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Journal articles on the topic 'Ronald Reagan Presidential Library'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2025

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1

Daellenbach, Dennis A. "The Ronald Reagan Presidential Library." Government Information Quarterly 11, no. 1 (1994): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0740-624x(94)90028-0.

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Hufbauer, B. "The Ronald Reagan Presidential Library and Museum. Simi Valley, Calif. http://www.reaganlibrary.com." Journal of American History 95, no. 3 (2008): 786–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27694381.

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Torres, Jennifer, Jennifer Mandel, Ira Pemstein, Randle Swan, and Gina Risetter. "The special relationship revealed: US–UK materials in the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library." Journal of Transatlantic Studies 18, no. 4 (2020): 498–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s42738-020-00056-9.

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Griffith, Brian J. "Auschwitz: Not Long Ago, Not Far Away. Ronald Reagan Presidential Library." Public Historian 45, no. 4 (2023): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2023.45.4.115.

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Redihan, Erin E. "“Winning for Themselves, Not for Moscow”: Baltic Independence and the Olympic Games During the 1980s." Journal of Olympic Studies 2, no. 2 (2021): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jofolympstud.2.2.0110.

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Abstract This article looks at efforts by the Baltic community in the United States to use international sport as an anti-Soviet platform during the 1980s. These efforts included campaigns involving the 1980, 1984, and 1988 Olympic Games (Summer and Winter). Using archival materials from the Baltic American Freedom League and the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, along with other primary sources, this article argues that the Baltic community was able to attract considerable publicity to their cause through the platform of international sport. The best known of these endeavors was the Ban the

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Yakupov, Roman Aleksandrovich, and Dar'ya Viktorovna Yakupova. "“If the gas pipeline would be built, we lose”: transcript of Reagan's speech at the US National Security Council Meeting on the Sanctions against Soviet Union." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2021): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.4.36124.

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The object of this research is the declassified transcript of the US National Security Council Meeting of July 9, 1981, dedicated to introduction of the economic and political restrictions on building of the Soviet gas main pipeline. The subject of this research is the analysis information-bearing capabilities of the office documentation of the US National Security Council Meetings for conducting the scientific assessment of sanctions policy of the US government against the Soviet Union in the 1980s as part of directives on restricting the access of the Soviet Union to foreign markets. The art

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Mattson, Kevin. "Ronald Reagan: Presidential Transformer." Reviews in American History 37, no. 2 (2009): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.0.0091.

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Mioduszewski, Kamil. "President Ronald Reagan’s Involvement in the 1988 Presidential Campaign." Res Politicae 17 (2025): 65–78. https://doi.org/10.16926/rp.2025.17.04.

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President Ronald Reagan changed the face of the United States through a series of internal and external policy changes known as the, “Reagan Revolution”. When the next election took place in 1988, in which he could no longer participate, his action to elect his Vice President George H.W. Bush was very important. The purpose of this article is to show how Ronald Reagan tried to participate in the political campaign already as the outgoing president. Analyzed is his involvement and attitude towards the actions taken by the Democratic Party representatives and also his actions in support of Vice

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Kopelson, Gene. "“Ya Basta?!” Ronald Reagan's 1966 Success with Mexican American Voters." California History 91, no. 4 (2014): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2014.91.4.31.

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President Ronald Reagan often is remembered for his ability to attract disaffected Democrats—the “Reagan Democrats”—to vote Republican. Yet, long before his first Presidential victory in 1980, Reagan garnered their votes in the 1966 California gubernatorial election. In beating Republican primary opponent, former San Francisco Mayor George Christopher, as well as his general election opponent, incumbent Democrat Governor Pat Brown, he drew heavily from the ranks of disaffected Democrats. Perhaps more surprising, Reagan polled well among Mexican Americans, who were traditionally Democrats. Inde

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Kaplowitz, Craig A. "The Great Repudiator and Immigration Reform: Ronald Reagan and the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 4 (2018): 635–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030618000246.

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Abstract:In 1981, Ronald Reagan created a task force intended to gain the initiative on immigration reform. But immigration reform presented obstacles to his political stance in repudiation of his Democratic predecessors. After four years of wrangling, internally as well as with Congress, many on the Reagan team viewed the immigration task force as having shackled the president to an unwinnable issue. Frustrated politically, Reagan aides shifted focus to an emerging presidential tactic—the signing statement. This allowed the president to sign the Immigration Reform and Control Act while settin

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MCALLISTER, TED. "The Ronald Reagan Library and Museum." Public Historian 28, no. 3 (2006): 208–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2006.28.3.208.

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Kimball, William R. "The Ronald Reagan Library at Stanford." California History 64, no. 4 (1985): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25158328.

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13

Powell, Gary N., and D. Anthony Butterfield. "Is the “Presidential Image” Reserved for Males? Sex-Role Stereotypes and the 1984 Presidential Election." Psychological Reports 61, no. 2 (1987): 491–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1987.61.2.491.

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With the selection of Geraldine Ferraro as a vice presidential candidate and the emergence of the “gender gap” issue in the campaign, the 1984 U.S. presidential election provided a unique opportunity for assessment of the effect of gender on preferences for presidential leadership and perceptions of candidates. 277 college students ( Mdn age: 20 yr.) described a Good President, Good Vice-president, Ronald Reagan, Walter Mondale, George Bush, or Ferraro on the revised Bern Sex-role Inventory shortly before the election. The Good President, Good Vice-president, and all candidates except Mondale

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14

Lanoue, David J. "The "Teflon Factor": Ronald Reagan & Comparative Presidential Popularity." Polity 21, no. 3 (1989): 481–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3234744.

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15

Meagher, Michael E. "John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/21.

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Most Americans in the 1920s and 1930s were unaware of the crimes committed in the Soviet Union. Even today, the full extent of the carnage is unknown. This essay explores the ways in which Presidents Kennedy and Reagan dealt with the contrast between the open societies of the West and the severely damage civil societies of the Soviet bloc through the rhetorical presidency. Key speeches throughout the two administrations stressed the use of presidential rhetoric as a way of challenging the communist regimes of Eastern Europe and the USSR. For both Presidents, the key rhetorical moment came in W

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Walk, Stephan R. "The Footrace Metaphor in American Presidential Rhetoric." Sociology of Sport Journal 12, no. 1 (1995): 36–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.12.1.36.

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A constitutive view of metaphor is used to examine speeches of Lyndon Johnson and Ronald Reagan. This analysis shows Johnson’s establishment of the metaphor of the footrace to describe life in the United States and Reagan’s attempt to contest this metaphor. Johnson’s rhetoric appealed to the notion of the “starting line” and the need for government to establish equal competitive conditions. Reagan appealed to the “runners” and argued that individual competitors need to rely on athletic “character” rather than government to succeed. It is argued that attention to the sport metaphor in public di

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Medhurst, Martin J. "Rhetorical Functions of the Bible in American Presidential Discourse, 1977–2013: A Taxonomy." Journal of Communication and Religion 37, no. 2 (2014): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcr20143729.

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This essay identifies nine distinct functions that use of the Bible serves for U.S. presidents. A method for isolating biblical quotations and allusions is first identified and then applied to the presidential discourse of Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama. Each of the nine functions is illustrated, and the implications of their deployment for presidential rhetoric and the American polity are discussed.

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Porter, Laurinda W. "Religion and Politics." Journal of Communication and Religion 13, no. 2 (1990): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jcr19901329.

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This study analyzes speeches delivered by Ronald Reagan, Jimmy Carter, and John B. Anderson during the presidential campaign of 1980. It focuses on the religious content of the texts and the manifest and latent evidence of selected Protestant ideas. The author suggests a connection between the religious ideas in campaign rhetoric and future political campaign groups.

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Broadwater, Jeff. "Chafe, The Unfinished Journey - America Since World War II." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 17, no. 2 (1992): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.17.2.96-97.

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This is an updated edition of a popular text by the noted Duke University historian William H. Chafe. The original 1986 volume closed with the re-election of Ronald Reagan; the second edition carries the reader through the presidential campaign of 1988. Chafe's new material depicts a beleaguered Reagan hard pressed by the Iran-Contra scandal, the abortive nomination of Robert Bork to the Supreme Court, and a weakening American economy, who, consistent with his legendary luck, nevertheless manages to rehabilitate his reputation with the INF Treaty with the Soviets and an almost miraculous thaw

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Shanks, J. Merrill, and Warren E. Miller. "Policy Direction and Performance Evaluation: Complementary Explanations of the Reagan Elections." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 2 (1990): 143–235. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005780.

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This article reviews the range of explanations which have been proposed for voting behaviour in the US elections won by Ronald Reagan and develops a comprehensive model for the evolution of electoral choices in both of those contests. Estimates are provided for both the direct and indirect effects of several types of variables or ‘explanatory themes’, and those estimates are used to assess the relative importance of each of those themes in explaining individual-level choices and the aggregate outcomes of both Reagan elections. These procedures suggest that preferences concerning both policy di

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Borquez, Julio. "Partisan Appraisals of Party Defectors: Looking Back at the Reagan Democrats." American Review of Politics 26 (November 1, 2005): 323–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005.26.0.323-346.

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Using data from the 1980-1992 National Election Studies, this paper compares the policy and partisan views of three sets of voters: (1) “loyal” Democrats who voted for their party’s presidential candidates; (2)“defecting” Democrats who voted for Ronald Reagan or George Bush; (3) loyal Republicans. During the 1980s, the defectors were commonly labeled “Reagan Democrats,” and the conventional wisdom at the time was that Reagan Democrats were disenchanted with the liberal tilt of the “national” Democratic Party, especially on issues related to race and redistribution. The analysis shows that defe

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Gilbert, Robert E. "The politics of presidential illness: Ronald Reagan and the Iran-Contra Scandal." Politics and the Life Sciences 33, no. 2 (2014): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/33_2_58.

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This paper assesses the likelihood that the Iran-Contra scandal was shaped heavily by the effects of Ronald Reagan's cancer surgery in summer, 1985. During the President's hospitalization and in the period soon after, he took several actions—which he apparently did not remember—that launched a policy that was unwise, counterproductive, and a failure. These damaged both his Administration and his standing in history. The 25thAmendment afforded Reagan the means by which his involvement in these events could easily have been avoided. However, the President and his aides determined that he would r

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West, Darrell M. "Television and Presidential Popularity in America." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 2 (1991): 199–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006104.

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Presidential approval ratings are a frequently used barometer of performance and popularity. However, despite recognition of the media age in which we live, little work has examined the impact of television on presidential popularity. Using a 1980 and 1984 television content study, panel data from the 1980 National Election Study and rolling cross-sectional data from the 1984 Continuous Monitoring Study, I compare two American presidents (Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan) commonly seen as having different effectiveness on television. While media effects were not uniformly present during the two

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Nguyen, Cecilia, and Theadore Hufford. "Presidential Assassinations: Historical Review with Current Technology." American Surgeon 86, no. 1 (2020): 2–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313482008600103.

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As many have studied in the past, the real question of a presidential assassination failure or completion of the attempt should focus on the medical outlook, albeit sometimes surgical in nature. In this article, injuries sustained by various assassination attempts will be examined thoroughly to ensure they received the most appropriate medical care possible at that time and, then in turn, evaluate the medical outcomes in light of contemporary medical knowledge. The five presidents include Abraham Lincoln, James Garfield, William McKinley, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, and Ronald Reagan. Although th

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Knoblauch, William M. "Misremembering Reagan: A Decade of Cultural Dissent." American Studies in Scandinavia 52, no. 2 (2020): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i2.6499.

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Presidential legacies are constructed, and for the Republican Party perhaps no figure has benefitted from mythology, hagiography, and misremembrances than Ronald Wilson Reagan. Popularly, America’s 40th President is frequently remembered as residing over a massive economic upswing, restoring faith in the American military, and ushering in the end of the Cold War—combining to construct an image of a beloved, even visionary leader. Looking back at popular culture from the 1980s, however, paints a very different picture. From Reagan’s relationship with the press, his shortcomings acknowledging st

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Jones, John M., and Robert C. Rowland. "A Covenant‐affirming jeremiad: The post‐presidential ideological appeals of Ronald Wilson Reagan." Communication Studies 56, no. 2 (2005): 157–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00089570500078783.

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Su, Zhengshuo. "Charismatic Leadership, and Its Detrimental Role in American Presidential Elections." Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 36, no. 1 (2024): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/36/20240431.

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Presidential leadership in the U.S. is very much dependent on the seemingly rational support from voters, which can be obtained through the presentation of charisma. This paper delves into the compelling role of charismatic leadership in shaping the outcomes of American presidential elections, focusing on the charismatic appeals of John F. Kennedy, Ronald Reagan, and Barack Obama. By analyzing their distinctive campaigns and contextualizing their charisma within historical and socio-political frameworks as well as pre-existing works on charismatic leadership cross the globe, the study illumina

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Rudalevige, Andrew. "Beyond Structure and Process: The Early Institutionalization of Regulatory Review." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 4 (2018): 577–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030618000222.

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Abstract:With regulatory reform again on the presidential agenda, the history of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) provides a useful case study of organizational effectiveness. In 1981, President Ronald Reagan charged OIRA with imposing cost-benefit analysis on agency regulations, formalizing a new process of centralized regulatory review. But OIRA’s effectiveness flowed less from a single executive order than from the previous decade of presidential experimentation with regulatory review and Reagan’s continued investment in its institutionalization. This article draws ex

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Søndergaard, Rasmus Sinding. "Human Rights and the 1980 U.S. Presidential Election." American Studies in Scandinavia 52, no. 2 (2020): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v52i2.6497.

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Due to dramatic developments in international affairs and the starkly diverging foreign policy visions of the two candidates, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan, foreign policy occupied a usually prominent role in the 1980 U.S. presidential election. A central component of the foreign policy debate was the appropriate role for human rights concerns in American foreign relations. Nevertheless, neither historians of U.S. presidential elections nor historians of human rights have devoted much attention to the issue. This article represents the first comprehensive study of the role of human rights in

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Citrin, Jack, and Donald Philip Green. "Presidential Leadership and the Resurgence of Trust in Government." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 4 (1986): 431–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004518.

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Are Happy Days for government really here again? Recent polls suggest that the long slide in public confidence in America's political institutions and authorities has finally ended. Ronald Reagan, who came to Washington to bury government rather than praise it, ironically has presided over a restoration of trust in the competence of national leadership. We begin this article by charting the contours of the unanticipated improvement in the public's image of government, assessing the magnitude of the increase in confidence, identifying the social groups whose outlook has changed and specifying t

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Milkis, Sidney M., Jesse H. Rhodes, and Emily J. Charnock. "What Happened to Post-Partisanship? Barack Obama and the New American Party System." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (2012): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004907.

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Ascending to the presidency in the midst of a severe economic crisis and an ongoing war on terrorism, Barack Obama faced numerous political and policy challenges. We examine the responsibilities he faced in assuming the received tasks of modern presidential leadership amid a polarized political system. To a point, Obama has embraced partisan leadership, indeed, even further articulating developments in the relationship between the president and parties that Ronald Reagan had first initiated, and George W. Bush built upon. Thus Obama has advanced an executive-centered party system that relies o

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Immerwahr, Daniel. "Twilight of Empire." Modern American History 1, no. 1 (2018): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2017.2.

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“The whole world knows that we covet no territory,” announced Herbert Hoover. Or was it Dwight Eisenhower who said that? (“The United States does not covet a single acre of land that belongs to another.”) Or perhaps John F. Kennedy (“This nation does not covet the territory of any people”), Lyndon Johnson (“We threaten no regime and covet no territory”), Gerald Ford (“America covets no one else's land”), or Ronald Reagan (“We Americans covet no foreign territory”)? The disavowing of territorial ambitions is a hallowed, bipartisan presidential tradition, like pardoning a turkey at Thanksgiving

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Shireman, Robert. "Learn Now, Pay Later: A History of Income-Contingent Student Loans in the United States." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 671, no. 1 (2017): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716217701673.

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The idea of financing higher education with the income that comes afterward has been formally proposed and implemented in the United States, in various permutations, since at least 1971. The attractiveness of the concept is exemplified by the political diversity of its proponents, ranging from Senator Ted Kennedy to President Ronald Reagan, and from presidential candidates Michael Dukakis (Democratic governor who ran in 1988) to Jeb Bush (Republican former governor who ran in 2016). This article examines the design of the various proposals over time, the arguments in support and opposition, an

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Covington, Cary R., Kent Kroeger, Glenn Richardson, and J. David Woodard. "Shaping a Candidate's Image in the Press: Ronald Reagan and the 1980 Presidential Election." Political Research Quarterly 46, no. 4 (1993): 783. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448931.

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Covington, Cary R., Kent Kroeger, Glenn Richardson, and J. David Woodard. "Shaping a Candidate's Image in the Press: Ronald Reagan and the 1980 Presidential Election." Political Research Quarterly 46, no. 4 (1993): 783–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299304600406.

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Boulton, Mark, and Tobias T. Gibson. "Stage Left and Right: Modeling Civil Discourse in the Classroom Through Fictional Presidential Debates Between FDR and Reagan." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 46, no. 2 (2021): 3–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.46.2.3-11.

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Franklin Roosevelt—the arch liberal president of the twentieth century—and Ronald Reagan—the face of modern conservatism—remain two of the most influential presidents in American politics. Both impacted policy and politics for decades and in ways that continue to reverberate today. In an attempt to examine the influence of FDR and Reagan in ways that are accessible to our students, we twice taught a class titled FDR and Reagan: What the Greatest Presidential Debate in History Can Teach Us About American Politics ... and How We Can All Get Along. This class asked students to perform fictional p

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Flowers, Prudence. "‘A Prolife Disaster’: The Reagan Administration and the Nomination of Sandra Day O’Connor." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 2 (2017): 391–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417699865.

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The victory of Ronald Reagan in the 1980 presidential election was a victory for a new form of US political conservatism that emphasized both social and economic issues. Abortion was paramount among these new social issues, and opponents of abortion supported Reagan with the belief that he would work vigorously to overturn Roe v. Wade. Less than six months after Reagan’s inauguration, the national anti-abortion movement was vociferously condemning the President over the nomination of Sandra Day O’Connor to the Supreme Court. This article explores the nature of the passionate reaction to O’Conn

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38

Xiong, Heyu. "The Political Premium of Television Celebrity." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 13, no. 4 (2021): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20190147.

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This paper studies the electoral consequences of television stardom through the career of Ronald Reagan. I utilize quasi-experimental variation in television reception to estimate the causal effect of celebrity exposure on political support. I find that Reagan’s tenure as the host of a 1950s entertainment television program translated into support for his candidacy, in terms of votes and political donations, nearly two decades after the show’s first airing. Placebo checks suggest that this impact is not driven by unobserved heterogeneity or omitted variable bias. The effect was especially pron

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Stewart, Patrick A., Reagan G. Dye, and Carl Senior. "Laughter and effective presidential leadership: A case study of Ronald Reagan as the ‘great communicator’." PLOS ONE 19, no. 4 (2024): e0301324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0301324.

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Former United States President Ronald Reagan’s use of media and his charismatic connection with viewers earned him the moniker “the great communicator”. One aspect of his charisma, the influence of elicited laughter, during a highly critical 5-minute news story by CBS reporter Leslie Stahl during the 1984 US presidential election is examined here. Two experiments examining the effects of audience laughter on perceptions of charismatic leadership are reported. In the first experiment the effects of audience laughter in response to Reagan’s comments were investigated. Here, Reagan’s perceived wa

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STANLEY, TIMOTHY RANDOLPH. "“Sailing against the Wind”: A Reappraisal of Edward Kennedy's Campaign for the 1980 Democratic Party Presidential Nomination." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 2 (2009): 231–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187580999003x.

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In 1980 Senator Edward Kennedy challenged incumbent President Jimmy Carter for the Democratic Party presidential nomination. Kennedy's defeat has often been used as evidence of a philosophical realignment within the American electorate in the late 1970s away from Democratic liberalism, which culminated in the election of Ronald Reagan as President. However, Kennedy performed better than this interpretation suggests. His defeat was caused by historical accident: a poor campaign, international crises and Carter's use of the incumbency. The strengths of the Kennedy campaign cast doubt upon the th

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Trenta, Luca. "Book Review: Donna Starr-Deelen, Presidential Policies on Terrorism: From Ronald Reagan to Barack Obama." Political Studies Review 15, no. 1 (2016): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916676937.

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Roof, Wade Clark. "American Presidential Rhetoric from Ronald Reagan to George W. Bush: Another Look at Civil Religion." Social Compass 56, no. 2 (2009): 286–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768609103363.

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The period since 1980 in the United States offers an opportunity to reexamine the “American civil religion” hypothesis as put forth by sociologist Robert N. Bellah. In a time of massive changes both domestically and globally, presidential rhetoric on God and country underwent important shifts in substance and style. The author examines several major myths by which Americans have affirmed their identity historically, and how these have informed the rhetoric of presidents Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, William J. Clinton, and George W. Bush. It is argued that popular and highly contested “publ

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Barnes, Bailey D. "The Genocide Convention and Presidential Priorities, 1948–1988." Genocide Studies International 14, no. 2 (2023): 157–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsi-2021-0012.

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From 1948 to 1988, the United States failed to ratify and implement the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention). In total, seven presidential administrations neglected to expend the necessary political capital to secure the Genocide Convention's passage. This article is the first comprehensive study of the presidential actions—and, more aptly, inactions—on the long road to ratification. Ultimately, of the seven presidents who failed to procure the Convention's ratification by the Senate, only three even sought the Senate's advice and consent o

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Gigolaev, German. "American Diplomacy on the Eve of the Adoption of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea: the Evolution of the Position." ISTORIYA 14, no. 12-2 (134) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840029711-1.

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At the X session of the III UN Conference on the Law of the Sea, which began in March 1981, two months after the Ronald Reagan administration came to the White House, American representatives announced their intention to conduct a comprehensive review of the informal text of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea adopted at the IX session for its compliance with the goals of the US national maritime policy. The course of American diplomacy was aimed at delaying negotiations until the completion of this process, thanks to which the United States managed to avoid the completion of the Conferenc

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Gammill, James F., and Terry A. Marsh. "Trading Activity and Price Behavior in the Stock and Stock Index Futures Markets in October 1987." Journal of Economic Perspectives 2, no. 3 (1988): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.2.3.25.

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This paper discusses what actually happened during the October 1987 market break and the days immediately before. It attempts to lay out a set of stylized facts that describe differing categories of traders and how they behaved and reacted to each other during those days. We believe that this description of what actually happened provides a necessary starting point for financial economists interested in explaining the stock market break. Our discussion here will rely heavily on the report of the Presidential Task Force on Market Mechanisms, created by Ronald Reagan to investigate these events,

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Sullivan, George M. "Patterson v. McLean: A Confirmation of the New Right at the U.S. Supreme Court." Les Cahiers de droit 30, no. 4 (2005): 987–1009. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/042990ar.

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In two consecutive national elections a conservative, Ronald Reagan, was elected President of the United States. When Justice Lewis Powell announced his retirement during the late months of the Reagan administration, it was apparent that the President's last appointment could shift the ideology of the Court to conservatism for the first time since the presidency of Dwight Eisenhower. President Reagan's prior appointments, Sandra Day O'Connor and Antonin Scalia, had joined William Rehnquist, an appointee of President Nixon and Bryon White, an appointee of President Kennedy to comprise a vocifer

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Cheung-Miaw, Calvin. "The Boundaries of Democracy." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 4 (2021): 508–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.4.508.

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This article examines the aftermaths of four murders: those of anti–Ferdinand Marcos activists Silme Domingo and Gene Viernes, and Kuomintang critics Chen Wen-Chen and Henry Liu. These murders all occurred during the Ronald Reagan presidential administration and relied upon the transnational reach of foreign governments into the United States. I explore how activists responded to these murders, focusing on the Committee for Justice for Domingo and Viernes, the Committee on Political Freedom, which was formed by Chen’s colleagues at Carnegie Mellon University, and the Committee to Obtain Justic

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Fegley, Tate. "Book Review: "From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime The Making of Mass Incarceration in America"." Special Entrepreneurship Double Issue 23, no. 3-4 (2020): 618–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35297/qjae.010082.

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The great extent of federal involvement in local criminal justice matters was not established overnight, but over the course of several decades. This is the primary subject of Elizabeth Hinton’s book, From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The Making of Mass Incarceration in America, wherein she catalogs the vast increases in federal spending on grants to state and local governments for policing and prison initiatives that occurred during the presidential administrations of John F. Kennedy to Ronald Reagan. Chapter after chapter simply describe the activities of the federal government in

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Coskuner-Balli, Gokcen. "Citizen-Consumers Wanted: Revitalizing the American Dream in the Face of Economic Recessions, 1981–2012." Journal of Consumer Research 47, no. 3 (2020): 327–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcr/ucz059.

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Abstract This article brings the sociological theory of governmentality to bear on a longitudinal analysis of American presidential speeches to theorize the formation of the citizen-consumer subject. This 40-year historical analysis—which extends through four economic recessions and the presidential terms of Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama—illustrates the ways in which the national mythology of the American Dream has been linked to the political ideology of the state to create the citizen-consumer subject in the United States. The quantitative and qualitative anal

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ALLITT, PATRICK. "AYN RAND AND AMERICAN CONSERVATISM IN THE COLD WAR ERA." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 1 (2011): 253–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000151.

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An American conservative movement developed rapidly after World War II. It brought together intellectuals and politicians opposed to the New Deal in domestic policy and Soviet communism in foreign policy. The movement's first presidential candidate, Barry Goldwater, lost the election of 1964 but its second, Ronald Reagan, won the election of 1980. It has remained an influential force in American life up to the present, despite strong internal contradictions, which include disagreements about centralized power, about religion, about tradition, about elites, and about the free market. To some of

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