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1
Damier, Vadim. "Isabelo de los Reyes and the Beginning of the Labour Movement in the Philippines." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018556-9.
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The article focuses on the activities of the Filipino publicist, ethnographer, public, religious and political figure Isabelo de los Reyes (1864–1938). For the first time in Russian historiography, drawing upon de los Reyes' own works, it highlights his role in the movement for Philippine independence from Spain, in the formation of the labour movement, and in the initial dissemination of socialist ideas in the archipelago. A talented and prolific journalist, he rose to prominence among the progressive “ilustrados” - the educated class in the Spanish colony of the Philippines - at a very young age. Arrested by the colonial authorities after the outbreak of the 1896 anti-colonial rebellion, de los Reyes was exiled to Spain. While in prison in Barcelona, he was influenced by left-leaning fellow prisoners – anarchists, syndicalists and socialists. He was greatly impressed by his acquaintance with socialist literature. After his release from prison in 1898, de los Reyes took part in the activities of the Philippine emigration and the campaign against the capture of the Philippine Islands by the United States. In 1901 he returned to his homeland, bringing with him the works of anarchist and socialist theorists and propagandists, to which he introduced the country's leading labour activists. In 1902, at their request, he helped organise the Unión Obrera Democrática (UOD), which emerged as the first trade union association not only in the Philippines but also in the whole of Southeast Asia. At that time De los Reyes held socialist views, incorporating elements of Christian socialism, anarchism, and reformist syndicalism. He also initiated the creation of the Philippine Independent Church. After a major wave of strikes in 1902, de los Reyes was arrested by the US authorities in the Philippines and resigned as head of the UOD. After his release from prison, he published the organ of the labour movement, the newspaper “La Redención del obrero”. In the following years, de los Reyes withdrew from the trade union movement, focused on topics related to the Philippine Independent Church, and then became actively involved in political activities, being elected municipal councilor and senator.
2
Prescott, James R. "Ramón Magsaysay—the Myth and the Man." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 23, no. 1 (March 13, 2016): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02301001.
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Ramón Magsaysay became a phenomenon in Philippine politics after World War ii. In less than a decade, he rose from managing a bus company to governing his homeland. Magsaysay died tragically in a plane crash near the end of his only term as president and students of Philippine affairs have been left to speculate about what might have been a different subsequent course of affairs in this Southeast Asian nation. This paper argues that the so-called “Magsaysay Myth”—the idea that the United States installed him in office to transform his country’s government and politics—is not convincing. u.s. policy makers with experience in the Philippines, including President Dwight D. Eisenhower, remained skeptical that he could achieve fundamental change in his country in a short period of time. Despite Magsaysay’s great success as secretary of defense, he was less effective enacting reforms as president. However, he did not “sellout” to the Philippine economic and political elite. Rather, his relative ineffectiveness resulted from his lack of political experience and the well-organized opposition to reforms in the legislature.
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Opiniano, Jeremaiah M. "The ‘new’ Philippine future “beside” the exodus." Asian Education and Development Studies 10, no. 1 (April 21, 2020): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-02-2019-0027.
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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to review the international migration-and-development story of the Philippines, amongst the leading migrant-origin countries.Design/methodology/approachMigration and socio-economic development data are used to depict the migration-and-development conditions of the Philippines.FindingsThe Philippines has mastered the management of overseas migration based on its bureaucracy and policies for the migrant sector. Migration also rose for decades given structural economic constraints. However, the past 10 years of macro-economic growth may have seen migration and remittances helping lift the Philippines' medium-to-long term acceleration. The new Philippine future beside the overseas exodus hinges on two trends: accelerating the economic empowerment of overseas Filipinos and their families to make them better equipped to handle the social costs of migration; and strategizing how to capture a “diasporic dividend” by pushing for more investments from overseas migrants' savings.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper may not cover the entirety of the Philippines' migration-and-development phenomenon.Practical implicationsImproving the financial capabilities of overseas Filipinos and their families will lead to their economic empowerment and to hopefully a more resilient handling of the (negative) social consequences of migration.Social implicationsIf overseas Filipinos and their families handle their economic resources better, they may be able to conquer the social costs of migration.Originality/valueThis paper employed a population-and-development (PopDev) framework to analyse the migration-and-development conditions of the Philippines.
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ROSTOV, I. D., E. V. DMITRIEVA, and N. I. RUDYKH. "INTERANNUAL VARIABILITY OF THERMAL CONDITIONS IN THE KUROSHIO ENERGETICALLY ACTIVE ZONE AND ADJACENT AREAS OF THE PHILIPPINE SEA." Meteorologiya i Gidrologiya, no. 4 (April 2022): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.52002/0130-2906-2022-4-59-78.
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Regional features and possible causal relationships of interannual changes in air temperature, sea surface temperature (SST), and water temperature in the upper 750-m layer with variations in atmospheric pressure, wind, heat fluxes on the ocean surface, and climate indices over the last four decades were determined. It is shown that in different regions of the Philippine Sea air temperature increased by 0.2-0.5°C and SST rose by 0.6-0.8°C. In several layers of the water column, there are multidirectional trends in water temperature. In winter, in the area of the Kuroshio energetically active zone of the ocean (EAZO), both maximum fluxes and trends in sensible and latent heat from the ocean to the atmosphere were recorded. The variations in air temperature and SST have stable correlations with variations in the zonal and meridional components of wind speed and climate indices.
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Suárez, Ana Lourdes. "Kathleen Sprows Cummings. A Saint of Our own: How the Quest for a Holy Hero Helped Catholics Become American. Chapel Hill." Ciencias Sociales y Religión/Ciências Sociais e Religião 22 (September 2, 2020): e020022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/csr.v22i00.13893.
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El libro presenta los resultados de un minucioso estudio sobre el intrincado proceso por el cual algunos católicos de Estados Unidos pasaron a ser “oficialmente” reconocidos como santos del país. Presenta los contextos históricos y socio-religiosos que acompañaron el complejo proceso de canonización de Elizabeth Seton, Frances Cabrini, Katharine Drexel y John Neumann; así como los de Kateri Tekakwitha, Rose Philippine Duchesne, Junípero Serra, entre otros. Las preguntas que guían el libro son: ¿Qué motivó a los católicos de Estados Unidos a buscar que el Vaticano reconociera como “santo” a algunos de sus fieles? ¿Qué alimentó la necesidad de tener esas figuras? ¿Cómo esa necesidad fue cambiando de sentido con el tiempo y por qué? ¿Cómo y por qué los atributos destacados en las figuras propuestas para el arduo proceso que implica buscar la canonización, interpelaban la cultura religiosa norteamericana? ¿Por qué algunas postulaciones prosperaron y otras no?
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Leh, Frederick O. "Siu Chuan Y. Leh, M.D. (1935-2013)." Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery 28, no. 1 (November 28, 2018): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32412/pjohns.v28i1.511.
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“When Giants Pass”
Frederick O. Leh, M.D.
When giants pass, they leave giant footprints and giant shoes to fill. Dr. Leh Siu Chuan passed away last August 2013, after suffering multi-organ failure following a stroke secondary to sick sinus syndrome. As in life, he was a fighter, refusing to give up the ghost for 3 years and 3 months, living in an intensive care unit at the hospital he spent his life serving and loving.
Siu Chuan Y. Leh was born in Manila August 22, 1935, the third generation of Chinese immigrants from the Fukien Province in China. He was the second child in a brood of twelve, easily the brightest child and the apple of his father’s eye. He completed his medical studies at the Pontifical University of Santo Tomas. During the ignominous Vietnam War of the 60’s, he was able to get a position for a residency position in Otolaryngology at the University of Pennsylvania, and trained under the venerable Dr. Atkins, a protégé of both Dr. Jackson Sr. and Dr. Tucker of endoscopic fame. He had to leave his family behind – his wife Benita Leh, and three children – Shirley, Frederick and Sandra. On his second year of training, he sent for his wife and son, Frederick who would later follow in his footsteps as an otolaryngologist.
Life was difficult during that time for a married resident. He received a stipend of only $200 a month, and had to moonlight in emergency rooms on weekends to make ends meet. When he finally completed his residency and passed the American Board of Otolaryngology exams, he gave up a possible lucrative partnership with his mentor to go back to the Philippines to serve his countrymen.
Dr. Leh was invited to the Chinese General Hospital and Medical Center, and he served there prominently as its brightest Ear Nose and Throat practitioner. He became well-known in the Chinese community, taking time to hold clinic in the Ong’s Association Building along Benavidez in Chinatown. He later served as Chinese General Hospital’s Executive Assistant Medical Director until his health started to fail. He was also very active in the Philippine Otolaryngology scene, serving continuously as a Board Examiner, much feared by examinees for his strict and no-nonsense grilling of would-be diplomats. Dr. Leh rose rapidly through the ranks to become President of the Philippine Society of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery. Under his watch, the PSOHNS expanded exponentially, gaining many new member hospitals and programs. He organized and professionalized the criteria for the accreditation program, ensuring high quality from all applicant programs.
With all the kudos, fame and fortune, Dr. Leh was still not done. He was asked to take over a fledgling Tzu Chi Philippine Chapter, part of a Taiwanese Buddhist Foundation seeking to bring relief to the poor of the world. Dr. Leh organized and founded TIMA (the Tzu Chi International Medical Missions and Assistance), which later became the model for other medical missions in the world. For this Dr. Leh was awarded many times by Tzu Chi Foundation. His dream continues as the TIMA continues to treat thousands of people daily, and will soon open a clinic and perhaps a hospital to serve the less fortunate.
Dr. Leh Siu Chuan is survived by his wife of 54 years, Benita Leh, and two doctor sons – Patrick, an orthopaedic surgeon, and Frederick, an otolaryngologist, and two daughters – Shirley, an auditor in New York, and Sandra, district manager for E. Excel Pharmaceuticals of Taiwan. He will live on in the memory of his colleagues and loved ones, and all who had the good fortune of knowing him.
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Sánchez Gumiel, Mario. "A Quixotic Venture: Spanish-Philippine Poetry at the Turn of the 19th Century, or Resistance against Oblivion." Humanis 25, no. 4 (November 8, 2021): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jh.2021.v25.i04.p03.
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This essay explores, by means of three Philippine poems written in Spanish during the first half of the twentieth century, the claim of a Philippine cultural identity sustained in the Spanish heritage. After a short overview of the Spanish colonization in the Philippines and the presence of the Spanish language in the archipelago, I will use Paul Friedrich’s theoretical approach on poetry as a source for the study of a culture. Then I will proceed to the examination of three poems written by Philippine writers: Fernando María Guerreros’ “A Hispania” (1913), Claro Mayo Recto’s “Las dalagas Filipinas” (1911), and Jesús Balmori’s “Blasón” (undated) by means of the close reading approach. In the exploration of this claim of a Philippine cultural identity rooted in the Spanish heritage, I additionally consider the role of the United States, and take into account some initiatives that have tried to continue the study of this literature throughout the twentieth and twenty-first century. I conclude that poetry is a valuable way to analyse culture, and, for the specific case of Spanish and the Philippines, I suggest that Spanish-Philippine poetry helps know the heritage of Spanish in the archipelago
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Lapeña, José Florencio F. "A Dozen Years, A Dozen Roses." Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery 33, no. 2 (November 13, 2018): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.32412/pjohns.v33i2.293.
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Twelve years have passed since my first editorial for the Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery, on the occasion of the silver anniversary of our journal and the golden anniversary of the Philippine Society of Otolaryngology – Head and Neck Surgery (PSO-HNS).1 Special editorials have similarly marked our thirtieth (pearl)2 and thirty-fifth (coral or jade)3 journal anniversaries, punctuating editorials on a variety of themes in between. Whether they were a commentary on issues and events in the PSO-HNS or Philippine Society, or on matters pertaining to medical research and writing, publication and peer review, I have often wondered whether my words fell on deaf ears. But write, must I-- despite my writer’s doubt.
What then, do a dozen years symbolize? As a baby boomer, I am all too familiar with what “cheaper by the dozen” meant in daily life, outwardly displayed in the matching attire my siblings and I wore on special occasions -- such as Yuletide when we would sing the carol “twelve days of Christmas.”4 We read the comedy “Twelfth Night”5 in school, although I admittedly enjoyed “The Dirty Dozen”6 more than Shakespeare. College ROTC introduced me to the “Daily Dozen” and the grueling Navy count- 1,2,3, ONE! One, two, three, TWO! (One, two, three, four! I love the Marine Corps!) And that is as far as my list of memorable dozens goes, covering five dozen years of life.
Of these, one fifth or 20% of my life has been devoted to our journal. From that perspective, I cannot help but wonder whether, or how it mattered. After 12 years, the day-to-day routine has hardly changed; neither have the periodic problems that precede the birth of each issue. I still find it difficult to solicit and follow-up reviews, and I still burn the midnight oil on weekends and holidays, patiently guiding authors in revising their manuscripts. Nevertheless, our journal has come a long way from where it was when we started (although it has not reached as far and as quickly as I would have wanted it to). Much depends on our authors and the caliber of their contributions, and our reviewers and the quality and timeliness of their reviews. However, despite our efforts to conduct education and training sessions on Medical Writing and Peer Review, the new batch of submissions and reviews each year evinces the need to repeat these regularly. In this regard, the increasing response-ability of our associate editors and continuing support of our society are needed to ensure our progress.
This year, we welcome Dr. Eris Llanes as our new Managing Editor as we thank and congratulate Dr. Tony Chua (who retains his position as Associate Editor) for serving in that role for the past 12 years. We have finally migrated from our previous platform to the Public Knowledge Platform - Open Journal Systems (PKP-OJS) available from https://pjohns.pso-hns.org/index.php/pjohns/index. The PSO-HNS has become a member of the Publishers International Linking Association (PILA), which manages and maintains, deposits and retrieves, Metadata and Digital Identifiers inclusive of associated software and know-how. This will enable us to register Digital Object Identifiers (DOIs) for all our content using the Crossref® system (https://www.crossref.org/about/), making our “research outputs easy to find, cite, link, and assess.”7 We are also subscribing to the Crossref® Similarity Check plagiarism detection software service powered by iThenticate® (https://www.crossref.org/services/similarity-check/)7 and are exploring ways and means of converting all our articles to eXtensible Markup Language (XML) format. These steps reflect our continuing efforts to comply with the requirements for indexing in the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)8 and our re-application for indexing in Scopus®.9 These steps would not have been possible without the full support of the PSO-HNS Board of Trustees under the leadership of our President, Dr. Aggie Remulla, for which we are truly grateful.
Indeed, the past 12 years may represent a complete cycle (such as 12 hours on a clock, or months in a year, or 12 signs of the zodiac), the first steps in the rebirth of our journal. Although they may not count among the “memorable dozens” of my life, each of these years may be likened to a rose (with its attendant thorns) – a bouquet of a dozen roses that I offer to all of you.
“for there’s no rose without a thorn,
no night without the morn,
no gain without some meaningful loss …”10
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Teehankee, Julio Cabral. "Factional Dynamics in Philippine Party Politics, 1900–2019." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (April 2020): 98–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420913404.
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The Philippines is a rich case study in the examination of intra-party factions and factionalism in competitive party systems of Southeast Asia. Intra-party factionalism is a recurring, yet understudied, aspect of Philippine party politics. The factional nature of Philippine party politics has endured through time – from bifactionalism of the post-war two-party system to the multi-factionalism of the post-authoritarian multi-party system. All the major political parties that have dominated politics at different historical epochs have experienced intense factional splits. Intra-party factionalism remains a consistent feature of party politics and has become more complicated over time. The number of factions has increased at every period of party system development, while the level of party institutionalization has remained generally low. This article seeks to address this puzzle by tracing the history of political factionalism in the Philippines. It maintains that factional resilience in Philippine party politics is an outcome of combined institutional and structural factors rooted in history. Adopting a historical institutional approach, it will delineate the path-dependent trajectory of intra-party factionalism at critical political junctures. Moreover, it will examine the role of intra-party factionalism in the under-institutionalization of the Philippine party system.
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Alunaza SD, Hardi, and Dewa Anggara. "Peran Indonesia dalam Upaya Penyelesaian Konflik antara Pemerintah Filipina dan Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF)." Indonesian Perspective 3, no. 1 (September 6, 2018): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/ip.v3i1.20178.
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The Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF) has long been perceived by the Philippine government as a threat. The continuity of this conflict resulted in the instability of the Philippine state which also affects its relations with other countries. Indonesia as a neighboring country and one region with the Philippines helped to resolve the conflict between the Philippine government and MNLF. The presence of Indonesia became a history of Indonesian diplomacy for the world peace struggle contained in Indonesia’s Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. This paper is attempts to answer that question using conflict theory from Max Weber which focuses on interaction in conflict resolution. The results of this paper indicates that Indonesian’s role in mediating the conflict resolution process resulted in a Final Peace Agreement which is the final peace agreement between the Philippine Government and MNLF.Keywords: Moro Nationalism Liberation Front (MNLF), Philippine, Indonesia, conflict resolution, Final Peace Agreement, mediation
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Castro, Renato Cruz De. "Congressional Intervention in Philippine Post-Cold War Defense Policy, 1991-2003." Philippine Political Science Journal 25, no. 1 (December 16, 2004): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02501004.
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This essay analyzes the Armed forces of the Philippines' (AFP) modernization program as a case study of how the legislature was able to influence a state's strategic doctrine and posture. The withdrawal of American forces in 1992, and the challenge poised by China in the mid-90s created the expectation that the Philippines was to embark on an arms modernization program that would develop the armed forces' autonomous and external defense capability. However, almost a decade after the program was annovnced and almost seven years after an AFP modernization /ow was passed, the Philippine military has yet to implement any meaningful change in its strategic doctrine and posture. The essay observes that a political stasis-the post-1986 Philippine Congress' reassertion of its authority-played a very important role in impeding any doctrinal change in the country's defense establishment and preventing the Philippine military from diverting scarce resources to the country's defense needs. It maintains that current developments in Philippine defense policy point to a return to a dose security relationship with the United States. This, in turn, will hinder the AFP from pursuing the initial goals of its modernization program-autonomy and capacity to address external security threats. In conclusion, the essay asserts that the current conservatism in the country's strategic affairs reflects the political stasis in Philippine society, which is a result of the restoration of elite democracy and the continuing ability of the political elite to use Congress to shape the country's defense affairs.
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Yu Jose, Lydia N. "The Koreans in Second World War Philippines: Rumour and history." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 43, no. 2 (April 20, 2012): 324–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463412000082.
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‘Mas malupit ang mga Koreano kaysa mga Hapon’ is a rumour about Koreans in Second World War Philippines that has persisted to this day. A comparative, quantitative statement, it is roughly translated as ‘The Koreans committed more atrocities than the Japanese in Second World War Philippines’. This is a half-true memory: true, there were Koreans in the Philippines; false, they could not have committed more atrocities than the Japanese because there were very few of them, as archival evidence discussed in this article proves. If only the Koreans and their role in the war were properly discussed in Philippine textbooks, this rumour would not have persisted to this day.
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L. Manire, Rocky Niño. "For a Limited Period of Time: Implementing Emergency Remote Teaching in this Pandemic-Laden Times." International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 3, no. 1 (March 24, 2021): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54476/iimrj267.
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Since the outbreak of the virus, several countries including the Philippines was greatly affected, forcing the national government to implement various categories of quarantine protocols and drastic measures to ensure the containment of the disease. Among the greatly affected sectors of industry, educational system grieved immensely because of the suspension of classes and forcing several basic education schools as well as several colleges and universities to terminate the semester. As this global pandemic continue to threaten the basic education system in the Philippines, and with the unsecured and unsafe environment due to this health crisis, the possibility of resuming physical classes is very unlikely. Hence, the implementation of Emergency Remote Teaching (ERT) plays a crucial role in the Philippine educational context during this crisis. As a supervisory intervention, ERT is a temporary solution of reinforcing the lack of face-to-face interaction of learning through various platforms – digital media, radio, television learning and the likes. This paper adapts literature-based methodology using literature review as its method of presenting the nature and characteristics of ERT and its implications to Philippine educational system through various literatures found in the digital. More so, it presents an overview of the challenges the Philippine education system faced upon its implementation. Further empirical researches on the impact of implementing ERT among Philippine public and private educational institutions in the basic and higher education program is recommended.
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Christ, Simone. "The role of various types of capital in transnational labor migration from the Philippines." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 29, no. 3 (September 2020): 444–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196820956520.
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The Philippine government has been engaged in state-supported international labor migration for more than 40 years. Migrants and non-migrants alike are embedded in multifocal transnational lives as family members and friends are spread over different localities and nation-states. This study looks at the role of economic, social, cultural and symbolic capital as defined by Bourdieu (1986) in Filipino migration. The article analyzes the transformability of the different forms of capital in relation to labor migration. Moreover, the study asks how the four forms of capital are transferred from the Philippines to the destination country and back to the Philippines. Based on ethnographic data collected in the United Arab Emirates and the Philippines, the study concludes that having economic, social and cultural capital largely decides whether one is able to migrate and what destinations are accessible. Cultural capital is not easily transferable across the transnational space due to discriminating labor markets. After return, migrants have gained symbolic capital through the migration experience.
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MAGCAMIT, MICHAEL I. "Trading in Vain? Investigating the Philippines' Development-oriented National Security and Free Trade Linkages." Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, no. 1 (January 29, 2016): 84–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000407.
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AbstractThis paper examines the manner through which the Philippine government has utilized free trade in pursuing its development-oriented national security policies and strategies in the twenty-first century. It argues that against the backdrop of uneven economic development being perpetuated by a deeply entrenched oligarchic system and patronage culture, the primary referent of Philippine national security is its diminishing development space. Despite the government rhetoric with regard to the role of inclusive development in enhancing national security, the Philippine political economy remains highly oligarchic and patrimonial. Such a condition has resulted in institutionalized inequality and structural poverty that undermine the country's supposedly development-based security model. The ability of the very few yet very powerful Filipino elites to transform the country into an oligarchipelago underscores the inefficiencies emanating from this type of politico-economic arrangement. In light of this, the paper evaluates the impacts of the Philippines' free trade activities on its overall level of development space by focusing on several crucial aspects of free trade that the government has failed to properly consider. Moreover, it scrutinizes the key factors that affect the utility of free trade for securing and enhancing the Philippines' development space. The paper concludes by arguing that the Philippine government's attempts at linking its development-centric security interests and free trade objectives have resulted not only in the preservation of uneven economic development and but also the further reinforcement of the existing oligarchic system and patronage culture in the country.
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Gonzales, Wilkinson Daniel Wong. "Language contact in the Philippines." Language Ecology 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 185–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/le.1.2.04gon.
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Abstract This article narrates the sociohistory of the Philippines through the lens of a Sinitic minority group – the Chinese Filipinos. It provides a systematic account of the history, language policies, and educational policies in six major eras, beginning from the precolonial period until the Fifth Republic (960 – present). Concurrently, it presents a diachronic narrative on the different linguistic varieties utilized by the ethnic minority, such as English, Hokkien, Tagalog, and Philippine Hybrid Hokkien (PHH). Following an exposition on how these varieties were introduced to the ecology is a discussion focused on contact that highlights potential theories as to how Philippine contact varieties like PHH emerged. How this account contributes to the overall language ecology forms the conclusion. Overall, this article delineates the socio-historical sources that intrinsically play a significant role in the (re)description of Philippine contact varieties. In its breadth, this article goes beyond providing second-hand information, and presents ideas that can be crucial for understanding how Philippine contact languages work.
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Acosta, Alexander S. "The Mediator's Role in Philippine Schools Overseas (PSO's)." International Journal of Social Science and Humanity 5, no. 12 (2015): 1009–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7763/ijssh.2015.v5.596.
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Arugay, Aries A., and Justin Keith A. Baquisal. "Mobilized and Polarized: Social Media and Disinformation Narratives in the 2022 Philippine Elections." Pacific Affairs 95, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 549–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2022953549.
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Social media played a significant role in the 2022 Philippine national elections. Using various empirical sources, including an original pre-electoral survey, we argue that social media was critical in the production, transmission, and reception of election-related information and narratives that resulted in o ine and online polarization and mobilization of Filipino voters in the 2022 elections. This article discusses the role of social media in electoral politics in the Philippines relative to other factors, such as material incentives for political partisans, prior voting behavior patterns, information consumption, and long-standing grievances. We discuss how these factors inform social media's role in mobilizing and polarizing the Philippine electorate. We also unpack the leading disinformation narratives of authoritarian nostalgia, conspiracy theory, strongman leadership, and democratic disillusionment, which fueled support for Marcos Jr. and undermined the other candidates. In conclusion, this article discusses the implications of disinformation in the 2022 elections for the post-electoral political engagement of Filipinos and its contribution to the further political dysfunction of Philippine democracy.
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Ortiz, Stephen R. "Rethinking the Bonus March: Federal Bonus Policy, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, and the Origins of a Protest Movement." Journal of Policy History 18, no. 3 (July 2006): 275–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2006.0010.
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In 1927, the Veterans of Foreign Wars (VFW), the national organization founded in 1899 by veterans of the Spanish-American and Philippine-American Wars, appeared destined for historical obscurity. The organization that would later stand with the American Legion as a pillar of the powerful twentieth-century veterans' lobby struggled to maintain a membership of sixty thousand veterans. Despite desperate attempts to recruit from the ranks of the nearly 2.5 million eligible World War veterans, the VFW lagged behind in membership both the newly minted American Legion and even the Spanish War Veterans. The upstart Legion alone, from its 1919 inception throughout the 1920s, averaged more than seven hundred thousand members. Indeed, in 1929, Royal C. Johnson, the chairman of the House Committee on World War Veterans Legislation and a member of both the Legion and the VFW, described the latter as “not sufficiently large to make it a vital factor in public sentiment.” And yet, by 1932, in the middle of an economic crisis that dealt severe blows to the membership totals of almost every type of voluntary association, the VFW's membership soared to nearly two hundred thousand veterans. Between 1929 and 1932, the VFW experienced this surprising growth because the organization demanded full and immediate cash payment of the deferred Soldiers' Bonus, while the American Legion opposed it. Thus, by challenging federal veterans' policy, the VFW rose out of relative obscurity to become a prominent vehicle for veteran political activism. As important, by doing so the VFW unwittingly set in motion the protest movement known as the Bonus March.
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Gumarang Jr., Bernardo K., and Brigitte K. Gumarang. "Unraveling Deterioration in the Quality of Philippine Education." International Journal of Multidisciplinary: Applied Business and Education Research 2, no. 10 (October 12, 2021): 914–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.11594/ijmaber.02.10.08.
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Education has a great role on the growth and development of economy. It builds the young generation to become competent and future leaders of a country. It is observed by the Filipino people that there are problems in the Philippine education. This paper identified and discussed the problems occurred in the education system of the Philippines. A Literature review process was utilized by the researchers. The researchers also identified solutions on the problems being identified using the findings of the different studies. The result showed three major problems in the Philippine education system such as overcrowded students in a classroom, teacher are teaching subjects that is not their expertise, and poor quality in instruction. It is recommended that the Philippine Education must review their policies in hiring educators and address the needs of its stakeholders. These findings can be used as basis in creating policies to ensure quality in education.
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Eduardo, Jesster P., and Arneil G. Gabriel. "Indigenous Peoples and the Right to Education: The Dumagat Experience in the Provinces of Nueva Ecija and Aurora, in the Philippines." SAGE Open 11, no. 2 (April 2021): 215824402110094. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211009491.
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The Philippine historical accounts show that Indigenous Peoples (IPs) in the Philippines have long been suffering from discrimination and lack of access to Education. The IPs comprise about 10% to 20% of the Philippines’s 102.9 million total populations. The Philippine educational system’s neo-colonial background creates injustice on some cultural minorities who can attend school. For this matter, the study measures the perceptions of the Dumagats on their rights to Education. It focuses on the Dumagat communities in the provinces of Nueva Ecija and Aurora in the Philippines. By using the simple binary quantitative tool, the qualitative method of research, the application of Indigenous research methods, and critical pedagogy as analytical lens, the study found that (a) the implementation of the Philippine policies on the rights to Education as reflected on the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act (IPRA) of 1997 is more of a tokenism; (b) the enjoyment of the right to Education of IPs is hindered mainly by poverty; (c) English remains the widely used medium of instruction in most IP curricula; and (d) the IPs’ limited knowledge on specific provisions of IPRA related to the access to Education and culture is short of the policy ideals. The above findings necessitate change agents to start a process of pedagogical liberation. The National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) personnel and IP teachers can play a vital role as change agents and may act to correct the historical injustices on IPs’ rights and welfare.
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Candelaria, Sedfrey M. "The plight of indigenous peoples within the context of conflict mediation, peace talks and human rights in Mindanao, the Philippines." Thesis Eleven 145, no. 1 (April 2018): 28–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513618763838.
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Republic Act 8371 or the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA) was passed by the Philippine Congress in order to address the concerns of the indigenous communities which had received marginal attention through the past decades. Indigenous communities have also been displaced from their lands due to armed conflicts between government soldiers and secessionist groups, particularly the Moro rebels and the communist-led New Peoples’ Army. The Philippines has been privy to peace initiatives with these two groups for some time now. Political circumstances, however, and legal impediments have periodically stalled the peace processes. It is the author’s intention to focus on the predicament of indigenous communities as they seek a strategic role in shaping the content of peace agreements being negotiated by the Philippine government with the rebel groups. How have the indigenous communities made an impression on the two peace processes through the years? And, have the indigenous peoples’ rights been sufficiently protected in the context of the peace agreements? The author will draw from his own insights on the peace processes and agreements which have been negotiated and even tested before the Supreme Court of the Philippines.
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Pernia, Ronald A. "Explaining the High Political Trust in the Philippines: The Role of Citizens’ Subjective Health and Political Values." Philippine Political Science Journal 43, no. 2 (September 28, 2022): 192–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10034.
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Abstract What accounts for the uptick of political trust in the Philippines? This study theorizes that individual subjective health combined with the extent of democratic (and nondemocratic political attitude) explains political trust in the Philippines. It hypothesizes that healthier authoritarian citizens are more likely to express favorable views towards political institutions because these individuals possess conservative values who put, among others, a premium on maintenance of order and stability. Such political values are activated upon the arrival of strongmen. Using data from the 2019 World Values Survey, estimates strongly support such an argument. The novel operationalization of this study nuances the view of citizen attitudes on political trust in developing democracies. Overall, the main results not only add credence to the cultural origins of political trust, but it also illuminates on why Philippine political institutions remain trusted despite the botched pandemic response and Filipinos’ enduring support for leaders like Duterte.
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Prakapovich, Nina Vladimirovna. "Role of education in the concept of the “New Society” of the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines (1972-1982)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 222–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-222-235.
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Russian historiography pays considerable attention to the economic and political modernization of the life of the Philippine archipelago, starting from the time of Spaniards, then, American colonization and ending with the era of independence. However, the educational policy on which, on the one hand, the successes of the political and socio-economic modernization of the Philippines have been based throughout the country’s history, and on the other, which by the beginning of the 21st century has become a serious obstacle to economic independence and the establishment of national self-identity, are undeservedly ignored by domestic researchers. The author of this article in previous works has already made attempts to identify the features of the educational policy of Spaniards and Americans in the Philippines, as well as of the independent Philippine governments in the first decades after the end of World War II. But no less interesting is the era of the authoritarian regime of the President of the Philippines, Ferdinand Marcos (1972-1982). Analyzing a wide range of foreign literature and relying on presidential decrees and testimonies of contemporaries as sources, the author comes to the conclusion that the educational policy of the Marcos era is ambiguous: on the one hand, it has become an effective tool to combat country’s main social - economic problems in the 1970s - the problem of unemployment. On the other hand, in the early 1980s it led to its aggravation and marked the beginning of the mass labor migration of Filipinos, which continues to this day. Political decisions made on issues such as the language of instruction, the introduction of a national entrance exam in colleges and universities, and the publication of new textbooks have become critical levers in the deployment of education in support of the labor export strategy in the Marcos era.
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del Castillo, Fides A., Hazel T. Biana, and Jeremiah Joven B. Joaquin. "ChurchInAction: the role of religious interventions in times of COVID-19." Journal of Public Health 42, no. 3 (June 13, 2020): 633–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pubmed/fdaa086.
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Abstract In a recently published letter to the editor of this journal, the authors have called for the need to establish psychological support structures that cater to people’s mental health in this time of the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. To be more holistic, we extend this call to include people’s spiritual well-being as well. We highlight the initiatives of the Philippines’ religious sector. In particular, we report some of the interventions made by the Roman Catholic Church that have led to the social media hashtag, #ChurchInAction. These religious and spiritual interventions showcase the efforts of the Philippine Church and play an important role in providing assistance in time of public health crisis.
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Lapeña, Jose Florencio. "Seasons and Times, Reasons and Rhymes: Di Niyo Ba Naririnig?" Philippine Journal of Otolaryngology Head and Neck Surgery 35, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.32412/pjohns.v35i2.1467.
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Philippine Medical Association President Dr. Jojo Santiago, Missy and my Central Tagalog Region One Day Family; Singapore Association of Medical Journal Editors President Professor Wilfred Peh and my Singapore family- Mom, Bernie, Miranda, Angie and Lilli; Philippine Association of Medical Journal Editors (PAMJE) President Elect Professor Cecile Maramba – Lazarte and Asawa Ramel, Anak Miggy, Pamangkin Zoe, Tatay Dr. Tomas Maramba and Nanay Professor Emeritus Dr. Nelia Cortez Maramba; my dear PAMJE Colleagues Professors Caster Palaganas and Joseph Quebral and Doctors Phel Esmaquel and Mads Tandoc, PAMJE members and our hardworking Secretariat, Philippine Council for Health Research and Development -Department of Science and Technology (PCHRD-DOST) Director Mel Opeña and Belle Intia, World Health Organization - Western Pacific Region Office (WHO-WPRO) Ms. Alma Prosperoso, guests, friends, ladies and gentlemen:
“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times,it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness,it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity,it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness,it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair.”
— Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities1
Who would have thought that our vision of 2020 had been so blurred, so obscured by rose-colored lenses and peripheral blinders of what we once considered normal, that we were oblivious to the insidious turn of events that continues even today to change our lives and our world? This evening is an example (however small) of that change - originally set for March 16 at Ibarra’s Garden, we are celebrating virtually and remotely from separate venues five months hence. What will today be seen as from the perspective of another five months?
Indeed, the past months have seen the worst of times. We remember our fears and frustrations as we battled an unseen enemy that mercilessly claimed our plans and programs as it killed our friends and colleagues. It was an age of foolishness as we witnessed the unrelenting spread of COVIDIOTS in disbelief and bewilderment. An epoch of incredulity as our scientific expertise and social interventions proved inutile while our so-called leaders failed to lead, engaging in petty pathetic distractions as they selfishly pillaged and plundered our nation and people instead. A depressing season of darkness heralding a cold, cruel winter of despair.
But we did not surrender. As medical professionals and researchers, reviewers and editors, we took up stethoscope and scalpel, pen and paper and patiently plodded on. Informing ourselves with the latest and best evidence (or engaging in research to add to that evidence), we sifted through the “infodemic” to cope with the pandemic as we navigated seemingly-endless zoom meetings and webinars, researched, reviewed or edited and published our findings, and attended to patients. The boundaries between night and day, weekday and weekend, office and home disappeared as we worked from home, or tried to make a home of our workplaces (fearful of contaminating our families with the dread disease).
Thus, these are the best of times, because we continue to hold the fort, the last line of defense. Against all odds (including personal burnout and the very real possibility of becoming COVID positive ourselves), we persist in upholding our sacred pledge to consecrate our lives to the service of humanity, in whatever manner possible. It is an age of wisdom. Those of us who continue to pursue research, to review and edit, to write and publish, and who facilitate the means for others to do so in these trying times add to that wisdom. Indeed, as the novelist-playwright Edward Bulwer-Lytton has Cardinal Richelieu (on discovering a plot to kill him) proclaim: “The pen is mightier than the sword!”2 None are more cognizant of this than we who have taken up the daunting but thankless role of editor. If in the words of the great Doctor José Protacio Rizal (through the jeweler Simoun’s discourse with Basilio)3 “It is a useless life that is not consecrated to a great ideal ... like a stone wasted on a field without becoming a part of any edifice,” then our lives consecrated to publishing vital health information and dispelling disinformation for the benefit of our patients and the public, and informing clinical practice and health policy are far from useless. Let us continue to serve as Sentinels of Science and bring about the epoch of belief.
It is time to move forward, and we do that by looking back. As Doctor Rizal also said, drawing on the popular Tagalog proverb4
“Ang hindi marunong lumingon sa pinanggalingan hindi makakarating sa paroroonan” (they who do not know how to look back at whence they came from will not reach their destination). The past decade would not have been possible without the many people who made PAMJE happen. In particular, I thank the PCHRD-DOST for the unwavering support of our plans, programs and projects. Director Merl Opeña and “Merl’s girls” headed by Ms. Belle Intia, our Secretary Tine Alayon, and Executive Director Dr. Jimmy Montoya. The WHO WPRO Ms. Alma Mila Prosperoso (and the Medical and Health Librarian’s Association of the Philippines, MAHLAP), Chandani Thapa, Marie Villemin-Partow, and Charlie Raby. We have come a long way from the first set of office bearers- - Vice Presidents Drs. Ric Guanzon (The Filipino Family Physician) and Nenet Santiago - San Juan (Philipp J Obstetrics and Gynecology), Secretary Dr. Madeline Sosa (Philipp J Neurology) and Treasurer Dr. Gerard Goco (Philipp J Nuclear Medicine), Dr. Pat Khu (Philipp J Opthalmol), the other Joey Avila (Acta Medica Philippina) and Linda Varona (PJIM), and so many others. Forgive a senior citizen’s memory if I inadvertently failed to mention you. To my steadfast colleagues, Cecile Maramba-Lazarte, Caster Palaganas, Joseph Quebral and Phel Esmaquel, none of this would have been possible without you. Maraming Salamat po. It is but fitting that together with Mads Tandoc, you take up the torch and usher in a season of light and awaken a spring of hope.
Ikaw ba’y makikibaka at hindi maduduwag,Na gisingin ang mga panatikong bingi’t bulagKasinungalingan labanan hanggang mabuwag
Di niyo ba naririnig? Tinig ng bayan na galitHimig ito ng Pilipinong di muli palulupigDudurugin ang dilim, ang araw ay mag-aalabAt mga pusong nagtimpi ay magliliyab!
— Di Niyo Ba Naririnig5
Mabuhay kayo; Mabuhay tayo. Mabuhay ang PAMJE!
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Tadem, Teresa S. Encarnacion. "Re-defining governance to address socio-economic inequality in the Philippines." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 3 (December 2, 2019): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-3-52-10-22.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to political and socio-economic processes in the Philippines in the context of re-defining and re-understanding of the “Good Governance” concept.The term “good governance” in the Philippines is generally defined politically. As noted by the University of the Philippines Diliman National College of Public Administration and Governance (UP NCPAG), “good governance” is mainly concerned with improving the quality of government (QOG) which it perceives plays a key role in reclaiming democratic space. Thus, the main thrust is “to address the issues of anti-corruption, ethical public service service, efficient and effective delivery of public services by concerned Philippine institutions” (Forum Concept of the CLCD2018).Material and methods. To address meaningful governance for UP NCPAG therefore is to assess the country’s democratic institutions. This all leads to the major aims to assess the country’s democratic institutions and whether democracy has led to meaningful governance reforms in the Philippine context. This definition of governance has generally characterized the assessment of the post-martial law administrations of Corazon C. Aquino (1986-1992), Fidel V. Ramos (1992-1998), Joseph E. Estrada (1998-2001), Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (2001-2010), Benigno S. Aquino (2010-2016) and Rodrigo R. Duterte (2016present).Results. Although political reforms to strengthen the quality of government is indeed pertinent, this paper will, however, argue that these political reforms will only have a substantive impact on the democratization process in the country if it is coupled with policy reforms which address the growing socio-economic inequalities in Philippine society. In particular, there is a need for socio-economic policies which will address redistribution. Without this, not only will the economic but also the political gap between the rich and the poor remain wide, but it will also make the implementation of political reforms close to impossible.Discussion and Conclusions. The first part of this paper will, therefore, define how the term “governance” has generally been applied to the Philippines. It will elucidate how its definition has been generally limited to the political sphere and why there is a need to expand on this to include the socio-economic domain. It will highlight this concern in the post-martial law administrations. The second part, on the other hand, will elaborate on this issue in the current Duterte administration.
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Valdez, Amiel Ian. "A continuing mandamus to enforce rights to adequate housing in the era of super typhoons." Asia Pacific Journal of Environmental Law 24, no. 1 (September 23, 2021): 120–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/apjel.2021.01.05.
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The era of super typhoons is here and is predicted to linger due to anthropogenic climate change. Disasters triggered by these typhoons have caused not only loss of lives, but also displacements of people who are left without houses, properties and livelihoods. Using the Philippine experience, this article examines the legal standard of right to adequate housing under the international human rights law and international climate change law, and the Philippines' commitments to these regimes. It argues that the Philippine government's post-typhoon responses are fragmented, reactive, and ephemeral, and that there are gaps in the current housing laws. It is then argued that these issues are incongruent with the minimum standards of adequate housing. To ensure that the housing rights of climate displaced persons are protected, the role of domestic courts in enforcing the government's adaptation commitments under the Paris Agreement using the writ of continuing mandamus is considered.
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Calma, Angelito. "Challenges in preparing academic staff for research training and supervision." International Journal of Educational Management 28, no. 6 (August 5, 2014): 705–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijem-06-2013-0092.
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Purpose – Little attention has been given to the preparedness of academic staff for their role as research trainers or supervisors. In addition, limited work has been done on this topic in developing countries such as the Philippines. The Philippines is an important case, as it is a national priority to develop university research and improve research training practices, and there is a graduate skill deficit (in terms of critical thinking, academic writing, and data analysis skills). The purpose of this paper is to identify the challenges confronting the government and universities that relate to academic staff development, research supervision, and staff and student support, involving 53 government and university executives and academics from the Philippines. Design/methodology/approach – The survey involved the participation of selected government and university executives, including the zonal research centre directors, via interviews; and survey of academic staff via a questionnaire. Findings – Results indicate that the most critical challenges for government and universities in the Philippines relate to effectively meeting the dual demands of teaching and research, building a critical mass of researchers, and developing excellent research skills and competences among staff and students. Originality/value – The paper is the first to study research training and supervision in Philippine universities, providing a case for the Philippines internationally, which is less featured in research.
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Navarro, Mariechel J., Jenny A. Panopio, Donna Bae Malayang, and Noel Amano Jr. "Print media reportage of agricultural biotechnology in the Philippines: a decade’s (2000-2009) analysis of news coverage and framing." Journal of Science Communication 10, no. 03 (July 11, 2011): A01. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.10030201.
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This article presents key results of a ten-year study of media coverage of agricultural biotechnology in the Philippines, the only country in Asia to date to approve a biotech food/feed crop (Bt corn) for commercialization. The top three national English newspapers – Manila Bulletin, Philippine Daily Inquirer, and Philippine Star were analyzed to determine patterns of media attention measured by coverage peaks, tone, source of news, keywords, and media frames used. Biotechnology news was generally positive but not high in the media agenda. News coverage was marked by occasional peaks brought about by drama and controversial events which triggered attention but not long enough to sustain interest. The study provides a glimpse into the role of mass media in a developing country context. It shows how a complex and contentious topic is integrated into the mainstream of news reporting, and eventually evolves from an emotional discourse to one that allows informed decision making.
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P. Katigbak, Jovito Jose. "Examining Philippine Competition Policy (1992-2015) through Punctuated Equilibrium Theory." Asia Social Issues 15, no. 5 (June 6, 2022): 254903. http://dx.doi.org/10.48048/asi.2022.254903.
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For many democracies, competition in the free market is an essential pillar to ensure the continuous improvement of the standard of living of their citizens. In the Philippines, an anti-trust law was only institutionalized in July 2015 after former President Benigno Aquino III signed into law the Philippine Competition Act (PCA). Despite this major legislative landmark, critics argue that it should have been passed two decades ago. The study finds that the role of political institutions has been instrumental in effecting policy stasis as oligarchs and economic elites maintain close links with the legislators and government officials. Furthermore, the Philippine government has opted to focus on issue-neutral, non-controversial, and public works-centered projects to prevent debate among colleagues and to satisfy demands of constituencies. Interestingly, there was no triggering event to effect policy change. Instead, the passage of the PCA is due to two major reasons: domestic rationale; and global developments.
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Iaccarino, Ubaldo. "The ‘Galleon System’ and Chinese Trade in Manila at the Turn of the 16th Century." MING QING YANJIU 16, no. 01 (February 14, 2011): 95–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-01601005.
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When the mission of the Basque adelantado Miguel López de Legazpi reached Luzon – the northernmost isle of the Philippine archipelago – in 1570, the ambitious Spanish conquistadores met the ‘Sangley’ merchants for the first time. During the 1570s many Chinese junks started to connect Manila with the ports of Fujian province and transformed the Philippine capital in a crossroads of the silk to silver exchange between China, Japan and the two Americas. Following the establishment of the Manila-Acapulco-Callao triangular trade line and with the influx of the precious ‘reals of eight’ from Mexico, the so-called ‘Naos de China’ started to enrich both the Spaniards and the ‘Sangleys’, triggering an irreversible process that led to the establishment of a ‘Galleon System’ in just two decades. This paper will discuss the role of Chinese trade in the Philippines at the close of the 16th century from the founding of Manila in 1571 to the establishment of the ‘Galleon System’ by the early 1590s.
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Calimbahin, Cleo Anne A. "Varieties of Clientelism in Comparative Democracies: Power, State Formation and Citizenship in the Philippines, Bosnia and Herzegovina." Bandung 8, no. 2 (September 3, 2021): 233–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-08020005.
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Abstract Clientelism in comparative democracies have evolved through time within informal and formal institutions. Using the book by Brkovic, that follows the tradition of challenging the unidimensional view of clientelism in Bosnia and Herzegovina, this essay provides the Philippine case as contrast and comparison. The article examines how both countries’ experience can open new avenues for us to understand the durability of clientelism and its relationship with formal and informal institutions. Brokovic’s agency and personhood within clientelistic relationships accounts for the endurance of this practice in democratic societies that experienced transition. Clientelism persists in part due to the reliability of personal relations over the ability of public institutions to deliver. This review article will probe clientelism, as it manifests in the politics of the Philippines and its democratic institutions. Among the multiple types of clientelistic relationship in the Philippines, some emphasize the role of machine politics, corruption, and coercion. Brković’s book provides a new lens of analysis by looking at clientelism through personhood and agency as power. The contribution of the book on the discourse of clientelism can deepen the understanding of Philippine politics because it encourages an analysis that looks at the exercise of democracy through personhood, agency, and informal institutions. It invites us to view clientelism not just through corruption and violence. By combining the analysis that utilizes formal and informal institutions, personhood and structuralist, this essay explains why some countries that have transitioned into democracies remain ambiguous states and explain the persistence of clientelism.
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Pertierra, Anna Cristina. "The television families of Mexico and the Philippines: dynasties and caciques in transpacific media cultures." Media, Culture & Society 42, no. 1 (November 26, 2019): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443719884061.
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Metaphors of family play a particular part in representing and justifying the public role of elite families and media empires in Mexico and the Philippines, two countries on opposite sides of the Pacific that feature linked histories of Spanish colonial heritage and intimate connections to the cultural and economic history of the modern United States. The media industries of Mexico and the Philippines share some important characteristics: powerful commercial television networks are operated by prominent elite family companies, whose multimedia empires wield political and economic influence nationwide. An industry model of elite family dominance is reflected in the ways that contemporary television programs, hosts, and viewers understand themselves as belonging to sorts of ‘television families’. The nature of Mexican and Philippine television industries as family businesses writ large merits more extensive comparative historical exploration. These parallel cases draw attention to how media may be productively compared and studied across the Pacific regions of Asia and the Americas.
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Morey, Brittany N., Adrian Matias Bacong, Anna K. Hing, A. B. de Castro, and Gilbert C. Gee. "Heterogeneity in Migrant Health Selection: The Role of Immigrant Visas." Journal of Health and Social Behavior 61, no. 3 (July 29, 2020): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022146520942896.
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This study proposes that visa status is an important construct that is central to understanding how health selection occurs among immigrants. We used the 2017 baseline survey data of the Health of Philippine Emigrants Study ( n = 1,632) to compare the health of nonmigrants remaining in the Philippines and migrants surveyed prior to migration to the United States. Furthermore, we compared migrant health by visa type: limited family reunification, unlimited family reunification, fiancé(e)/marriage, and employment. Migrants reported fewer health conditions than nonmigrants overall. However, health varied among migrants by visa type. Migrants with fiancé(e)/marriage visas were the healthiest, reporting significantly fewer health conditions than the other groups. Limited family reunification migrants reported more health conditions than nonmigrants and unlimited family reunification migrants. We discuss how the immigration visa process reflects broader forms of social and political stratification that cause heterogeneity in immigrant health selection.
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Prabowo, Thoriq Tri, and April Ramos Manabat. "The role of selected Indonesian and Philippine Academic Libraries amidst fake news." Jurnal Kajian Informasi & Perpustakaan 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jkip.v9i2.30014.
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People now have easy access to information on the internet, but people find it difficult to find valid information. Librarians in academic environments have a huge task in helping users receive the correct information. Several university academic libraries in Indonesia and the Philippines play a role in providing insight into false information. This study aimed to describe the information literacy program in several university libraries in Indonesia and the Philippines, selected purposively. The research method used descriptive qualitative research with data collection techniques using questionnaires sent to six libraries from two countries. Based on the study results, six libraries from two countries fought fake news by validating information and checking trusted sources from the academic community. Libraries included the Information Literacy Program in lectures to practice critical thinking skills, used information responsibly, disseminated and preserved information, primarily through social media. Academic libraries applied various strategies and methods to teach information literacy to students through fun and engaging lectures, seminars, workshops, and interactive games. Libraries establish communication with librarians, students, lecturers, and universities. Indonesian and Philippine academic libraries effectively use the Information Literacy Program to educate, protect against access and dissemination of false information. The study results can be used as additional literature in information literacy in both ASEAN countries and the movement to eradicate fake news worldwide.
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Yamauchi, Futoshi, and Yanyan Liu. "Gender asymmetries: Impacts of an early-stage school intervention in the Philippines." Review of Development Economics 22, no. 1 (August 11, 2017): 220–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rode.12337.
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Yonson, Rio, Ilan Noy, and JC Gaillard. "The measurement of disaster risk: An example from tropical cyclones in the Philippines." Review of Development Economics 22, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 736–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rode.12365.
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Baldoz, Rick. "THE RACIAL VECTORS OF EMPIRE." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 5, no. 1 (2008): 69–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x08080089.
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AbstractThis paper examines the role of racial ideology in shaping U.S. colonial policy in the Philippines during the early years of American rule in the islands c. 1898–1905. The first section of the essay focuses on congressional debates between pro- and anti-imperialist lawmakers regarding the annexation and governance of the Philippines. The imperialist lobby advocated a paternalistic racial ideology to advance their case for American annexation, citing “the White man's burden” to civilize Filipinos as their rationale for colonizing the islands. The anti-imperialists, on the other hand, employed an ideology of aversive racism to oppose the incorporation of the Philippines, suggesting that annexation would unleash a flood of Filipino immigrants into the United States, thus creating a “race problem” for White citizens. Frequent unfavorable comparisons with Blacks, Chinese, and “Indians” were employed to produce racial knowledge about Filipinos who were unfamiliar to most Americans. This knowledge served as the basis for excluding Filipinos from American citizenship on racial grounds. The second section of the article traces the implementation of an institutionalized racial order in the Philippines, examining a series of population surveys conducted by colonial officials during the first years of American rule. These surveys employed American-style racial classifications that ranked and evaluated the various races and “tribes” that were identified in the islands. This project culminated in the first official census of the islands in 1905, which formally institutionalized racial categories as an organizing principle of Philippine society.
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U. Doce, Brian. "REVISITING THE PHILIPPINE REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH POLITICS VIA THE LENS OF PUBLIC THEOLOGY: THE ROLE OF PROGRESSIVE CATHOLIC AND PROTESTANT SECTOR." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 12, no. 2 (February 13, 2019): 285–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1202285d.
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Being a traditionally religious country, the role of religion in Philippine politics is quite neglected as scholars are used to frame religious actors based on either interest group politics or theological interpretations. This paper employs a new approach called public theology. Using the Reproductive Health Debate from 2010 – 1012 as a case to analyze, the public theology approach fleshes out a marginalized religious sector who became influential in reshaping the religiopolitical discourse about the morality of a politician voting in favor of the Reproductive Health Bill. This marginalized sector, the progressive religious leaders both from Catholic and Protestant, tradition is influential for providing an alternative moral criterion which served as an opportunity for the President and Congress members to defy the moral and political threat posed by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines.
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Misalucha-Willoughby, Charmaine, and Robert Joseph Medillo. "The Tragedy of Small Power Politics: The Philippines in the South China Sea." Bandung 7, no. 1 (March 13, 2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-00701002.
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Given the reality of power asymmetries, we ask how small powers navigate their way in the international system. We look at the case of the Philippines because of its unique positioning in a region where two great powers compete for influence. We argue that when faced with a crisis, small powers implement an interim solution by internationalizing an issue to protect itself and garner sympathy and support from partners and allies. Using securitization theory, we demonstrate that the Philippines generally pursued the following strategies: improving its bilateral relations with China and reinvigorating its alliance with the United States, urging asean to take a more active and assertive role in the South China Sea (scs) disputes, and using formal arbitration to engage the international community. We find, however, that a lasting solution remains elusive because the country lacks consistent follow-through and policy convergence. Hence, the Philippine experience in securitizing the scs and its simultaneous inability to implement a lasting solution is symptomatic of the tragedy that small powers face.
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Smith, Nigel Vaughan. "Equality, Justice and Identity in an Expatriate/Local Setting: Which Human Factors Enable Empowerment of Filipino Aid Workers?" Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology 6, no. 2 (December 2012): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/prp.2012.10.
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This study explored which of social dominance, social identity and perceptions of organisational justice were most predictive of self-reported empowerment among aid workers in the Philippines (N = 98). Responses to an online survey available in English and Tagalog were obtained from employees of diverse locally operating aid organisations in the Philippines. The survey included composite measures of empowerment, perceived social dominance, social identity and organisational justice. All measures except perceived social dominance performed as theorised in the Philippine context of this study. The best predictor of empowerment was the aspect of organisational justice centering on the fairness of personal interactions (interactional justice; β = .331). An interaction effect between interactional justice and aspects of empowerment and social (Filipino) identity was also observed (β = .233), implying that a secure Filipino identity may act as a buffer to consequences of injustice, all other things being equal. The overall pattern of results suggests that justice plays a more significant role than either social dominance or identity in contributing to empowerment amongst Filipino aid employees. Strikingly, interactional justice may matter more than distributive justice.
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Cruz, John Paul P. "Disability-inclusive electoral systems: analyzing the Philippine electoral policy using the disability convention (DisCo) policy framework." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (September 16, 2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-015-0020-z.
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For more than a century now, the Philippines has been at the forefront of democracy in the Southeast Asian region. Since the early 1990s, the country has sought to institutionalize democratic processes, which aim to meaningfully engage Filipinos in the public and political spheres. In line with its efforts of strengthening its electoral systems, it has also taken a leading role in the region in promoting and protecting the rights of voters with disabilities by becoming one of the first States Parties to ratify the United Nations convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD). A key provision of the UNCRPD is affording voters with disabilities the equal opportunity to engage in every electoral process on an equal basis with other abled-bodied voters. However, in spite of recent developments, the Philippines has yet to effectively implement disability-inclusive electoral policies and processes that would not only engage able-bodied Filipino voters but also one of the country’s largest minority community—Filipino voters with disabilities. This paper examines the effectiveness of the Philippine government in ensuring that Filipino voters with disabilities are guaranteed with and are able to exercise their right to suffrage. Using a mixed method approach and the disability convention (DisCo) policy framework, this research evaluates the content of existing legislative measures relating to the country’s electoral system, the corresponding executive and budgetary support to implement electoral laws and policies for Filipino voters with disabilities, the administrative and coordinating capacity of implementing electoral agencies, the prevailing attitude of the society towards Filipino voters with disabilities, and the degree of participation of Filipino voters with disabilities in the development of Philippine electoral laws and policies.
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Quimbo, Stella A., Aleli D. Kraft, Rhea M. Molato‐Gayares, Carlos Antonio R. Tan, and Joseph J. Capuno. "How do the intended and unintended beneficiaries respond to the Philippines' conditional cash transfer program?" Review of Development Economics 25, no. 3 (March 8, 2021): 1267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rode.12761.
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Ball, R. "The Role of the State in the Globalisation of Labour Markets: The Case of the Philippines." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 29, no. 9 (September 1997): 1603–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a291603.
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The burgeoning literature on ‘globalisation’ tends to identify it as an economic and cultural process, paying little attention to the associated restructuring of the state. Not only does the state sponsor globalisation, but also it ‘globalises' itself in the process. Perhaps the most significant dimension of this new development is where labour markets are integrated with global capital circuits under state sanction. The systematic and state-promoted export of temporary migrant workers has transformed the Philippine state, economy, and society. In this paper I examine the globalisation of labour from the Philippines in terms of its magnitude, its historical development, and its impact on restructuring state functions. I argue that the shift of attention on the part of the state to maintaining the economic functions of international labour circuits tends to undermine its national regulatory function thereby compromising the broad legitimacy of the state. These propositions are examined through a case study of the structuring of the Filipino state in pursuing its well-known labour-export policy.
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Fuwa, Nobuhiko. "Pro-girl Bias in Intra-household Allocation in the Rural Philippines: Revisiting the “Adult Goods” Approach." Review of Development Economics 18, no. 4 (October 8, 2014): 727–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rode.12115.
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Castro, Nestor T. "The Interface between Religion and Politics in The Philippines Based on Data from Recent Philippine Elections." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 2, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol2.iss2.2019.454.
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The Philippines held its national elections last May 2019. During the election campaign, several religious groups organized electoral slates or supported particular political candidates. Among these groups were the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) with its Alagad Party, the Jesus is Lord (JIL) Movement with its CIBAC Party, the El Shaddai with its Buhay Party, and the Kingdom of Jesus Christ which supported all of the candidates backed by the Duterte government. On the other hand, the dominant Roman Catholic Church did not support any political party or candidate as a bloc but emphasized the need for the electorate to use their conscience and vote wisely. Some Roman Catholic priests, however, openly supported the opposition Otso Diretso slate for the Senate.This paper looks at the interesting link between religion and politics in the Philippines, especially in its recent political history, i.e. from 1986 up to the present. In particular, this paper will attempt to answer the following questions: What role do the various religious groups in the Philippines play in the field of the political arena? Do Filipinos vote based on their religious affiliation?
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Cayamodin, Jamel Rombo. "The Dynamics of Meranao Political Participation in Southern Philippines: An Analysis Using Milbrath’s Hierarchy of Political Involvement." Insaniyat: Journal of Islam and Humanities 5, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/insaniyat.v5i2.17770.
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The study analyzes the dynamics of political participation of the largest Muslim ethnolinguistic group in the Philippines – the Meranao. Using Milbrath’s hierarchy of political involvement, the researcher examines the nature of Meranaos’ political processes and the role played by demographic and socioeconomic factors including gender, place of origin, age, income, education, and occupation on the nature of their political participation. The study adopted quantitative approach whereby survey method is the primary technique during the collection of data. There were 315 respondents who took part in the five-month survey period in the two districts of the province of Lanao del Sur in Southern Philippines. The research question is summed up on how do Meranaos participate in Philippine politics vis-a-vis Milbrath’s Hierarchy of Political Involvement, and how do social stratification in the Meranao society influence their political participation. The study found that the nature of Meranaos’ political participation is not up to democratic setup as they are confined only to spectatorial level, while rarely participating in transitional and gladiatorial levels. In the same manner, there were no significant impacts of demographic and socioeconomic factors on political participation. The effects were only found in individual formative items at a lesser extent. The study recommends the massive information drive on the status and significant roles of political institutions in the Meranao society in order to entice higher political participation. Extension of this study to other Muslim ethnolinguistic groups and communities in the Philippines is essential.
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Ancho, Inero, and Kadek Aria Prima Dewi PF. "Philippine Qualifications Framework and South Korea’s New Southern Policy: Towards Quality Tech-Voc Education." Jurnal Penjaminan Mutu 7, no. 1 (March 7, 2021): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25078/jpm.v7i1.1953.
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<p><em>This study is an attempt to revisit the Philippine Qualifications Framework (PQF) vis-à-vis South Korea’s New Southern Policy (NSP). The focus is on the tech-voc education given PQF mandates concerning NSP’s agenda. The PQF-NSP alignment in the context of tech-voc is emphasized as inputs are provided towards quality tech-voc education in the Philippines. </em><em>This qualitative study uses policy document analysis as a methodology, primarily involving PQF and NSP. According to Cardno (2018), policy document analysis is a significant instrument for leaders in the education sector as it also functions as a research technique. Policies are accessed through retrieval from website searches (Patel, et al., 2017). Harmonizing mandates provisions, and agenda of the NSP and PQF provides clear-cut directions towards quality tech-voc education in the Philippines.</em><em> Institutionalizing qualifications and standards through the PQF serve as a mechanism to complement existing practices not just in the country but in the ASEAN region as well. As PQF acts as an instrument to advance policy planning, creation, and implementation, the Philippines affirms its role in contributing to the region’s qualifications framework by gaining recognition and impact. This is a prime invitation for NSP to maximize and be an active partner in upholding quality and standards, and in this case, through the context of tech-voc education. </em></p>
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Agum, Arjem Noryn Caringal. "Mobile textula: a possible new way of reawakening the marginalized Philippine poetry." Abstract Proceedings International Scholars Conference 7, no. 1 (March 4, 2020): 2150–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35974/isc.v7i1.885.
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Introduction: Poetry has long been part of any cultural and literary heritage. Despite poetry’s role in Philippine literature, the 21st-century Filipino learners lack the knowledge about folk poetry. Poems sent through short messaging service (SMS) or mobile textula were then introduced to capture the interest of the Filipino millennial learners. However, studies say little about this emerging means of literary propagation. Anchored in the Social Construction of Technology (SCOT) Theory, this study aimed to contribute to the body of knowledge to reawaken the marginalized Philippine poetry.
Method: Through external desk research, this qualitative study delved into the history, type, sample poems, and the possibility of using mobile textula to reinforce the 21st-century Filipino learners' understanding of the marginalized Philippine poetry. \
Result: After an integrative literature review of various sources (full paper in conference proceedings, journal articles, education-related sites, and online news), it was found that mobile textula was made known in 2002 through the "Textanaga Contest," the first text-a-poem contest in the Philippines which gathered 10,000 poems on its launching day. Sample poems were that of the tanaga, dalit, and diona which are considered marginalized poetry among the generation of modern Filipinos. Moreover, a private college in one of the provinces in Luzon saw the effectivity of textula in teaching language, literature, and socio-cultural awareness.
Discussion: Therefore, the study suggests that teachers consider the use of textula in teaching literature. Further, a wide scope of an experimental study on the effectiveness of textula in the classroom is recommended.