-like profiled cubes, the upper surface of which contained regularly carved circular indentations for the placement of massive candles. Alongside all four corners of the masonry construction of the alter mensa, steplike profiled bases carved from breccia were discovered in situ, which most likely carried the construction of a wooden ciborium. On the southern side, in the corner between the altar area and the wider nave, a sacristy was located, which was connected by a door to the presbytery, that is, the choir. The interior of the Saxon church, which was completely explored, revealed the existence of several burial horizons, which can, chronologically and in terms of their general characteristics, be determined. The oldest burials, which were performed within the original church, somewhat differ from the later ones, from the time after the renovation of the temple, as well as the construction of the porch. Characteristic of the older period are masonry tombs, intended for a number of burials (Fig. 3). Generally observed, despite the noticeable construction technique typical of the local area, the Saxon church stylistically resembled a Gothic edifice. What particularly contributed to this are stylistically clearly recognisable tall and narrow windows with a broken arch. Such a stylistic preference, in all likelihood, was also influenced by a possible solution for the under- roof construction above the unvaulted nave. The Saxon church in Novo Brdo represents a peculiar phenomenon in the territory of Serbia. It is immediately apparent that the church?s spatial solution corresponded to the needs of Roman Catholic worship. However, by the form of its base it is distinguished from the usual types of Catholic temples in the coastal areas of medieval Serbia, from where the western cultural influences flowed. It was clearly noted that the base of the Novo Brdo church has no close parallels among churches of the Adriatic, which imposed the need for a more detailed consideration of its spatial solution. It?s base, with a rectangular nave, a narrower vaulted presbytery and a laterally positioned sacristy, is characteristic of sacral architecture in a wider area, from the Netherlands, Southern Germany and Saxony, all the way to Transylvania - Ardeal. The spread of this type of base from the areas of its origin, during the 12th and 13th centuries, can be associated with the Saxon diaspora, specifically the Sassi miners, progressing towards the east. This was particularly indicated by a considerable number of these temples in the mining areas of Ardeal, from where the Sassi migrations advanced further down to the south, namely, to the central regions of the Balkans. The thus perceived base of the Novo Brdo church, which, on the whole, follows the spatial solution of Saxon temples, represents the southernmost example of a sacral edifice of this type in Southeast Europe. The time of the construction of the Saxon church in Novo Brdo can be quite reliably determined despite the fragmentarily preserved documentation. The rapid development of the city was undoubtedly accompanied by religious organising, first of the Sassi miners, followed by numerous merchants from Adriatic towns, primarily those from the ?King?s City? of Kotor, and subsequently also from Dubrovnik. Based on all these findings it can be quite safely concluded that the first newly erected church in Novo Brdo was precisely the Saxon church, that is, Santa Maria in Novomonte. It was built, without any doubt, due to the efforts of the newly settled Sassi mining community. Such a conclusion can reliably be drawn on the basis of the spatial solution of the new temple rooted in traditions from the homeland, which were disseminated by this mining population in all areas of their diaspora. The very method of building and some construction solutions, which did not affect the basic concept, were left to local builders. This dating is further supported by coin finds, the oldest specimens of which originate from the last decade of the reign of King Stefan Uros II (1282-1321). The Saxon church, outside the fortified Lower Town, shared the fate of Novo Brdo. Since it was located on the access route to the city, which was not especially defended, it could have been exposed to occasional Turkish attacks during the last decades of the 14th century. With significant destruction, as evidenced by the results of archaeological excavations, the earlier period of life of the Saxon church came to an end. It can be assumed that this took place at the time of the almost two-year long Turkish siege of Novo Brdo between 1439 and 1441. After the Turkish occupation of Novo Brdo in 1455, and upon restoring stability in the conquered city, conditions were created for the renovation of the Saxon church ? Santa Maria in Novomonte. One letter from Rome, sent to the archbishop of the city of Bar in 1458, indicates that this was also advocated by Pope Pius II personally. Major works on that occasion, as shown by archaeological investigations, were conducted within the area of the nave, which was almost entirely in ruins. The undertaken renovation provided the opportunity to increase the size of the church, specifically to extend it westward by 2.70 m. New walls were built from the ground up on the northern and western side of the nave, while within the altar area, which was certainly much better preserved, no traces of any subsequent alterations were noted. Somewhat later, in front of the renovated church, a wooden porch was added. The Saxon church was also used for worship during the 16th and the first half of the 17th century. The archbishop of Bar, Marino Bizzi, during a canonical visitation in 1610, noted that the church at that time fulfilled all the requirements for worship. Three decades later, his successor, Archbishop Giorgio Bianchi, visited the Novo Brdo ?canonical church dedicated to St Mary?, which he says was in the hands of Christians and that inside ?are graves in which Catholics are buried??. This is also the last known data regarding this prominent Novo Brdo temple, which was, without a doubt, finally destroyed during the Austro-Turkish war at the end of the 17th century.
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Pizzo, Benedetto, Nicola Macchioni, Chiara Capretti, Elisa Pecoraro, Lorena Sozzi, and Luigi Fiorentino. "Assessing the wood compressive strength in pile foundations in relation to diagnostic analysis: The example of the Church of Santa Maria Maggiore, Venice." Construction and Building Materials 114 (July 2016): 470–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.conbuildmat.2016.03.173.
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Kinney, Dale. "Liturgy, Space, and Community in the Basilica Julii (Santa Maria in Trastevere)." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7801.
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The Basilica Julii (also known as titulus Callisti and later as Santa Maria in Trastevere) provides a case study of the physical and social conditions in which early Christian liturgies 'rewired' their participants. This paper demonstrates that liturgical transformation was a two-way process, in which liturgy was the object as well as the agent of change. Three essential factors - the liturgy of the Eucharist, the space of the early Christian basilica, and the local Christian community - are described as they existed in Rome from the fourth through the ninth centuries. The essay then takes up the specific case of the Basilica Julii, showing how these three factors interacted in the concrete conditions of a particular titular church. The basilica's early Christian liturgical layout endured until the ninth century, when it was reconfigured by Pope Gregory IV (827-844) to bring the liturgical sub-spaces up-to-date. In Pope Gregory's remodeling the original non-hierarchical layout was replaced by one in which celebrants were elevated above the congregation, women were segregated from men, and higher-ranking lay people were accorded places of honor distinct from those of lesser stature. These alterations brought the Basilica Julii in line with the requirements of the ninth-century papal stational liturgy. The stational liturgy was hierarchically organized from the beginning, but distinctions became sharper in the course of the early Middle Ages in accordance with the expansion of papal authority and changes in lay society. Increasing hierarchization may have enhanced the transformational power of the Eucharist, or impeded it.
Keywords: S. Maria in Trastevere, stational liturgy, tituli, presbyterium.
On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
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Scheer. "Negotiating National Character: The Habsburgs' Roman Catholic Priest College Santa Maria dell'Anima and the German National Church in Rome, 1859–1915." Austrian Studies 28 (2020): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/austrianstudies.28.2020.0064.
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Hill, Michael. "The Patronage of a Disenfranchised Nephew: Cardinal Scipione Borghese and the Restoration of San Crisogono in Rome, 1618-1628." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 60, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 432–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991729.
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The article examines the restoration of San Crisogono in relation to the changing fortunes of its patron, Cardinal Scipione Borghese, nephew of Pope Paul V. Work began with the insertion of a ceiling, prompted by Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini's slightly earlier ceiling in the nearby Santa Maria in Trastevere. By the time the ceiling was installed, however, Paul V had died and Scipione was enduring the unsympathetic Ludovisi pontificate. The eventual upgrading of Borghese's intervention in the church to a full-scale restoration is set against Borghese's social revival following the ascension of the Barberini in 1623. In this environment, the church's extensive inscriptorial and emblematic imagery has a distinct meaning, albeit one transmitted via contemporary ideas of magnificence and cardinalate duties. Building on existing physical reconstructions and drawing mainly from archival sources, the article identifies a distinctive class of patron, peculiar to papal Rome-the disenfranchised nephew.
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Verbaal, Wim. "Resurrecting Rome. Liturgy and Rome's Second Revival." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 101–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7802.
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Liturgy is one of the more underestimated entries of the Gregorian reform. Surely, this is due to the difficulty of getting a clear view of concrete and detailed liturgical evolutions and renewals. It seems, however, to have been one of the more important elements at stake during the short period of the bitter and hard confrontations between the leading layers of the Church around 1100. Besides, between about 1050 and 1150, Rome saw an intense building activity of new churches according to new plans that seem to have been partly dictated by liturgical renovations. Notably, Pope Innocent II seems to have realized the importance of liturgy as a weapon to be used against his ecclesiastical and secular opponents. Thanks to the remarkable Liber politicus by Benedict the Canon (around 1140), we can have some ideas of the way innocent II used liturgy as a means to install his own imperial papacy. My contribution will have a closer look at Benedict's Liber politicus in its literary context as a means to reimagine Rome. The Liber will prove to be much more than a liturgical manual or a strange collection of disparate writings. Behind it lies a strong view of the political role of the papacy and of liturgy as a means to achieve and express papal supremacy.
On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
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Kuznetsova, Nataliya S. "THE IMAGE OF THE ALTAR OF ST. PETER'S BASILICA IN THE ROMAN CHURCHES OF THE 12-13TH CENT." Articult, no. 3 (2020): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2227-6165-2020-3-56-64.
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The Main purpose of the study is an analysis of influence of the image of St. Peter's Basilica on the Roman church architecture of the 12th-13th centuries. It is possible to search the special type of the presbytery, characterized by uniting of the altar on the pedestal and the reliquary “confession” in the general vertical composition. The congregation of these churches had opportunities to see the process of worship and approach the saint relicts. The altar stood so that the Priest served the mass facing the worshippers, as it was in San Pietro. So, this important monument of Rome could be a model for the other churches of the Middle Ages. Among the churches of this period, such features have the altar space of San Giovanni in Laterano, as well as the basilicas of San Giorgio in Velabro, Santa Maria Assunta in Anagni and Santi Giovanni e Paolo in Ferentino. All these buildings was connected with the Power of Papa.
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Camuffo, Dario, Giovanni Sturaro, and Antonio Valentino. "Thermodynamic exchanges between the external boundary layer and the indoor microclimate at the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, Italy: the problem of conservation of ancient works of art." Boundary-Layer Meteorology 92, no. 2 (August 1999): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1002026711404.
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Westwell, Arthur. "The Ordines Romani and the Carolingian Choreography of a Liturgical Route to Rome." Acta ad archaeologiam et artium historiam pertinentia 31 (December 31, 2019): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/acta.7800.
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This article examines a number of Carolingian liturgical manuscripts (Wolfenbuttel Herzog August Bibliothek Wissenbourg 91, Cologne Dombibliothek MS 138, Vienna Österreichische Nationalbibliothek cod.ser.n. 2762 and Paris Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal 227) each containing texts now known as the ordines romani. These texts are "stage directions" for the liturgy, distinguished by their reference to the practices of the church of Rome. While the ordines romani certainly give precious information about Roman liturgical practice, the Frankish contribution to shaping and displaying these texts inline with their own priorities and usages must be acknowledged too. For example, these manuscripts all combine ordines romani with texts about Roman history and topography. For these readers, the desired imitation of Roman liturgical practice was not about copying any particular text or practice by rote, but a deeper form of participation that involved the construction of an image of Rome across a whole manuscript. The given image of Rome responded to the institutional or personal needs animating the manuscript. These manuscripts compel us to imagine diverse practices of reading within and without liturgical performance.
Keywords: pontificals, topography, Ordines, manuscripts, Carolingians.
On cover:Monks singing the Office and decorated initial A[sperges me.]. Gradual Olivetan Master (Use of the Olivetan Benedictines), illuminated manuscript on parchment ca. 1430-1439. Italy, Monastero di Santa Maria di Baggio near Milan, Ca 1400-1775.Beinecke Ms1184: The olivetan Gradual. Gradual. General Collection, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.
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Smith, Graham. "Gaetano Baccani's "Systematization" of the Piazza del Duomo in Florence." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 454–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991621.
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Emilio de Fabris's completion of the west front of Santa Maria del Fiore is the best-known of the architectural interventions carried out during the nineteenth century in the Piazza del Duomo and Piazza di San Giovanni in Florence. But this initiative was preceded by an earlier one that was more radical in character, insofar as it transformed the area around the Campanile and Duomo. A proposal of November 1823 by the architect Gaetano Baccani resulted in the demolition of a large part of the late medieval cathedral canonry and the creation of an extensive new piazza on the south side of Santa Maria del Fiore. This intervention introduced two issues that were to become fundamental to the notion of urban patrimony. On the one hand, it prompted consideration of the relationship between a historic monument and its ambience; on the other, it brought into focus the tension that was likely to exist between conservation and the creation of a modern urban environment. The present study publishes Baccani's formal submission to the Deputazione Secolare sopra l'Opera di Santa Maria del Fiore and draws on other documents preserved in the Archivio dell'Opera to construct a detailed history of the project. The study also introduces other literary and visual materials to establish the nature of Baccani's "systematization" of the Piazza del Duomo. Baccani's project is linked retrospectively to a Napoleonic plan for the modernization of Florence, but it is discussed also as a harbinger of later programs of urban renewal in Florence and in other Italian cities. The paper outlines the history of the canonry compound and places Baccani's reorganization of it in the context of the development of a new relationship between church and state in Florence. The piazza likewise is considered in relation to the transformation of Florence into a modern, orderly city, well-suited to the growing tourist industry. From Baccani's proposal to the Deputazione Secolare it is apparent that he wished it to be believed that his project was in keeping with the intentions of the original architects of the Duomo. The present study considers Baccani's project in this light, while also assessing the extent to which his plans were rooted in his own time. In particular, Baccani's conception of the area around the Duomo is discussed in relation to other urbanistic projects that were planned in Florence, Milan, and Rome during the Napoleonic period. Finally, Baccani's scheme is considered in relation to recent studies of the area around the Duomo by Piero Sanpaolesi, Margaret Haines, and Marvin Trachtenberg. The paper establishes that Baccani's intervention fundamentally changed the manner in which Santa Maria del Fiore and the Campanile could be seen, revealing an "ideal" view of the two buildings in juxtaposition. Baccani's vision is discussed in relation to a widespread nineteenth-century wish to consecrate the individual monument. The study concludes by introducing a number of unfamiliar images of the Campanile and Duomo and proposes that they lent authority to Baccani's concept of a "best" general view of these monuments.
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Wilson, Christopher C. "Saint Teresa of Ávila's Martyrdom: Images of her Transverberation in Mexican Colonial Painting." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 21, no. 74-75 (August 6, 1999): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.1999.74-75.1876.
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The images of the Transverberation of St. Teresa of Jesus originated in some of the episodes that are related by the saint, especially of the Libro de la vida in the 13th paragraph of the 29th chapter. The book had great success all over Europe after it was first published in Salamanca (Guillermo Foquel, 1588). However, the famed episode of the Transverberation was represented for the first time in the Vida gráfica (Antwerp, 1613) and this image was reproduced freely via prints. Among the most famous representation are a painting by Rubens, destroyed by fire in 1940, and the magnificent sculpture by Bernini, at the Church of Santa Maria della Vittoria in Rome. The scene was also accepted in New Spain with great enthusiasm and it became one of the most popular topics in religious painting. Wilson studies the image of the Transverberation not only as a mystic experience but also as a “virtual” martyrdom that is clearly expressed in a painting by Juan Correa based on a Flemish engraving by Richard Collin (17th century). Wilson recalls that both Saint Teresa and her brother Rodrigo used to read the lives of the saints during their childhood and that they even imagined themselves being martyred in the land of the Moors in North Africa. The iconography for the representations of Saint Teresa are taken from the topics that were used for illustrate the Martyrdom of Saint Ursula.
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Tracz, Szymon. "Italian Inspiration for the Painting Decorations by Maciej Jan Meyer from the First Half of the Eighteenth Century in Szembek Chapel at the Cathedral in Frombork." Perspektywy Kultury 30, no. 3 (December 20, 2020): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/pk.2020.3003.11.
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The Bishop of Warmia, Krzysztof Andrzej Jan Szembek from Słupów (1680– 1740), erected a domed reliquary chapel devoted to the Most Holy Savior and St. Theodore the Martyr (Saint Theodore of Amasea) at the cathedral in Frombork, also known as Szembek Chapel. The entire interior of the chapel is covered with frescoes dating from around 1735 by Maciej Jan Meyer (Matthias Johann Meyer) from Lidzbark Warmiński. Educated in Italy, the artist made polychrome decorations in the style of illusionistic architectural painting known as quadrature. In the lower part of the chapel stand busts of saints and the entire figure of St. Theodore of Amasea; in the cupola of the dome is the adoration of the Holy Trinity and the Holy Cross by the Mother of God and the Saints. Using the comparative method, I discuss the decoration of the chapel in the context of quadrature painting, which was developing in Italy and then in Central Europe, especially at the end of the 17th and the first half of the 18th centuries. Influential artists who played an important role for Polish quadratura techniques were Andrea Pozzo (1642–1709) and painters who came from Italy or studied painting there, such as Maciej Jan Meyer. I also show the prototype for the decoration of the chapel’s dome, namely, the frescoes from 1664–1665 by Pietro Berrettini da Cortona in the dome of Santa Maria in Valicella in Rome, as well as for medallions with busts of saints modeled on the structure of the main altar from 1699–1700 in the Church of the Holy Cross in Warsaw, funded by Meyer’s first patron, Bishop Teodor Potocki, primate of Poland.
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CHEN, JEN-YEN. "MASSES BY ALESSANDRO SCARLATTI AND FRANCESCO GASPARINI: MUSIC FROM THE BASILICA OF SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE, ROME ED. LUCA DELLA LIBERA Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era 137 Middleton: A-R Editions, 2004 pp. xxii + 242; IBSN: 978 0 89579 557 1." Eighteenth Century Music 6, no. 1 (March 2009): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478570609001821.
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Bernatowicz, Tadeusz. "Jan Reisner w Akademii św. Łukasza. Artysta a polityka króla Jana III i papieża Innocentego XI." Roczniki Humanistyczne 68, no. 4 Zeszyt specjalny (2020): 159–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh20684-10s.
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Jan Reisner (ca. 1655-1713) was a painter and architect. He was sent by King Jan III together with Jerzy Siemiginowski to study art at St. Luke Academy in Rome. He traveled to the Eternal City (where he arrived on February 24, 1678) with Prince Michał Radziwiłł’s retinue. Cardinal Carlo Barberini, who later became the protector of Regni Poloniae, was the guardian and protector of the artist during his studies in 1678-1682. In the architectural competition announced by the Academy in 1681 Reisner was awarded the fi prize in the fi class, and a little later he was accepted as a member of this prestigious university. He was awarded the Order of the Golden Spur (Aureatae Militiae Eques) and the title Aulae Lateranensis Comes, which was equivalent to becoming a nobleman. The architectural award was conferred by the jury of Concorso Academico, composed of the Academy’s principe painter Giuseppe Garzi, its secretary Giuseppe Gezzi, and the architects Gregorio Tommassini and Giovanni B. Menicucci. In the Archivio storico dell’Accademia di San Luca, preserved are three design drawings of a church made by Jan Reisner in pen and watercolor, showing the front elevation, longitudinal section, and a projection. Although they were made for the 1681 competition, they were labelled with the date 1682, when the prizes were already being awarded. Reisner’s design reflected the complicated trends in the architecture of the 1660s and 1670s, especially in the architectural education of St. Luke’s Academy. There, attempts were made to reconcile the classicistic tendencies promoted by the French court with the reference to the forms of mature Roman Baroque. As a result of this attempt to combine the features of the two traditions, an eclectic work was created, as well as other competition projects created by students of the St. Luke’s Academy. The architect designed the Barberini temple-mausoleum, on a circular plan with eight lower chapels opening inwards and a rectangular chancel. The inside of the rotund is divided into three parts: the main body with opening chapels, a tambour, and a dome with sketches of the Fall of Angels. Inside, there is an altar with a pillar-and-column canopy. The architectural origin of the building was determined by ancient buildings: the Pantheon (AD 125) and the Mausoleum of Constance (4th century AD). A modern school based of this model was opened by Andrea Palladio, who designed the Tempietto Barbaro in Maser from 1580. In the near future, the Santa Maria della Assunzione in Ariccia (1662-1664) by Bernini and Notre-Dame-de-l’Assomption (1670-1676) in Paris by Charles Errard could provide inspiration. In particular, the unrealized project of Carlo Fontana to adapt the Colosseum to the place of worship of the Holy Martyrs was undertaken by Clement X in connection with the celebration of the Holy Year in 1675. In the middle of the Flavius amphitheatre, he designed the elevation of a church in the form of an antique-styled rotunda, with a dome on a high tambour and a wreath of chapels encircling it. Equally important was the design of the fountain of the central church in Basque Loyola (Santuario di S. Ignazio a Loyola). In the Baroque realizations of the then Rome we find patterns for the architectural decoration of the Reisnerian church. In the layout and the artwork of the facades we notice the influence of the columnar Baroque facades, so common in different variants in the works of da Cortona, Borromini and Rainaldi. The monumental columnar facades built according to Carlo Rainaldi’s designs were newly completed: S. Andrea della Valle (1656 / 1662-1665 / 1666) and S. Maria in Campitelli (designed in 1658-1662 and executed in 1663-1667), and Borromini San Carlo alle Quatro Fontane (1667-1677). The angels supporting the garlands on the plinths of the tambour attic are modelled on the decoration of two churches of Bernini: S. Maria della Assunzione in Ariccia (1662-1664) and S. Andrea al Quirinale (1658-1670). The repertoire of mature Baroque also includes the window frames of the front facade of the floor in the form of interrupted beams and, with the header made in the form of sections capped with volutes. The design indicates that the chancel was to be laid out on a slightly elongated rectangle with rounded corners and covered with a ceiling with facets, with a cross-section similar to a heavily flattened dome. It is close to the solutions used by Borromini in the Collegio di Propaganda Fide and the Oratorio dei Filippini. The three oval windows decorated with C-shaped arches and with ribs coming out of the volute of the base of the dome, which were among the characteristic motifs of da Cortona, taken over from Michelangelo, are visible. The crowning lantern was given an original shape: a pear-shaped outline with three windows of the same shape, embraced by S-shaped elongated volutes, which belonged to the canonical motifs used behind da Cortona by the crowds of architects of late Baroque eclecticism. Along with learning architecture, which was typical at the Academy, Reisner learned painting and geodesy, thanks to which, after his return to Poland, he gained prestige and importance at the court of Jan III, then with the Płock Voivode Jan Krasiński. His promising architectural talent did gain prominence as an architect in Poland, although – like few students of St. Luke’s Academy – he received all the honors as a student and graduate.
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Talbot, M. "Italian vocal music for chapel and chamber: Masses by Alessandro Scarlatti and Francesco Gasparini: music from the basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, ed. Luca della Libera, Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era, cxxxviii (Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2004), $80 * Atto Melani, Complete cantatas, ed. Roger Freitas, Yale University Collegium Musicum, Second Series, xv (Middleton, WI: A-R Editions, 2005), $83 * Giovanni Legrenzi, Two cantatas from the Munich manuscript, ed. Barbara Sachs (Richmond: Green Man Press, n.d.), 5.90 * Giovanni Legrenzi, A cantata & two canzonettas for bass and b.c., ed. Cedric Lee (Richmond: Green Man Press, n.d.), 6.90 * Giovanni Legrenzi, Three cantatas for bass and b.c., ed. Cedric Lee (Richmond: Green Man Press, n.d.), 5.90." Early Music 34, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 692–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/em/cal096.
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Noreen, Kristin. "Salus populi: Icons and the Protection of the People." Journal of Icon Studies Vol. 3, no. 3 (December 31, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.36391/jis3001.
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With the outbreak of the COVID-19 global pandemic, Pope Francis prayed before an icon of the Virgin and Child in Santa Maria Maggiore and a crucifix in San Marcello, two images associated with miraculous healing and intercessory power. He subsequently had the icon and crucifix moved to St. Peter’s where they flanked the pope as he offered a special Urbi et Orbi blessing on March 27, 2020. To contextualize Francis’s use of an icon during the coronavirus outbreak, this article will trace the role of cult images in Rome during occurrences of disease and will briefly discuss the specific importance of the Santa Maria Maggiore icon for the early Jesuit order.
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Stankevičienė, Regimanta. "The origin of the miraculous painting of Our Lady in Krekenava Church: iconographic sources and their contexts." Menotyra 25, no. 1 (May 3, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.6001/menotyra.v25i1.3686.
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The article presents a high altar painting of “Our Lady with the Child” in the Krekenava Basilica of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary (Our Lady of Krekenava; pine, canvas, oil; size: 172 × 111 cm). Parsons of Krekenava Church were Samogitian archdeacons. The picture was donated by Nicolao Povetrius (Mikalojus Povetrijus), a parson of the church in 1622–1634. It was announced that he brought the picture from Rome. However, the fabrics and artistic features of the painting show that it was created by a Lithuanian painter instead. Iconographic analysis suggests that the painting was painted on the basis of three old prototypes related to St. Luke authorship. These are icons from two very famous churches of Rome (S. Maria Maggiore (Salus Populi Romani) from the Basilica of the same title and S. Maria del Popolo from the church of the same title) and one from Poland and Lithuania, which is highly respected (Our Lady of Częstochowa from Jasna Góra Pauline Monastery Basilica). It was noticed that from the end of the 16th century, the copies of S. Maria Maggiore icon were created on the basis of the original image, e.g. a Jesuitic copy of 1569, which transferred the original painting into the image of the modern times (at present, in S. Andrea al Quirinale monastery). Such copies very quickly spread in Lithuania, where representations of Our Lady of Częstochowa became more and more popular. The derivations of the icon of S. Maria del Popolo were also created. This is testified by the altar painting of the Zarasai Parish Church (until 1610). The combination of several important aspects of origin (St. Luke authorship), cult and iconography of miraculous images of Our Lady in one painting are considered to be an aspiration to create the most suitable ideal image of Our Lady. Applying this method by combining the iconography of S. Maria Maggiore and Our Lady of Częstochowa, a high altar painting of Our Lady of Tytuvėnai Church was created at the same period and benefited by Vilnius Bishop Eustachy Wołłowicz (Eustachijus Valavičius). Krekenava and Tytuvėnai paintings are among the earliest images of the miraculous derivations of Our Lady in Lithuania. The iconography taken from prototypes was supplemented by crowns. The derivation of venerable archaic images of Our Lady was a process of re-evaluation and innovative expose, which took place in the post-Tridentine Church. The process was launched in Rome, and customers of the Krekenava image and other mentioned paintings of Our Lady in Lithuania were high or higher Catholic priests who studied or visited Rome and other Italian cities for other purposes. It is likely that they visited famous paintings and brought their copies. The paintings of Krekenava and Tytuvėnai because of oil painting technique and style are examples of the New Times painting, which was called “Latin” in Lithuania. They have archaic features taken from the prototypes. However, the origin of prototypes dissociates them from the Eastern Orthodox tradition of sacral paintings of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, to which they are often wrongly attributed. Only wood panels and selection of symbolic gold plating background (golden colour in the Krekenava image) testifies to the impact of the latter tradition.
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Smørvik, Kjersti Karijord. "Why enter the church on holiday? Tourist encounters with the Basilica of Santa Maria in Trastevere, Rome." Journal of Heritage Tourism, August 17, 2020, 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1743873x.2020.1807557.
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Amaral, Ílidio. "Relações externas congolesas na primeira década do séc. XVII, em termos de D. Álvaro II: a emabixada de D. Garcia Baptista e D. António Manuel." Finisterra 32, no. 63 (December 13, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.18055/finis1779.
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FOREIGN CONGOLESE RELATIONS IN THE FIRST DECADE OF THE XVIIth CENTURY, IN THE TIMES OF D. ALVARO II: THE EMBASSY OF D. GARIA BAPTISTA AND D. ANTONIO MANUEL - This article provides an insight into the diplomatic relationship between the Kingdom of Congo, Portugal and Spain and the Vatican in the first decade of the XVIIth century (1604-1608), being king of Congo D. Alvaro II, whose african name was Mpangu-a-Nimi Lukeni Lua Mvemba, and reigned from 1587 to 1618. Some notes are given through several examples of congolese embassies, one of them being composed by D. Garcia Baptista, charged of the affairs more closely related to the Philipine administration (D. Filipe II), and D. Antonio Manuel, the marquis of Vunta, whose destination was the Vatican, to meet the Pope. Both arrived in Portugal in the last quarter of 1605, after a long and troubled journey with a halt in Brazil. The fist one brought a long memorial that was submitted to a minute appreciation by the Council of India and by the viceroy of Portugal. Later he went back to Congo. The second met with the greatest difficulties on his voyage to Rome where he arrived very ill, on January the 3rd 1608 and died on the 5th, after transmitting to the Pope the essencial of his mission. He was entitled to a magnificent funeral and was buried in the church of Santa Maria Maior, where his tomb still exists as well as a bust in marble attributed to the school of Bernini. He was known among the romans as Nigrita