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1
Jones, Paul Alastair Michael. "The representations of Royalists and Royalism in the press, c. 1637-1646." Thesis, Keele University, 2012. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/3850/.
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Developing from the recent surge of interest in the Royalist cause during the Civil Wars, this thesis explores the question of how Royalists were portrayed in the press between 1637 and 1646. It addresses the question through textual analysis and specifically examines printed material in an effort to investigate the construction of Royalist identity as well as the peculiarities of Royalist discourse. At its most fundamental level, this thesis seeks to address the issue of Royalist identity, and in doing so suggests that it was predicated on an inconsistent and problematic form of English patriotism. According to the argument presented here, Charles I led a cause that was supposed to protect and champion the core institutions and cultural norms upon which the very nature of Englishness rested. Royalism existed to preserve England from what were perceived as the foreign and anti-English agendas of Parliament. An underlying argument in this thesis is that Royalist print aspired to define and anchor language, with the implication that textual meaning was solidly formed and unquestionable. Royalist text, unlike that of Parliament, was supposed to represent truth, effectively rendering Royalist print a force for stability in an increasingly chaotic world. Alongside its focus on the ways in which the Royalist press tried to fashion an English identity for the King’s supporters, this thesis also explores the image of the cavalier stereotype. It aims not to debunk such a stereotype, but to explore the implications behind it and show how they challenged and undermined the Royalists’ Englishness.
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Harrington, Melanie Louise. "Disappointed royalists in restoration England and Wales." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.707972.
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Piot, Céline. "Les résistances à la République dans le coeur de la Gascogne (Gers, Landes, Lot-et-Garonne) de 1870 à 1914." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR30043/document.
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De nombreux travaux tendent à prouver que les départements situés au coeur de la Gascogne (c’est-à-dire ceux du Gers, des Landes et du Lot-et-Garonne) n’ont pas à subir de fortes résistances contre la République entre 1870 et 1914. Un rapide examen du tableau politique de ces trois départements montre en effet que les électeurs adhèrent progressivement aux idées républicaines – bien que le rythme soit différent d’une zone à l’autre –, mais doit-on se satisfaire de généralités ? Une étude plus spécifique, confrontant les sources nationales aux sources régionales et utilisant des sources de diverses natures confirmera-t-elle ou, au contraire, nuancera-t-elle, voire infirmera-t-elle, ce schéma d’une Gascogne précocement républicaine et peu encline aux résistances venues tant des conservateurs que de l’extrême gauche ?La première partie, portant sur un état des lieux dans les années 1870, permet de montrer que les conservateurs, bien que divisés, sont encore puissants. Sont ainsi présentées les cultures politiques antirépublicaines en expliquant quels sont leurs moyens de lutte tels que la presse et les réseaux de sociabilité (cercles et sociétés). L’univers agricole est l’un des terrains de prédilection des droites, en particulier de la culture traditionaliste. Mais cette influence se traduit-elle lors des temps électoraux ? À partir de la décennie 1880, et c’est l’objet de la deuxième partie, à l’enracinement durable de la IIIe République répond cependant, dans un illusoire écho, le lent déclin des conservateurs. En Gascogne, de nombreuses personnalités continuent toutefois d’exercer une autorité politique et culturelle par le biais de diverses sociétés, par la presse et le mouvement félibréen. Les espoirs du rétablissement de la monarchie ou de l’Empire, sans s’éteindre, sont néanmoins fortement déçus et les crises nationales (le boulangisme, l’affaire Dreyfus, la tentative de coup d’État de Déroulède…) n’ébranlent pas l’ancrage républicain ; au contraire, elles le renforcent. N’empêche que, dans la période 1890/1914, les résistances à la République prennent d’autres formes et certaines structures, que l’on croyait en Gascogne jusqu’alors réservées aux années vingt, apparaissent déjà. Le paysage politique se recompose sous l’effet de l’évolution droitière du nationalisme, puis du Ralliement qui divise les droites. À cela, vient s’ajouter l’opposition de l’extrême gauche. D’autre part, les revendications culturelles liées au mouvement félibréen deviennent plus fortement politiques, et laGascogne est à son tour ébranlée par les idées de fédéralisme et de décentralisation qui constituent des outils dans les mains des droites afin de lutter contre le régime républicain. Le clergé continue de combattre les lois scolaires et mène une contre-offensive, souvent minimisée et pourtant réelleA considerable amount of studies tend to reach the same conclusion, namely that the Departments situated in the heartland of Gascony (the Gers, the Landes and the Lot-et-Garonne) offered little resistance to the Republican ideal between 1870 and 1914. What little resistance there was, was not enough to overthrow the Republic. A cursory examination of the political picture of the three departments shows that voters adhered progressively to Republican ideas; even if the rate at which this occurred varied from one area to another. But can we be satisfied with this general overview ? Is this confirmed by a more in-depth study comparing national and local figures ? Was Gascony really an early day Republic, little given to contestation either from conservatives or the extreme leftThe first part (which deals with the state of the nation in the 1870’s) shows that the conservatives, albeit divided, were still powerful. Their antirepublican faction was empowered through channels of the local press and regional societies. The agricultural faction is traditionally a right wing preserve but is this really translated into a right wing vote at elections ? As from the decade of the 1880’s, the IIIe Republic took root and at the same time the conservatives declined slowly. This is the subject of the second part. In Gascony, however, a number of local dignitaries continued to wield political and cultural power through societies, the press and the felibreen movement. Although hopes of restoring the Monarchy or the Empire were never completely extinguished, they were nevertheless sevenly dampened. National crises (the boulangism, the Dreyfus affair, the attempted coup d’Etat of Déroulède…) reinforced the Republic instead of overthrowing it. In the period from 1890 to 1914, forms of resistance to the Republic were put in place which are usually associated with the 1920’s. The right wing tendency in nationalism is at first reinforced and then the right wing is divided by the Ralliement. The extreme left makes itself felt more forcefully. Added to this the cultural revendications linked to the felibreen movement become more politically based and Gascony is gripped by federalist and decentralising ideas which are tools of the right against the Republican regime. Clerics continue to fight laws governing schools and lead a counter offensive which has often been minimised but is nevertheless a force to be reckoned with
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Whitehead, Nicola Marie. "The publisher Humphrey Moseley and royalist literature, 1640-1660." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:55a6d252-ddc4-401b-8a50-988d40121483.
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The principal argument of this thesis is that royalist literary publishing in the civil wars and Interregnum was a more coherent and wider movement than has been recognised. It asserts the importance of print culture to royalists, both as a vehicle for personal responses to political circumstances, and as a means to criticize and undermine the opposition. The thesis uses the publisher Humphrey Moseley as a lens through which to examine the publisher's role in the dissemination of a wide range of royalist texts. It demonstrates that publishers, as well as authors, were driven by their political and ideological opinions. The thesis begins by establishing that the royalist and Anglican convictions expressed within the texts published by Moseley corresponded with his own. This opening chapter also demonstrates the editorial control that he exerted when publishing a book. Next follow five case studies. In the second chapter I examine writings of Moseley's most prolific author, James Howell. I show that until the censorship legislation of September 1649, Howell published royalist polemical pamphlets. I argue that in response to the censorship act Howell shifted to a more subtle method of polemical writing, most notably when he embedded extracts from his polemical pamphlets in his historical allegory Dodona's Grove which Moseley published in 1650. Chapters Three to Six are genre-based case studies. These chapters analyse the ways that a variety of genres were used by royalists in support of the Stuart cause and the Anglican Church. In the final chapter I set Moseley within the context of royalist publishing more widely. I review the careers of Henry Seile and Richard Royston to demonstrate that Moseley was not the only publisher committed to the royalist cause and that his productions belonged to a broad spectrum of royalist publishing.
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Hutton, Ronald. "The Royalist war effort, 1642-1646 /." London ; New York : Routledge, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb371198979.
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Gourinard, Pierre. "Les royalistes francais devant la france dans le monde (1820-1859)." Poitiers, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987POIT5019.
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Pour les royalistes, la representation du monde est souvent emprunte de mysticisme. Ceci implique donc une preeminence du spirituel sur le temporel. Le recours a la providence peut etre simplement le desir de compenser les deboires politiques. Il est surtout une affirmation de la politique divine. C'est un point essentiel de la pensee des ultras et des legitimistes. Ceux-ci peuvent ainsi concevoir le sacre royal. Cette symbolique s'oppose au monde revolutionnaire qui n'accepte pas ce recours au surnaturel. Il existe aussi un autre centre d'interet, la colonisation. La aussi, les memes preoccupations mystiques apparaissent. Ainsi la conquete de l'algerie a pour objectif l'evangelisation.
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De, Groot Jerome Edward Gerard. "The Royalist reader in the English Revolution." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/535.
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This thesis offers an interpretation of Royalist literature of the first civil war. It particularly addresses the importance of spatial metaphors and material realities to loyalist notions of identity and meaning.I illustrate how royalist space was predicated upon scientific and mathematical notions of authority and hierarchy, and how this sense of 'absolute space' inflected royalist conceptions of a variety of other locations: gender, society, language, the public. The thesis traces how Charles attempted to use economic, political and juridical measures to create a context in which he could impose certain sociospatial relations and structures of identity. Proclamations and royal protocols polemically reconfigured the institutional life of the country. Licensing of the presses provided a controlled textual mediation of information and fostered particular definitions of national identity. Against this background discourse Charles and his court created a model of Royalism which inflected and created social relations and in particular notions of allegiance. Modes of behaviour that seemed outside the bounds of institutionally and socially defined normality were caricatured as external, alien and other. The model of Royalism I postulate throws into new relief studies of Parliamentary texts, and restructures our thinking about allegiance, text and identity during the Civil War period. My thesis falls into two sections. The opening two chapters establish the material contexts and constraints of publication during the war. Chapter one looks in depth at the relocation of the court within the city of Oxford, considering the institutional and political manifestations of this movement. Chapter two analyses censorship and licensing, circulation and the status of text. The second part of the thesis considers a wide variety of texts published at Oxford, considering specific modes (panegyric, elegy) and forms (speeches, satires, epic, topographical verse). These works are analysed by reference to the contexts outlined in the opening section. By considering tracts, newsbooks, sermons, institutional reform, painting, poetry, hitherto unconsidered manuscript material, political theory, translation and linguistic textbooks I contextualise in depth and further our understanding of Royalist culture.
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Loxley, James William Stanislas. "Royalist poetry in the English Civil War." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319509.
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Wallington, Neil Anthony. "Ideas of warfare in Royalist poetry, 1632-1649." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1446752/.
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This thesis addresses the issue of the changing experience of warfare in the 1630s and 1640s, and how these changes are reflected in the Royalist poetry of the period. It is a central argument that English responses to war in this period must be understood within the context of central Europe's experience of the Thirty Years' War. The introduction examines the most influential sources of ideas about warfare in the early seventeenth century, and considers the importance of translation of classical epic, the proliferation of books of military theory, and the rise of the newsbook in creating an understanding of warfare. The thesis adopts a chronological approach in order to explain how attitudes changed as Britain moved from being a nation at peace to civil war. The first chapter begins with an examination of English responses to the death of the Swedish king Gustavus Adolphus, and contrasts the pacific stance of these responses with the more bellicose writings produced later in the same decade in response to the Bishops' Wars and armed risings on behalf of the king. The second chapter constructs a chronology of the opening year of the English Civil War, based on Cowley's The Civill Warre. and through comparison with the longer prose histories by Clarendon and Thomas May, demonstrates how the attitudes towards the war changed with the flow of events. The third chapter considers how poets wrote about soldiers, and in particular examines the changes in the genre of elegy from the beginning of the First Civil War to the conclusion of the Second Civil War. The study concludes by suggesting how some of the issues raised may inform a reading of canonical text, Andrew Marvell's 'An Horatian Ode Upon Cromwel's Return From Ireland'.
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McElligott, Gerard Jason. "Propaganda and censorship : the underground royalist newsbooks, 1647-1650." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2000. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272176.
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Gautier, Jean-Paul. "La Restauration nationale : un mouvement royaliste sous la 5e République /." Paris : Éd. Syllepse, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38853183d.
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Rexte remanié de: Th. doct.--Sci. polit.--Paris 8, 1997. Titre de soutenance : Un mouvement royaliste sous la 5e République : la Restauration nationale : 1958-1993.En appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 359-371.
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Pincombe, Michayel John. "The royalist dimension in John Lyly's prose-books and plays." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385593.
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Gratton, James Malcolm. "The Parliamentarian and Royalist war effort in Lancashire 1642-1651." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.495638.
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Previous studies on the Civil War in Lancashire have tended to concentrate on social and economic issues with emphasis on the gentry. No attempt has been made to examine the war in the county in a wider context. Here the integration of political, socio-economic, administrative, and military elements, that is war effort, is analysed over the period 1642-1651. Unusually the thesis treats the war effort of both sides, thereby aiming to illuminate the reasons for the conflict's eventual outcome. A wide range of sources is utilised with an emphasis on the extensive collection SP 28 in the Public Record Office and a database of over 770 Civil War officers. Recent scholarship-has suggested that the cohesive nature of Parliament's approach to the war left it well placed to employ local resources as part of a wider war effort. In contrast, it has been thought that the weight Royalists placed on personal service due to Charles I denuded the localities of resources and fatally undermined their capability to make a meaningful, sustained contribution to the king's cause. Lancashire's experience endorses the general thrust of these arguments, yet modification is needed. Parliament's policy of encouraging co-operation between centre and county was only occasionally apparent, largely during times of extreme danger. At other periods the attempts to introduce administrative and financial innovation and maximise the county's involvement were delayed by popular intransigence, the moderate county committee's reluctance to endanger county security and Royalist resistance. After Parliament's initial triumph in 1646 popular resistance grew over the continuance of war-inspired financial impositions and the depredations of unpaid soldiery. The war of 1648 represented a temporary hiatus in the process by which the ruling traditional elite, largely identified with Presbyterianism, was eradicated by centralisation and the rise of local radicals. For the Lancashire Royalists the loss in October 1642 of some 1,100 men to the main army was a handicap. Just as serious was incompetent leadership, the failure to establish meaningful association, and financial weakness. The scale and significance of further departures, mainly of Roman Catholics, has been largely ignored. The early collapse of independent Lancashire Royalism was crucial in that subsequent military activity was pursued by a few irreconcilables and hard-nosed professional soldiers, insensitive to local Royalists. The Lancashire Royalists made a great contribution to the national war effort but the consequence was the woeful feebleness of Royalism in the county itself. Parliament's victory in Lancashire was based upon support from the centre, superior manpower and logistics, substantial sequestration receipts administered by a mix of army officers and plebian officials and a measure of organisational modernisation. The patent weakness of the Lancashire Royalists, for whom the support of Roman Catholics was a mixed blessing, enabled Parliament, despite a multiplicity of problems, to emerge victorious.
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Jackson, Janet Clare Louise. "Royalist politics, religion and ideas in Restoration Scotland, 1660-1689." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1999. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272411.
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Bennett, Martyn. "The Royalist War Effort in the North Midlands, 1642-1646." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1986. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/7475.
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The Royalist War Effort in the north midlands was an organised system run, for the most part, by commissions of array composed generally of men with a vested interest in the communities over which they ruled. A financial system created by these men was based very much on the regular collection of a property tax. The funds which this tax raised was used to create an army based in the area, under the command of Henry Hastings, Lord Loughborough. This army was created from the units raised in the north midland shires during the summer and autumn of 1642 and used initially in the Edgehill campaign. The army eventually grew to be around five thousand strong and was commanded by men drawn from a broad social spectrum stretching from the titled gentry to below yeoman status. The birth of this regional war effort was the result of the King's attempt in late 1642 to regain ground in the area lost to local parliamentarians. The culmination of the work came a year later when, following the successful intervention of the Northern Army, the north midlands royalists were able to control the vast majority of the region. Thus at the end of 1643, the royalists had a power base from which to launch initiatives into any part of the country. The intervention of the Scots in January 1644 forced the Northern Army to return north and put the royalists on the defensive as far south as the north midlands. Successive internecine struggles between north midlands royalist officers and administrators and the continuous drain on the army's manpower, caused by other royalist regional commanders using various units, led to a severe weakening of the royalist war effort in the area. The culmination of this was the economically draining presence of the armies of Prince Rupert and George Goring alsö further reduced the North Midlands Army's manpower. The-defeat of thise armies, and the Northern Army at Marston Moor, plunged the north midlands ink' chaos and, weakened as it was, it almost collapsed entirely under parliamentarian pressure. For the rest of the war the area witnessed a battle of attrition as the parliamentarians steadily encroached upon former royalist territory. Three interventions by the King showed that the area's war effort could have been resurrected but nothing ever came of this and the war ended here, as elsewhere, with the succession of garrisons surrendering to parliament's forces.
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Gourinard, Pierre. "Les royalistes français devant la France dans le monde : 1820-1859 /." Nîmes : C. Lacour, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35556050z.
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Rudge, Robert John. "Negotiating defeat : English royalism c.1646-1660." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.754210.
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This thesis examines the ways that English royalists negotiated the challenges of defeat in the Interregnum. It explores how royalists living in England accommodated to the demands imposed by successive Interregnum governments, how far and in what ways they were able to maintain their loyalty to the Stuarts, and how they responded to the practicalities of living with a proscribed political identity. It reassesses existing views of defeated royalists and their experiences during this time, and offers significant evidence to prove that many of these long-established understandings have been based on preconceived notions about forms of royalist behaviour which are the product of misleading bifurcations in the ways royalism has been traditionally defined. Using both traditional historical sources as well as literary materials, this thesis reveals that much can be gained from comparing the different ways that royalists represented themselves both privately and publically, and to different audiences. It offers essential re-examinations of a series of prominent royalist experiences that have either received limited study or distorted analysis, including oath-taking in defeat, the process of compounding for sequestered estates, the interpretation of royalist 'retirement', and the ways that royalists fostered politicised connections using correspondence and the assistance of intermediaries. In all, it documents a series of hitherto unrecognised strategies that English royalists employed to accept degrees of partial reintegration with Interregnum governance, which simultaneously protected their royalist identity and reputation. By revealing the ways that royalists achieved this, both in the approaches they took, and the level of success that they found, this thesis adds significantly to current understandings of Interregnum royalism and the contours of post-Civil War reintegration.
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Evans, David Sidney. "The Civil War career of Major-General Edward Massey (1642-1647)." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1995. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-civil-war-career-of-majorgeneral-edward-massey-16421647(479e0416-3025-4c0f-8b45-2eb7936427e0).html.
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Degout, Bernard. "L'impossible souveraineté : Victor Hugo et la condamnation royaliste du romantisme, 1819-1824." Paris 12, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA120003.
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Cette etude apprehende l'oeuvre de victor hugo (jusqu'en 1824 strictement) dans la perspective de la condamnation du romantisme par la societe royale des bonnes-lettres et par les quatre academies, fin 1823 et debut 1824. Elle entreprend d'etablir que l'oeuvre de hugo se trouva au foyer meme de cette condamnation, laquelle n'etait aucunement motivee par l'identification d'un liberalisme latent, mais par le refus d'un inflechissement particulier du royalisme (developpe a partir d'une reecriture de chateaubriand) qui deniait a la restauration d'etre advenue reellement : tendu vers l'avenir, soutenu par l'assurance que la revolution marquait une epoque nouvelle - mais que celle-ci etait intimement menacee par le mal qui avait fait irruption dans l'histoire -, ce royalisme visait a la fondation poetique d'une souverainete de droit divin, organique et vertueuse - au moment meme ou le poete, dont la legitimite residait precisement dans l'assomption, par sa vertu, de sa destination divine, devait reconnaitre que dieu lui demeurait cacheThis thesis considers its subject (victor hugo until 1824, strictly) in its relation to the condamnation of romanticism by the societe royale des bonneslettres and the quatre academies, end of 1823 and beginning of 1824. The purpose is to make clear that victor hugo's work has been concerned in the first place by this condamnation, but by no means because of a concealed liberalism. Has been condamned a particular inflection of royalism (built through a rewriting of chateaubriand) that refused to the restauration the fact of being a real restauration. The strong tense of victor hugo's work to the future, the strength found in the certitude that the french revolution was opening a new era, were fought by the also strong certitude that the future was intimately threatened by the bad that had just made a formidable irruption in history ; his royalism tried to base poetically an organical sovereignety of divine law, and in the same time, the poet, whose legitimacy lay in the assomption of his divine destination, was obliged to confess that god stayed hidden to him
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Gautier, Jean-Paul. "Un mouvement royaliste sous la Cinquième République : la Restauration Nationale, 1958-1993." Paris 8, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA081297.
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Fondee en 1955, la restauration nationale se veut l'heritiere de la pensee de charles maurras et de l'ancienne action francaise et du nationalisme integral. Malgre des effectifs limites et des scissions, elle represente la principale composante ideologique et militante de la galaxie royaliste sous la veme republique. Si la restauration nationale a joue un role certes limite mais non negligeable lors de certains evenements (guerre d'algerie, construction europeenne. . . ), convergeant ou divergeant avec les autres courants de l'extreme droite et de la droite nationale, son combat n'a debou- che que sur des echecs. Cela est flagrant au niveau de son objectif principal : la disparition de la republique et le retour de la monarchie hereditaire, traditionnelle, antiparlementaire et decentralisee, dont l'heritier appartient a la maison d'orleans. Echec politique et organisationnel, crises dues essentiellement au blocage de toute tentative de reactualisation de la doctrine et a la defense d'un maurrassisme obsessionnel de la part de la direction de la restauration nationaleFounded in 1955, the national restoration claimed to be heir to the political thought of charles maurras, that of the former action francaise as well as that of integral nationalism. Despite its small membership and its divisions, it nonetheless represented the chief ideological and militant component of the royalist galaxy under the 5th republic. While the nat'1 rest. Played a limited yet significant role during such events as the algerian war or european construction converging or diverging with other far-right parties along wich france's national right, on the whole its combat resulted in a series of failures. This is particularly witnessed when it comes to its main objective i. E. The disappearance of the republic and the return of the monarchy, an antiparlementarian, decentralized, traditional monarchy whose heir belonged to the orleans house. Its failure was both political and organizational. Its crises mainly stemmed from the thwarting of any attempt to update political doctrine and defending obsessive "maurrassianism" on the part of the nat'1 rest's leadership
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Oberson, Frédéric. "Image, symbole et signe dans les pamphlets anti-royalistes de John Milton." Paris 10, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA100114.
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Les pamphlets anti-royalistes de John Milton sont composés dans la grande tradition des duels rhétoriques. Il se préoccupe peu de théorie politique et s'intéresse, avant tout, à la liberté de conscience et d'expression. Il critique une société qui se laisse trop facilement manipuler par la propagande. Milton devient le chantre du nouveau gouvernement républicain et compose pour lui plusieurs défenses destinées à un public européen. Sa première cible est le roi Charles Ier, dont il critique point par point les supposées « mémoires », publiées au lendemain de son exécution. Il s'en prend à un roi-acteur qui, à l'image des personnages shakespeariens, joue plusieurs rôles, tantôt poète, tantôt martyr éploré. Ses deux principaux adversaires sont des royalistes étrangers, les Français Claude Saumaise et Alexandre More. Pour les discréditer, il utilise contre eux un bestiaire foisonnant et une satire aux nombreuses références sexuelles. Il développe aussi toute une série de signes de l'étranger auxquels il oppose, avec un patriotisme virulent, un portrait glorieux de la nation anglaise. Ses ennemis l'accablent d'injures, relatives notamment à sa cécité et il se réfugie dans la littérature et le mythe pour élever le débat, jusqu'à créer pour lui-même le personnage du barde aveugle, qu'il reprend dans sa tragédie de Samson Agonistes. Il affronte ses adversaires royalistes au moyen de signes qu'il partage avec eux, mais dont chacun use différemment. Il s'intéresse avant tout à la responsabilité de l'homme à l'égard de son choix du juste ou du faux. Le tyran sous tous ses avatars, de Charles Ier à Satan, symbolise la tentation de l'illusion. Milton se transforme souvent en médecin du corps politique lorsqu'il pratique une dissection des textes de ses adversaires, pour en exposer les artifices, en ayant recours à de nombreuses images liées au corps humain et à la médecine. Il met en scène les illusions de ses ennemis, en puisant abondamment dans le répertoire théâtral de l'époque et s'inspire abondamment des tragédies de William ShakespeareIn his republican pamphlets, John Milton fights against three main enemies, i. E. The late king Charles I and two French monarchists, Claude Saumaise and Alexander More. Against them, he builds up a lot of satirical images, involving animals, sexual behaviours, the medicine and the theatre. He is influenced by William Shakespeare. A lot of bodily images and symbols are derived from contemporary medical thought. Milton's main purpose in his republican pamphlets is to expose in public view the illusions which enslave men and to fight political propaganda. He presents himself like a hero, a bard, a prophet and a soldier, with a mission. In doing so, lie compares himself with a lot of mythological figures, from Orpheus and Osiris, to Samson and Hercules
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Louis, Patrick. "Contribution à l'étude du mouvement royaliste : l'hebdomadaire 'La Nation Française" : 1955-1967." Paris 2, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA020041.
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"La Nation française", hebdomadaire royaliste fondé par Pierre Boutang, naquit d'une scission au sein d'"Aspects de la France". La volonté affirmée était de renouveler la pensée royaliste, tout en se gardant d'une admiration servile pour Maurras. Beaucoup d'intellectuels de droite et d'écrivains y collaborèrent, mais peu participèrent du début à la fin, exception faite de Pierre Boutang et de Philippe Ariès. En effet, l'engagement politique du journal devait se modifier au fil des années. D'abord résolument hostile à la IVème République, "La Nation Française" devait se rallier à la Vème République. Tout en condamnant la politique algérienne du Général De Gaulle et développant un discours "Algérie française", le journal royaliste refusa de mettre en cause l'oeuvre de restauration de l'Etat entreprise par le Général. L'ambiguïté de ses prises de position entraîna, pour l'hebdomadaire, le départ d'un certain nombre de ses rédacteurs (qui se retrouvèrent à l'"Esprit Public") et la désaffection de ses lecteurs. L'Algérie perdue, sans cesser de cultiver un certain ressentiment, "La Nation Française" affirma de plus en plus clairement son gaullisme royaliste. Attentive aux relations entre le Général De Gaulle et le Comte de Paris, elle estimait que la logique des institutions de la nouvelle république devait coduitre à la restauration monarchique. Ce cheminement original lui fut fatal, ses lecteurs ne le suivant pas. A côté de ses engagements politiques, "La Nation française" développe une philosophie de l'homme résolument traditionaliste. Le plan de cette thèse obéit à un ordre chronologique : I. La génèse de "La Nation Française", II. D'une République à l'autre (10/1955-10/1958), III. L'orage algérien (11/1958-11/1963), IV. La fin des illusions (11/1963-07/1967)
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Louis, Patrick. "Contribution à l'étude du mouvement royaliste l'hebdomadaire "La Nation Française", 1955-1967." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1986. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb375949235.
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Venner, Fiammetta. "Extrême France : les mouvements frontistes, nationaux-radicaux, royalistes, catholiques traditionalistes et provie /." Paris : B. Grasset, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40929184r.
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Martysheva, Lana. "Le pari de l’Hérétique. Les prélats royalistes et la légitimation d’Henri IV." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL001.
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Cette recherche interroge la monarchie française en situation de crise en partant d’un pari politique hors norme, celui des prélats catholiques qui misèrent sur Henri IV, roi protestant. Elle étudie les diverses facettes de l’action politique de ces hommes et reconstruit les mécanismes de leur travail de légitimation du premier Bourbon, en privilégiant les premières années du règne. Centrer l’enquête sur ces années permet de restituer à cette période sa dimension d’incertitude vécue par les acteurs de la monarchie, qui se trouve généralement écrasée par le poids de l’histoire de la pacification, après l’édit de Nantes. Ce choix d’un temps court rend possible l’étude attentive des cérémonies possédant une grande importance symbolique, tels que l’abjuration et le sacre royaux. Trop souvent ces événements sont uniquement décrits, racontés par l’historiographie. L’analyse proposée ici s’attache à l’inverse à leur redonner leur dimension problématique, à réfléchir sur les choix stratégiques faits par le pouvoir, notamment en ce qui concerne leur publication, comme une seconde mise en scène, imprimée. En adoptant un angle d’observation centré sur l’engagement, tantôt exposé, tantôt discret du groupe de prélats (Jacques du Perron, Claude d’Angennes et leurs pairs), il devient possible d’appréhender la monarchie en tant qu’œuvre collective d’acteurs multiples qui agissent pour assurer sa survie. En proposant ainsi une alternative à la vision navarro-centrée qui domine largement l’historiographie, cette approche permet d’aborder d’une nouvelle façon la sortie des guerres de Religion et de révéler des acteurs peu connus, qui néanmoins jouent un rôle crucial dans ce processusThis dissertation investigates the French monarchy during a moment of crisis, focusing on an exceptional political bet made by a number of catholic prelates who chose to support Henri IV, a Protestant king. Their varied political actions are studied here, and the mechanisms of their work of legitimation of the first Bourbon are reconstructed, with a particular attention to the first years of his reign. The emphasis on these years offers the opportunity to give back to this period its dimension of uncertainty, as lived by the actors of the monarchy, a dimension that is generally erased under the weight of the history of the pacification, beginning with the Edict of Nantes. The choice of a short period allows a careful analysis of ceremonies of great symbolic importance, such as the royal abjuration and coronation. Too often these events have been merely narrated by historiography. This analysis, however, seeks to reconstruct their problematic dimension. Specific attention will be paid to the choices made when these events were published, which constituted a second staging of the act in printed form. With the focal point placed on the political commitment of the prelates, which at times was explicit, and at other times remained discreetly hidden away, it becomes possible to understand the monarchy as the collective work of multiple actors who endeavoured to ensure its survival. Thus, by proposing an alternative reading of events to the Navarro-centric vision that largely dominates historiography, this approach discusses the end of the Wars of Religion from a new perspective, which uncovers lesser known actors, who nonetheless played a crucial role in this process
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Martysheva, Lana. "Le pari de l’Hérétique. Les prélats royalistes et la légitimation d’Henri IV." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL001.
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Cette recherche interroge la monarchie française en situation de crise en partant d’un pari politique hors norme, celui des prélats catholiques qui misèrent sur Henri IV, roi protestant. Elle étudie les diverses facettes de l’action politique de ces hommes et reconstruit les mécanismes de leur travail de légitimation du premier Bourbon, en privilégiant les premières années du règne. Centrer l’enquête sur ces années permet de restituer à cette période sa dimension d’incertitude vécue par les acteurs de la monarchie, qui se trouve généralement écrasée par le poids de l’histoire de la pacification, après l’édit de Nantes. Ce choix d’un temps court rend possible l’étude attentive des cérémonies possédant une grande importance symbolique, tels que l’abjuration et le sacre royaux. Trop souvent ces événements sont uniquement décrits, racontés par l’historiographie. L’analyse proposée ici s’attache à l’inverse à leur redonner leur dimension problématique, à réfléchir sur les choix stratégiques faits par le pouvoir, notamment en ce qui concerne leur publication, comme une seconde mise en scène, imprimée. En adoptant un angle d’observation centré sur l’engagement, tantôt exposé, tantôt discret du groupe de prélats (Jacques du Perron, Claude d’Angennes et leurs pairs), il devient possible d’appréhender la monarchie en tant qu’œuvre collective d’acteurs multiples qui agissent pour assurer sa survie. En proposant ainsi une alternative à la vision navarro-centrée qui domine largement l’historiographie, cette approche permet d’aborder d’une nouvelle façon la sortie des guerres de Religion et de révéler des acteurs peu connus, qui néanmoins jouent un rôle crucial dans ce processusThis dissertation investigates the French monarchy during a moment of crisis, focusing on an exceptional political bet made by a number of catholic prelates who chose to support Henri IV, a Protestant king. Their varied political actions are studied here, and the mechanisms of their work of legitimation of the first Bourbon are reconstructed, with a particular attention to the first years of his reign. The emphasis on these years offers the opportunity to give back to this period its dimension of uncertainty, as lived by the actors of the monarchy, a dimension that is generally erased under the weight of the history of the pacification, beginning with the Edict of Nantes. The choice of a short period allows a careful analysis of ceremonies of great symbolic importance, such as the royal abjuration and coronation. Too often these events have been merely narrated by historiography. This analysis, however, seeks to reconstruct their problematic dimension. Specific attention will be paid to the choices made when these events were published, which constituted a second staging of the act in printed form. With the focal point placed on the political commitment of the prelates, which at times was explicit, and at other times remained discreetly hidden away, it becomes possible to understand the monarchy as the collective work of multiple actors who endeavoured to ensure its survival. Thus, by proposing an alternative reading of events to the Navarro-centric vision that largely dominates historiography, this approach discusses the end of the Wars of Religion from a new perspective, which uncovers lesser known actors, who nonetheless played a crucial role in this process
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Illing, P. J. "Reform, revolution and royalism in Brussels, 1780-1790." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604923.
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The Brabant Revolution is often described as the sole conservative revolt amidst the revolutionary fervour of late eighteenth-century Europe. This analysis, based on overarching narratives of revolutionary contagion, misrepresents the Brabant Revolution. It was a purely political phenomenon, rooted in a long tradition of resistance to central authority, based on local privileges. This thesis is unusual in using both pamphlet material and unpublished archival material, and by devoting attention to the international context, key to the success of the resistance. In the political narrative of the revolt, Vonckists and Statists are seen as strands within a broad Patriotic coalition, opposed to Royalist reform. Within this reformist movement, some reformers rested their case upon Brabantine constitutional law, while others employed arguments derived from natural law and unfettered sovereign authority. There were natural lawyers and constitutional lawyers in both camps. Joseph II’s reforms of 1787 were neither unexpected nor unprecedented. They fit within a long train of reforming measures since 1748. Indeed, examining Bruxellois reaction to governmental reform over both reigns, it is noteworthy how much elite co-operation there was, right down to mid-1789. Compared to the Patriotic movement, this elite has not been much studied. The Brabantine elite was close-knit due to training at the University of Leuven, intermarriage and membership of the same institutions. However, discontent with Josephist reform tapped into existing conflicts throughout government, paralysing a destabilised administration. An impatient Joseph II was not prepared to compromise. His insistence on his sovereign authority and rejection of constitutional precedent removed the autonomy of his representatives, alienated allies and destabilised his administration. He destroyed a long-term co-operation between local elites and central government, culminating in the chaos of 1790. His successor, Leopold II, had to rebuild this consensus amidst an altered political landscape.
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Plakoudas, Spyridon A. "The Greek Civil War, 1946-1949 : how the royalist regime countered the Communist insurgency." Thesis, University of Reading, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.659010.
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At the dawn of the 21st century, insurgency irrefutably constitutes the most prevalent type of war throughout the world. The Greek Civil War (1946-1949) stands out as one of the rarest occasions of a clear-cut and permanent victory of a government over an insurgent movement during the Cold War. In fact, the Greek Monarchist regime conclusively defeated the foreign-backed Communist insurgency in less than four years - a truly notable feat compared to the humiliating failures of the Great Powers at the hands of insurgent movements during the Cold War. And yet, this - relatively understudied - episode of the Cold War has not been studied thoroughly from the point of view of the strategy of the counter-insurgent. In reality, the vast majority of the works on the Greek Civil War have studied the interventionist policies of the British and Americans and, above all, the strategy of the Greek Communists. What did cause ultimately the defeat of a Communist insurgency which at some point in 1947 seemed in fact undefeatable? Did the Communist guerrilla movement fall victim to the feud between Stalin and Tito and the vainglory of its leadership as several scholars maintain? Or did the massive British and, above all, American aid rescue the Greek Monarchist regime - notorious for its incompetence - from collapse? Or could the Monarchist regime simply take advantage of the massive support from the Anglo American allies and the catastrophic errors of its enemies to score a hard-won, yet inevitable, victory? Ergo, this thesis will attempt to explain how the Greek Monarchist regime decided to counter the Communist insurgency, how external and internal actors influenced these policies and when, how and why these policies were crowned with success. For the very first time, this thesis will study completely and systematically the strategy of the Monarchist regime.
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Chotpradit, Thanavi. "Revolution versus Counter-Revolution : the People's Party and the Royalist(s) in visual dialogue." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2016. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/180/.
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The People’s Party (Khana ratsadon) or the monarchy: which one is the true begetter of Thai democracy? The people or the King: who possesses sovereign power in Thailand? The thesis Revolution versus Counter-Revolution: The People’s Party and the Royalist(s) in Visual Dialogue explores these core questions of Thai politics through an examination of the dynamism of the People’s Party’s visual culture. Under a royalist hegemony, started in 1947, the People’s Party’s arts and cultural artefacts have been recast as foreign and tasteless. This thesis argues that this royalist accusation highlights the profound significance of the revolutionary visual culture. In fact the People’s Party’s memorials, monuments, architecture and artwork are deeply embedded within a struggle for political legitimisation. They are “sites of memory”, or lieux de mémoire, that take on a performative role in the rivalry between the two ideologies: constitutionalism/democracy and royalism. Between 1932 and 2010 through a series of political incidents they have undergone a series of transformations both in the way they are interpreted and the cultural memory associated with them. This thesis intends to unravel the complexity and web of associations between these cultural icons, political ideologies, class struggle and memory politics.
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Terrades, Gilbert. "Un journal de 1789 à 1791, les "Actes des apôtres" : Agressivité et violence pendant la révolution monarchique." Montpellier 3, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994MON30053.
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Becquet, Hélène Françoise. "Royauté, royalismes et révolution : Marie-Thérèse-Charlotte de France (1778-1851)." Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010654.
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La mort de Louis XVI signalerait la fin de la royauté en France. Ce postulat classique est à nuancer : la Révolution ne met pas fin à la dignité royale, elle la transforme et la démultiplie. De la même façon, la Révolution invente les royalismes qui constituent un courant majeur de l'histoire politique, sociale et intellectuelle de la France au xrxe siècle, bien que leur force soit souvent négligée dans l'historiographie. Le but de ce travail est d'éclairer ces aspects méconnus de l'histoire politique française de la charnière des xviiiè et x~ siècles en utilisant le prisme de Marie-Thérèse-Charlotte de France, fille de Louis XVI et de Marie-Antoinette d'Autriche-Lorraine. Durant sa longue vie, cette princesse a connu toutes les vicissitudes de la famille royale française. Elle est un protagoniste important de l'histoire politique de la période et une figure essentielle du système de légitimation de la monarchie des Bourbons et de l'imaginaire politique des royalistes.
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Augereau, Laurence. "La vie intellectuelle à Tours pendant la Ligue (1589-1594)." Tours, 2003. http://memoires.scd.univ-tours.fr/index.php?fichier=priv/Theses/laurence.augereau_2003.pdf.
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En mars 1589, Henri III transfère les cours souveraines à Tours. S'y établissent alors les serviteurs fidèles du roi, ceux que l'on appelle les "Politiques". La plupart sont des hommes très cultivés, comme Jacques-Auguste de Thou ou Etienne Pasquier. Viennent aussi des courtisans (Du Haillan ou Du perron), des hommes de guerre (Nicolas Rapin) et toutes sortes de personnages à la recherche d'une situation (Béroalde de Verville) auxquels il faut ajouter les élites tourangelles (Roland Brisset, Michel de Castelnau). Les archives, la correspondance et les publications révèlent l'activité et les relations à Tours de ces poètes, traducteurs, historiens, pamphlétaires, romanciers, mathématiciens, médecins, juristes. . . Enfin des imprimeurs et libraires, comme Jamet Mettayer, ont également suvi le roi à Tours et diffusent l'essentiel de la propagande royaliste. Ainsi sort des presses tourangelles la Satyre Ménippée, à la veille du retour dans la capitale, en mars 1594
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Stallings, Amy. "Cabinet of Monkies: Dancing Politics in Anglo Culture, from Jacobite to Jacobin and Royalist to Republican." W&M ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1477068518.
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Dance has long been known to play a significant role in the social lives of men and women in colonial British America. What historians have largely failed to note is the integral nature of dance, in particular the longways English country form, to the realm of politics and the formation of national identity. From the earliest days of its dissemination in print, English country dance served a political purpose. In 1651, under Oliver Cromwell’s dour Protectorate government, Royalists like publisher John Playford used dance as a subtle form of resistance. Urging the public to remember the monarchy fondly and to join together in a quintessentially English pastime, Playford’s English Dancing Master created an imagined community of political dissenters. The Playford manuals set the standard for the politicization of dance in Anglo culture, both in the politically-charged dance titles they contained and in the intended function of dance performance itself. This awareness of dance’s potential and the tendency to employ it for political ends were carried across the Atlantic to England’s North American colonies. In the years preceding the American Revolution, as well as during the war itself, the ballroom became a political space to a heightened degree. While minuets established a clear social hierarchy, country dances broke it down into more democratic forms. Codes of conduct at assemblies allowed attendees (especially women) to publicize their political allegiances through their dress, behavior, and dance selection. Both the British and the Americans, up and down the eastern seaboard, sought to turn the politicization of the ballroom to their advantage; spectacular fetes such as Howe's Mischianza won local populations to the British cause, while the Philadelphia Assembly prohibited Loyalists from subscribing to its events. Partially in response to British extravagance, the Continental Army characterized its festivities as orderly, economical, and virtuous. In the Federal era, political rivals again used dance as a form of propaganda, warring over the legacy of independence. International tensions ran high as France found itself embroiled in a bloody revolution that sent a new wave of emigres fleeing abroad. Many settled in the United States and often made a living teaching dance. Pro- and anti-French feeling spilled over into the ballroom. as the rise of the middle class rendered dance an understandable language across a wide swath of the voting population, two major themes arose: that of dance as a wholesome rustic activity in keeping with lauded classical virtues, and that of the social-leveling, chaotic frolic, imbibed with vice and dangerous Jacobin principles. An analysis of dance metaphors reveals growing discomfort with race relations and with the political aspirations of the lower classes, suggesting the gradual closure of the window of opportunity that independence had proffered. English country dance persisted into Jacksonian America, despite the rise of French cotillions and quadrilles. Though it was a tool of reconciliation after the War of 1812, the longways set’s association with egalitarianism made it a target for anti-Jackson feeling by the 1820s. Changing styles in dance and politics also undercut the role of the ballroom. Women assumed a more public role in rallies and social movements, and small-set and partner dances allowed dancers to self-segregate, hindering large-scale communication on the dance floor.
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Gath, Kate. "Sir William Davenant, the senses, and royalism in the seventeenth century." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21436/.
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Within the last decade, there has been a renewed level of interest in civil war general, writer and theatre proprietor, Sir William Davenant (1606-1668). The field of sensory studies has also flourished in recent years and, over the past two to three decades especially, research into royalism and royalist literature has produced numerous extensive studies. However, scholarship dealing with royalism only provides vague allusions to the place of the senses and sensuality within royalism and royalist literature. Davenant’s work is striking in that it engages both overtly and more subtly with the relationship between the senses, sensuality, royalist identities, and the values accommodated by royalist ideologies. This thesis offers a thorough re-evaluation of Davenant’s writing in relation to the senses, contributing towards a better understanding of the way in which royalists conceptualise their own sensory experiences, and those of others. In turn, this is vital in understanding royalism as a whole and the way in which such concepts contribute towards its varied nature and accommodating ideologies. It also enables a deeper appreciation of the impact of Davenant’s own forms of royalism upon his literary output. My approach builds upon the critical field of sensory studies by considering the way in which royalist identities may influence writers’ approaches to the sensory experience during the seventeenth century.
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Cortes-Brun, Cyril. "Aux sources de la pensée de saint Cyprien de Carthage, entre théologie et pastorale : les fondements théologiques de l'épiscopocentrisme cyprianique." Rouen, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010ROUEL010.
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Ce travail se présente, comme le traité de théologie que Cyprien n'a pas écrit parce que de fait c'est avant tout un pasteur. Mais il y a une théologie chez saint Cyprien, une théologie qui n'est pas un simple plagiat de Tertullien, bien au contraire. Cette théologie est même d'une telle puissance qu'elle irrigue d'elle-même toute l'ecclésiologie qui en découle. Cette thèse souhaite avant tout présenter cette théologie pour elle-même. L'eccclésiologie de Cyprien a été abondamment abordée. Ici nous avons voulu éviter deux écueils. Le premier est celui de la polémique systématique, car, à peu d'exceptions près, il y a une nette récupération idéologique des écrits cyprianiques. Nous nous sommes contentés d'en signaler quelques-uns emblématiques, ne voulant pas amoindrir la portée du développement théologique dans des querelles. Le second écueil était celui du plagiat. En effet, les études qui concernent l'ecclésiologie si elles sont souvent des récupérations idéologiques quant aux conclusions tirées, restent, quant à la présentation extérieure, très fidèles. Ce travail veut également se situer par rapport aux autres travaux sur le sujet, reprenant ainsi la question du monarchisme, en montrant qu'il ne faut pas en rester aux formes extérieures. Cela permet enfin de suggérer que la lecture traditionnelle que l'on fait de Cyprien - un simple pasteur - n'est pas fausse mais insuffisanteThis work can be viewed as the showpiece of theology that Cyprian could have written and did not since he was above all a "pasteur". But there is a theology from holy Cyprian which cannot be assimilated as a simple drift from Tertullian. On the contrary this theology is so powerful that it irrigates by itself all the ecclesiology which stems from it. The main goal of this thesis is to present this theology (for itself). The holy Cyprian's ecclesiology has been studied a lot. In our work we tried to avoid two pitfalls. The first pitfall is about the systematic questioning since (expect maybe for a few exceptions) there is a clear ideological handling (appropriation). We had just shown a few, amongst the most important, in order to avoid weakening the theological in some quarrels. The second pitfall is the one about plagiarism. It is easy to notice that study about the ecclesiology are very faithful for the presentation, even if there are often ideological handlings for the conclusions drawned. This work also want to have its place amongst other works on this topic. For instance by resuming the question about the monarchism showing that you have to go beyond the simple external aspect. Finally this work allow us to think that the traditional interpretation of holy Cyprian - a simple "pasteur" - is not completly false, but insufficient
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Ward, Sarah. "Royalism, religion, and revolution : the gentry of North-East Wales, 1640-1688." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74c4d561-d20e-4064-8e06-0608af9d7e49.
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This thesis focuses specifically on the gentry of North-East Wales. It addresses the question of the uniqueness of the region's gentry in relation to societal organisation, authority, identity, religion, and political culture. The thesis examines the impact of the events of 1640 to 1688 on the conservative culture of the region. It assesses the extent to which the seventeenth-century crises changed that culture. Additionally, it discusses the distinctiveness of the Welsh response to those events. This thesis offers new arguments, or breaks new ground, in relation to three principal areas of historiography: the questions of Welsh identity, religion, and political culture. Within Welsh historiography this thesis argues for a continuation of Welsh identity and ideals. It uncovers a royalist, loyalist, and Anglican culture that operated using ancient ideals of territorial power and patronage to achieve its ends. In doing so it overturns a lingering idea that the Welsh gentry were anglicised and alienated from the populace. The thesis also interacts with English debates on the same themes. In exploring the unique aspects of the culture of North-East Wales, the assertion of an anglicised monoculture across England and Wales can be disproven. This allows for a more complex picture of British identity, religion, and politics to emerge. This thesis musters correspondence, material objects, diaries, notebooks, accounts, official documents, and architectural features to aid in its analysis. This breadth of evidence allows for a broad analysis of regional patterns while allowing for depth when required. The first three chapters of the thesis examine the North-East Welsh gentry in relation to the themes of Welsh society and identity; religion; and finally political culture. The final chapter comprises three case studies that explore aspects of the aforementioned themes in further depth.
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Worton, Jonathan. "The Royalist and Parliamentarian war effort in Shropshire during the First and Second English Civil Wars, 1642-1648." Thesis, University of Chester, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10034/612966.
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Addressing the military organisation of both Royalists and Parliamentarians, the subject of this thesis is an examination of war effort during the mid-seventeenth century English Civil Wars by taking the example of Shropshire. The county was contested during the First Civil War of 1642-6 and also saw armed conflict on a smaller scale during the Second Civil War of 1648. This detailed study provides a comprehensive bipartisan analysis of military endeavour, in terms of organisation and of the engagements fought. Drawing on numerous primary sources, it explores: leadership and administration; recruitment and the armed forces; military finance; supply and logistics; and the nature and conduct of the fighting. The extent of military activity in Shropshire is explained for the first time, informing the history of the conflict there while reflecting on the nature of warfare across Civil War England. It shows how local Royalist and Parliamentarian activists and 'outsider' leaders provided direction, while the populace widely was involved in the administrative and material tasks of war effort. The war in Shropshire was mainly fought between the opposing county-based forces, but with considerable external military support. Similarly, fiscal and military assets were obtained locally and from much further afield. Attritional war in Shropshire from 1643 to 1646 involved the occupying Royalists engaging Parliamentarian inroads, in fighting the garrison warfare characteristic of the period. Although the outcome of both wars in Shropshire was determined by wider national events, in 1646 and again in 1648 the defeat of the county Royalists was due largely to their local Parliamentarian adversaries. Broadening this study to 1648 has provided insight into Parliamentarian county administration during the short interwar period.
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Lapadot, Michael J. "The Decentralizing Process of Mexican Independence." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/437.
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Most contemporary scholarship on Mexican history separates the years 1808-1824 into two distinct processes; Mexican independence and the formation of a new Mexican state. This thesis provides a new synthesis of the two processes of independence and state formation in Mexico. Covering events chronologically from 1808-1824, this thesis argues that the formation of a federal republic in Mexico was no accident, but that it was inevitable. The incessant conflict between insurgent and royalist factions decentralized politics in New Spain from 1810-1820 and weakened the authority of the government in Mexico City. This decentralized arena allowed many political actors of all castes, individuals and groups, to claim political authority on a local level. The only way for Mexico City to forge a new nation after 1820 was to recognize these newly established provincial interests. This thesis uses the failed attempt by Agustin de Iturbide to centralize government following independence as further corroboration that Mexico's War for Independence had established permanent federalist impulses within the country, which would eventually culminate in the creation of a federal republic in 1824.
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Coudart, Laurence. "La "Gazette de Paris" (1789-1792), un aspect de la contre-révolution pendant la monarchie constitutionnelle." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010644.
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Quotidien rédige par un ancien dramaturge - Pierre Barnabé Farmain de Rozoi - la gazette de Paris (1er octobre 1789 -10 aout 1792) est un journal royaliste qui a compté entre cinq mille et sept mille abonnés, mais davantage de lecteurs. La correspondance manuscrite reçue par le journaliste (environ deux mille huit cents lettres) ainsi que ses papiers, conserves aux archives nationales, permettent de réaliser un bilan commercial, ainsi qu'une analyse de la diffusion et une étude, à la fois synchronique et diachronique, d'un rapport entre un journal et son lectorat, entre l'opinion et l'action. La gazette de Paris, machine de guerre contre la révolution, se distingue par des positions aussi intransigeantes qu'invariables. Elle est constamment dénoncée par la presse patriote car elle ne cesse d'appeler à l'action la noblesse provinciale (sa principale clientèle), une action davantage destinée à sauvegarder les intérêts de l'ordre nobiliaire que ceux de la personne royale. Elle préconise ainsi très tôt le recours à la force et à l'étranger, attise les antagonismes et enracine le rejet, dans un discours base sur l'exploitation systématique et omniprésente de la peur. Organe de combat, ce journal jette également les bases de l'idéologie "ultra". Son aventure s'achève avec la chute de la monarchie et l'exécution de son rédacteur (25 aout 1792)Daily paper edited by a former dramatist (Pierre Barnabé Farmain de Rozoi), the Gazette de Paris (1st of october 1789 10th of august 1792) is a royalist newspaper which had between 5,000 and 7,000 subscribers, with a higher number of readers. The manuscripted correspondence received by the journalist (around 2,800 letters) as well as his papers (kept in the archives nationales) allow us to elaborate a commercial study, as well as an analysis of the diffusion, and a diachronic as well a synchronic study on the relationships between the newspaper and its readers, and between opinion and action. The gazette de paris, warefare machinery against the revolution is noticeable by its uncompromising and invariable positions. The newspaper is continuously denounced by the patriotic press because of its repetitive calls for action among the provincial nobility (its main customers). This action is more concerned by the nobility's interests than the king's ones. It proposes very soon to have recourse to violence and foreigner military forces, maintains antagonismes, and establishes the reject in a discourse based on the systematic and omnipresent exploitation of fear. This fighting newspaper establishes also the basis for an "ultra" ideology
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Eljorf, Ghazi. "Un journal réactionnaire sous la Convention thermidorienne : La Quotidienne." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2037/document.
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Nous abordons par le biais de ce journal un chapitre de la pensée réactionnaire en France après la Révolution – précisément en 1795 –, chapitre constitué par un journal favorable à la monarchie, à savoir La Quotidienne. Si le titre de notre thèse se focalise sur la Convention thermidorienne, le corpus de notre recherche comprend également le mois de décembre 1796, sous le Directoire, ce qui nous permet de mesurer l’évolution du journal entre ces deux systèmes politiques. Nous nous intéressons principalement à la littérature publiée dans La Quotidienne, sous des formes et des genres variés (poésie, dialogues, théâtre…), non sans avoir d’abord examiné le contexte de la publication : l’histoire politique de la Convention thermidorienne et la renaissance, timide et mesurée, de la liberté de la presse après le 9 Thermidor. Entre ces deux volets de notre recherche, nous proposons une description matérielle du journal (forme des articles, structuration en rubriques, souscription, etc.)Nous avons lu La Quotidienne d’un œil curieux et aussi objectif que possible ; mais surtout avec plaisir : notre intérêt pour ce journal est en effet né d’une double passion pour la littérature et pour la presse. Nous souhaitons que les lecteurs de cette recherche puissent éprouver le même intérêt pour un journal quelque peu oublié quant à sa période révolutionnaire, mais qui est un petit théâtre où se jouent en direct et de façon originale, les grands enjeux idéologiques de la périodeOur purpose throughout this research on La Quotidienne, a Parisian daily newspaper, is to deal with an aspect of reactionary thought in France at the end of the Revolution, in 1795 to be precise. Even though the title of this thesis focuses on the Thermidorian Convention, our research includes December 1796 issues, published therefore under the Directory rule. This allows us to consider the evolution of this paper between two political systems.Our thesis mostly focuses on the different genres and forms of literature published in La Quotidienne (poetry, dialogues, theatre…). It was however necessary to first consider the general context of publication: the political history of the Thermidorian Convention, as well as the timid and careful rebirth of press freedom after the 9th Thermidor. Between these two parts, we provide a material description of the newspaper (headings, articles, sections, subscription, etc.)We have read La Quotidienne with curiosity and as objectively as possible; but also with a pleasure derived from our strong attachment to literature and the press. We wish to convey some of this pleasure to our readers, when they discover this somewhat neglected newspaper – a small stage where the main ideas of the time are at play
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Reagan, Mark. "John Wilson’s Psalterium carolinum (London, 1657): a critical edition and commentary." Diss., University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5610.
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English composer and musician John Wilson (1595-1674) collaborated with poet Thomas Stanley in publishing Psalterium Carolinum (London, 1657). The musical settings in the collection commemorate the legacy of King Charles I who was executed for treason in January 1649. The Psalterium was part of a Royalist propaganda effort aimed at positively refashioning the dead king’s reputation.
The present essay is a critical musical edition and commentary on this work. The edition is based upon microfilm copies of the 1657 edition of the Psalterium housed in the British Library in London. The edition includes an editorial policy explaining the decisions made in creating the edition, and a critical report that records particular corrections to the original in terms of pitch, rhythm and text treatment. The accompanying commentary provides a biographical sketch of John Wilson, explains his importance as performer and composer, and compares the style and scoring of the Psalterium to other contemporary genres. Most significantly, the commentary identifies the Psalterium as a collection of psalm-like pieces and connects it directly to the ongoing propaganda campaign that sought to restore Charles I’s legacy and prompt a national initiative for the restoration of the English crown.
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Blais, Catherine L. "Les fondements sociopolitiques de la peinture de style troubadour : le message royaliste implicite dans l'oeuvre de Fleury Richard et de Pierre Révoil." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape16/PQDD_0025/MQ37191.pdf.
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Perez, Espinoza Anaximandro. "El poder del espacio. La construcción de la contrainsurgencia en la guerra civil de Nueva España (1810-1821) a través del Ejército del Sur y la División del rumbo de Acapulco." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024EHES0006.
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Cette thèse problématise les dynamiques de construction de la contre-insurrection dans le conflit indépendantiste de la Nouvelle-Espagne de 1810 à 1821, à travers deux démarcations territoriales de l'armée vice-royale (l’Armée du Sud et la Division de la région de Acapulco). Elle analyse des éléments de la guerre déployée par le gouvernement de Mexico, tels que : la violence idéologique, l'espionnage, les projections stratégiques sur l'espace, l'organisation des troupes, l'exercice de la répression, l'administration fiscale-militaire des forces armées et les conditions matérielles qui compliquaient la tactique. Ces problématiques sont abordées selon les perspectives impériale, vice-royale et régionale. Ainsi, la guerre contre les insurgés américains peut être comprise dans le cadre de la crise de l'Empire espagnol de 1808. Il est possible d'élucider comment, en raison de cette même rupture impériale et du facteur de la distance qui séparait la métropole de cette colonie américaine, des solutions militaires presque exclusivement vice-royales ont dû être mises en œuvre avec les ressources du pays. La considération de la contre-insurrection à une échelle régionale permet d'observer toutes ses mutations militaires, ainsi que de souligner à quel point les facteurs matériels (humains, économiques, géographiques, climatiques, entre autres) du conflit ont conduit à une concentration de pouvoirs autonomes entre les mains des officiers et des soldats du roi qui combattaient l'insurrection. Cela a permis de faire coïncider les dispositifs de la violence avec les objectifs politiques et de détruire progressivement les guérillas américaines sur les scènes régionales. Cependant, bien que la contre-insurrection ait été efficace, l'adaptation de l'armée aux impératifs locaux de la répression lui a donné la possibilité d'agir de manière indépendante sur ce terrain hispano-américain. L'agent répressif pouvait décider subjectivement, en toute liberté, qui était l'ennemi, comment il serait traité, quelles mesures étaient les plus appropriées dans sa tactique et quels moyens utiliser pour financer ses opérations. Ainsi, ma thèse démontre que la contre-insurrection a été un processus d'adaptation des forces armées, qui a pu les amener à décider elles-mêmes de ce qui leur convenait le mieux, sans avoir besoin d’attendre des ordres du vice-roi ou des supérieurs militaires. Cela a pu conditionner la formation du mouvement militaire qui a rendu la Nouvelle-Espagne indépendante en 1821This thesis problematizes the dynamics of counterinsurgency construction during New Spain’s independence conflict from 1810 to 1821, focusing on two territorial demarcations within the Viceroyalty's army (the Army of the South and the Division of the region of Acapulco). It examines elements of the warfare deployed by the government of Mexico, namely, ideological violence, espionage, strategic projections over space, troop organization, the exercise of counter-guerrilla repression, the fiscal-military administration of armed forces, and the material conditions that hindered tactics. These issues are approached from imperial, viceregal, and regional perspectives. Thus, the war against the American insurgents can be contextualized within the framework of the Spanish Empire's crisis in 1808. It is possible to elucidate how, due to this imperial collapse and the geographical distance between the metropolis and its American colony, almost exclusively viceregal military solutions had to be implemented in situ with the resources available to the government. Considering counterinsurgency within its regional contexts allows observing all its military mutations from the grassroots level, emphasizing to what extent material factors (human, economic, geographical, climatic, among others) of the conflict led to a concentration of autonomous powers in the hands of the king's officers and soldiers combating the insurrection. This allowed aligning military means with political ends and progressively dismantling the American guerrillas in regional theaters of war. However, despite the effectiveness of counterinsurgency, the adaptation of the army to local repression imperatives allowed it to act independently in this Spanish American territory. Each repressive agent could subjectively decide, with full freedom, who the enemy was, how to treat them, what measures were most suitable in their tactics, and what resources to use to finance their operations. Hence, this disertation demonstrates that counterinsurgency was an adaptive process for the armed forces, enabling them to independently decide what suited them best without needing to appeal to the viceroy or their superior commands. This could have influenced the formation of the military movement that led to the independence of New Spain in 1821
Esta tesis problematiza las dinámicas de construcción de la contrainsurgencia en el conflicto independentista de Nueva España de 1810-1821, a través de dos demarcaciones territoriales del ejército virreinal (el Ejércto del Sur y la División del rumbo de Acapulco). Son analizados elementos de la guerra que desplegó el gobierno de México, a saber: la violencia ideológica, el espionaje, las proyecciones estratégicas sobre el espacio, la organización de las tropas, el ejercicio de la represión contraguerrillera, la administración fiscal-militar de las fuerzas armadas y las condiciones materiales que dificultaron la táctica. Tales problemáticas son tratadas desde las perspectivas imperial, virreinal y regional. Así, la guerra contra los insurgentes americanos puede circunstanciarse en el marco de la crisis del Imperio español de 1808. Es posible elucidar de qué manera, debido a esa misma quiebra imperial y al factor de la distancia que separaba a la metrópoli de esa colonia americana, tuvieron que implementarse soluciones militares casi exclusivamente virreinales in situ y con los recursos que el gobierno de México tuvo a mano. La consideración de la contrainsurgencia en sus regiones permite observar desde abajo todas sus mutaciones militares, así como destacar hasta qué punto los factores materiales (humanos, económicos, geográficos, climáticos, entre otros) del conflicto llevaron a una concentración de poderes autónomos en manos de los oficiales y soldados del rey que combatían la insurrección. Lo anterior permitió empatar los medios bélicos con los fines políticos y destruir progresivamente a las guerrillas americanas en los teatros regionales. Sin embargo, a pesar de que la contrainsurrección fue efectiva, la adecuación del ejército a los imperativos locales de la represión le dio la posibilidad de actuar de manera independiente en este espacio hispanoamericano. El agente represor podía decidir subjetivamente, con libertad plena, quién era el enemigo, cómo lo trataría, qué medidas eran las más adecuadas en su táctica y qué recursos utilizaría para financiar sus operaciones. Por ello, mi tesis demuestra que la contrainsurgencia fue un proceso de adaptación de las fuerzas armadas que las pudo llevar a decidir por sí mismas lo que mejor les conviniera, sin tener la necesidad de apelar al virrey o a sus mandos superiores. Esto pudo condicionar la formación del movimiento militar que independizó a Nueva España en 1821
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Skinner, J. "Republicanism and royalism : The conflicting traditions of peasant politics in the department of the Vaucluse, 1789-1851." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234463.
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Berthereau, Estelle. "Enjeux et paradoxes de la vieille France à travers l'itinéraire du journaliste Pierre-Sébastien Laurentie : royalistes et catholiques à l'épreuve de la modernité (1814-1835)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080091.
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L’itinéraire de Pierre-Sébastien Laurentie, publiciste d’origine modeste qui connaît une ascension grâce aux réseaux de la Congrégation, éclaire un milieu bourgeois royaliste et catholique œuvrant pour le renouveau de leur mouvement. Appartenant à la « génération de 1820 » comme son éternel rival Eugène de Genoude, Laurentie accède à une fonction de journaliste national, en restant soumis aux exigences d’un mouvement royaliste qui le pousse à devenir ultra. N’ayant pas fait l’expérience de la Révolution française, il prend des chemins de traverse qui témoignent de la complexité du mouvement royaliste aux multiples sensibilités. Laurentie souhaite catholiciser le mouvement royaliste et compte, pour cela, sur le soutien de Lamennais et de ses disciples. Il veut que la restauration monarchique s’accompagne d’une restauration complète du catholicisme, alors que l’Église est en pleine mutation. Du côté de la tradition avant 1830, Lamennais influence Laurentie vers le traditionalisme absolu. Laurentie est alors écartelé entre les mennaisiens, les ultras dissidents et les partisans du renforcement de l’Église de France. Il lutte contre la monarchie modérée, car elle est, d’après lui, la porte ouverte aux Carbonari. Plus enclin à la modernité après 1830, il est un des chefs de file avec Berryer du légitimisme légaliste qui peine à s’imposer face aux partisans de l’action, aux absolutistes émigrés, à ceux qui souhaitent se rallier à Louis-Philippe et aux légitimistes ouverts à la démocratie. La rupture avec Lamennais en 1834 marque l’échec de sa politique d’unité : un fossé se creuse entre légitimistes et catholiques que seule la défense de la liberté d’enseignement rapprocheThe itinerary of Pierre-Sébastien Laurentie, publicist of humble extraction who managed to climb the social ladders thanks to his connections with the Congregation, informs on a royalist, catholic and bourgeois environment manoeuvring for the revival of their movement. Laurentie is, like his rival Genoude, part of the so-called "1820 generation". His writing abilities contributed to his becoming an influential journalist nationwide, while the royalist movement retained a strong influence on him that contributed to his becoming an ultra. Having not experienced the French Revolution, his itinerary reflects the complexity and multiple nuances of the royalist movement. Laurentie is willing to “catholicize” the royalist movement and is counting on the support of Lamennais. His objective is that the restoration of the monarchy be accompanied by a restoration of catholicism, in a period when the Church is going through significant changes. Before 1830, Lamennais influences Laurentie towards absolute traditionalism. Laurentie is torn between Mennaisians, dissidents in the ultra movement and supporters of the strengthening the French Church. He stands against moderate monarchy which, he believes, would benefit the Carbonaris. More open to modernity after 1830, Laurentie is, with Berryer, one of the main promoters of legalistic legitimism, which encounters a fierce opposition from the supporters of action, absolutists who emigrated, conservatives behind Louis-Philippe and legitimists more open to democracy. The breakdown with Lamennais’ ideas in 1834 marks the failure of Laurentie’s efforts towards unity: it increases the gap between Catholics and legitimists, reduced only during the fight for the freedom of choice between education systems
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Berthereau, Estelle. "Enjeux et paradoxes de la vieille France à travers l'itinéraire du journaliste Pierre-Sébastien Laurentie : royalistes et catholiques à l'épreuve de la modernité (1814-1835)." Thesis, Paris 8, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA080091.
Full textAbstract:
L’itinéraire de Pierre-Sébastien Laurentie, publiciste d’origine modeste qui connaît une ascension grâce aux réseaux de la Congrégation, éclaire un milieu bourgeois royaliste et catholique œuvrant pour le renouveau de leur mouvement. Appartenant à la « génération de 1820 » comme son éternel rival Eugène de Genoude, Laurentie accède à une fonction de journaliste national, en restant soumis aux exigences d’un mouvement royaliste qui le pousse à devenir ultra. N’ayant pas fait l’expérience de la Révolution française, il prend des chemins de traverse qui témoignent de la complexité du mouvement royaliste aux multiples sensibilités. Laurentie souhaite catholiciser le mouvement royaliste et compte, pour cela, sur le soutien de Lamennais et de ses disciples. Il veut que la restauration monarchique s’accompagne d’une restauration complète du catholicisme, alors que l’Église est en pleine mutation. Du côté de la tradition avant 1830, Lamennais influence Laurentie vers le traditionalisme absolu. Laurentie est alors écartelé entre les mennaisiens, les ultras dissidents et les partisans du renforcement de l’Église de France. Il lutte contre la monarchie modérée, car elle est, d’après lui, la porte ouverte aux Carbonari. Plus enclin à la modernité après 1830, il est un des chefs de file avec Berryer du légitimisme légaliste qui peine à s’imposer face aux partisans de l’action, aux absolutistes émigrés, à ceux qui souhaitent se rallier à Louis-Philippe et aux légitimistes ouverts à la démocratie. La rupture avec Lamennais en 1834 marque l’échec de sa politique d’unité : un fossé se creuse entre légitimistes et catholiques que seule la défense de la liberté d’enseignement rapprocheThe itinerary of Pierre-Sébastien Laurentie, publicist of humble extraction who managed to climb the social ladders thanks to his connections with the Congregation, informs on a royalist, catholic and bourgeois environment manoeuvring for the revival of their movement. Laurentie is, like his rival Genoude, part of the so-called "1820 generation". His writing abilities contributed to his becoming an influential journalist nationwide, while the royalist movement retained a strong influence on him that contributed to his becoming an ultra. Having not experienced the French Revolution, his itinerary reflects the complexity and multiple nuances of the royalist movement. Laurentie is willing to “catholicize” the royalist movement and is counting on the support of Lamennais. His objective is that the restoration of the monarchy be accompanied by a restoration of catholicism, in a period when the Church is going through significant changes. Before 1830, Lamennais influences Laurentie towards absolute traditionalism. Laurentie is torn between Mennaisians, dissidents in the ultra movement and supporters of the strengthening the French Church. He stands against moderate monarchy which, he believes, would benefit the Carbonaris. More open to modernity after 1830, Laurentie is, with Berryer, one of the main promoters of legalistic legitimism, which encounters a fierce opposition from the supporters of action, absolutists who emigrated, conservatives behind Louis-Philippe and legitimists more open to democracy. The breakdown with Lamennais’ ideas in 1834 marks the failure of Laurentie’s efforts towards unity: it increases the gap between Catholics and legitimists, reduced only during the fight for the freedom of choice between education systems
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Derennes, Eric. "Henri V (duc de Bordeaux, comte de Chambord) ou la monarchie traditionnelle française à l'épreuve de la modernité post-révolutionnaire (1820-1872) : approche biographique d'une rupture progressive." Paris 10, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA100085.
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Henri d'Artois, duc de Bordeaux, puis comte de Chambord, fut le dernier rejeton de la branche aînée des Bourbons. Chassé de France avec sa famille par la révolution de juillet-août 1830, il vécut dès lors en exil (Ecosse, Autriche) où il mourut, sans jamais avoir vraiment pu - ni peut-être voulu- remonter sur le trône. En effet, sa conception archaïque de la monarchie traditionnelle -revisitée davantage que réelle- se heurta à la modernité issue de la Révolution, sans qu'une composition fût possible. Attaché à son principe de légitimité monarchique (cf. Le drapeau blanc), il se laissa enfermer dans l'espace-temps long de l'exil qui trouvait ses racines dans l'éducation et la formation imprégnées des valeurs de l'Ancien Régime qu'il avait reçu enfant. Le parti légitimiste, sur lequel Henri V exerça un contrôle relatif, ne fut jamais en mesure de raviver la flamme royaliste dans une France travaillée à échelle croissante par des problématiques nouvelles (déchristianisation, démocratie, prolétariat, socialisme, etc). Son histoire fut d'abord celle d'un renoncement latent, avant de se révéler un refus patent des exigences de la modernitéHenri d'Artois, duke of Bordeaux, then count of Chambord, was the last child of the eider branch of the Bourbons. Driven out France with his family by the July-august 1830's revolution, he lived consequently in exile (Scotland, Austria), where he finally died, without never really to have been able -nor perhaps wanted- to go up on the throne. Indeed, his archaically conception of the traditional monarchy -revisited more than real- ran up against modernity resulting from the Revolution without an arrangement being possible. Attached to his principle of monarchical legitimacy (cf. The white flag), he was let lock up in the long space time of the exile which found his roots in impregnated education and training of the values of Ancient Regime that he had received when he was a child. The legitimist party, on which Henri V exerted himself a control, was able never to revive the royalist flame in France worked with a crescent scale by new problems (dechristianization, democracy, proletariat, socialism, etc). His history was initially that of a latent renouncement, before appearing an obvious refusal of the requirements of the modem times
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Montety, Henri de. "La Nouvelle revue de Hongrie et ses amis français (1932-1944) : la cause hongroise : une machine à voyager dans le temps pour les catholiques et les jeunes non-conformistes." Lyon 3, 2009. https://scd-resnum.univ-lyon3.fr/out/theses/2009_out_montety_h.pdf.
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La Hongrie des années trente était un prétexte pour certains contemporains, de même qu’elle l’est de nouveau pour l’historien. Dans la perception de Français parmi lesquels on compte, en particulier, de jeunes non-conformistes, des catholiques et certains monarchistes, la Hongrie était un monde anachronique au sein duquel ceux-ci pouvaient observer les contours de leurs propres aspirations et contradictions ; la cause hongroise était, en quelque sorte, une manifestation extérieure de leur propre situation à l’aube du monde moderne. Dans leur majorité, ces magyarophiles furent conquis à la cause hongroise par le biais de la Nouvelle revue de Hongrie (1932-1944), revue rédigée en français à Budapest sous la double direction de Georges Ottlik et Joseph Balogh. Toutefois, la nature des objectifs hongrois, ainsi que les contraintes qui pesaient sur la revue firent que, en réalité, ces derniers parvinrent bien rarement à une réelle communion d’esprit avec leurs amis français. Malgré ces divergences, il m’est apparu que l’amitié franco-hongroise des années trente a suivi une évolution générale en trois phases, liées, d’une part, aux perspectives de révision territoriales concernant la Hongrie, et, d’autre part, à l’avenir de l’Europe en général : l’Espoir (1932-36) ; la Foi (1935-39) ; la Charité (1939-44). Pour moi, la Hongrie des années trente est une manière d’observer, dans des circonstances particulières, le défi de la modernité de même que les difficultés rencontrées par des hommes qui devaient l’affronter en rangs dispersés malgré leurs efforts pour former un front cohérent, rangé derrière l’étendard hongroisHungary in the Thirties was used as a canvas by certain contemporary thinkers upon which to project their ideas, much in the same way as it is now being used by this historian to observe these ideas. Many Frenchmen, in particular young non-conformists, Catholics and clergymen, as well as certain monarchists, indulged themselves in a perception of Hungary as an anachronistic world in which they could catch sight of shadows reflective of their own yearnings and contradictions; the Hungarian cause appeared somehow as a concrete manifestation of their own individual situation as it confronted the newly shaped modern world. Most of them were won to the Hungarian cause via the Nouvelle revue de Hongrie (1932-44), a monthly review published in French in Budapest under the co-direction of Georges Ottlik and Joseph Balogh. However, the nature of Hungarian national goals and the constraints which weighed upon the review were such that, as a matter of fact, the Hungarians could hardly ever reach a common ground of understanding with their French counterparts. Despite these divergences, it appears to me that the French-Hungarian friendship in the Thirties can be taken as a whole and divided into three phases, related to the prospects of territorial revision as well as to the future of Europe in general: Hope (1932-36); Faith (1935-39); and Charity (1939-44). For me, studying the Thirties in Hungary is a way to observe a particular aspect of modernity’s challenges as well as the various difficulties encountered by men who had to face it from different angles, despite their best efforts to form a consistent front behind the Hungarian flag
Ahogyan a 30-as évek Magyarországa ürügyként szolgált egynémely kortárs számára, úgy ma is ugyanez mondható el róla a történész szempontjából. Fiatal, non-konformista, gyakran katolikus, bizonyos esetekben pedig monarchista francia megfigyelők elé az akkori Magyarország anakronisztikus világként tárult, mely alkalmas volt arra, hogy az ország helyzete iránt érdeklődést mutatók benne saját elképzeléseik és ellentmondásaik körvonalait fedezzék föl; úgy is mondhatnánk, hogy az új világ hajnalán önnön helyzetük kifejeződésére leltek a magyar ügy kapcsán. E magyarbarátok többsége a francia nyelvű, Ottlik György és Balogh József által Budapesten szerkesztett Nouvelle revue de Hongrie (1932-1944) folyóirattal közreműködve vált a magyar ügy elkötelezettjévé. Mindazonáltal a szerkesztők – a magyar célok természete, valamint a folyóiratra nehezedő kényszer miatt – csak igen ritka pillanatokra alkothattak valódi szellemi közösséget francia barátaikkal. A különbségek ellenére arra a megállapításra jutottam, hogy a 30-as évek magyar-francia barátsága egy általános, ugyanakkor háromfázisú fejlődést követett, mely egyrészt a magyar területi revízió alakulásával, másrészt az általános európai viszonnyal volt szoros összefüggésben ; a három fázis pedig a következő : a Remény (1932-1936), a Hit (1935-1939), a Szeretet (1939-1944). Személy szerint úgy tekintek a 30-as évek Magyarországára, mint arra a nemzetre, mely különleges körülményei közepette alkalmat nyújt a modernitás jelentette kihívás tanulmányozására, illetve azon nehézségek értékelésére, melyekkel szemben emberek szétforgácsolva találták magukat ; mindezt azon törekvésük ellenére, hogy a felmerülő problémákra egységet alkotva, magyar zászlót bontva kerestek volna megoldást
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McDougall, Ronald. ""Passions" et "apathie" dans la Seine-et-Oise, deux formes d'opposition à l'idée républicaine sous le Directoire (1795-1800)." Paris 1, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993PA010554.
Full textAbstract:
Le but de cette etude est d'expliquer les difficultes de la premiere republique constitutionnelle a enraciner l'idee republicaine dans les moeurs des francais. Les termes de "passions" et "apathie" designaient a l'epoque deux formes d'incivisme censees avoir hate la fin de la premiere republique. Nous pensons qu'on peut renverser la perspective et les considerer comme designant des solidarites sociales existantes par opposition a la solidarite ideale du civisme republicain. Les domaines etudies comportent l'administration locale, les subsistances, la vente des biens nationaux, les elections, la garde nationale, les hospices, les prisons, les secours a domicile, les contributions, la justice, l'instruction publique et les conflits religieuxThe aim of this study is to explain the difficulties of the first french republic to integrate the republican idea into french mores. The terms "passions" and "apathy" were used at the time to designate two forms of poor citizenship considered to have hasterned the end of the republic. It is, however, possible to change the perspective and consider them as designating existing forms of social solidarity as opposed to the ideal solidarity of republican citizenship. The areas studied include the local administration, problems of food shortage, the sale of biens nationaux, elections, the national guard, workhouses, hospitals, poor relief, prisons, taxes, justice, education, and religious conflicts
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Hebble, John. "The Vassall-Craigie-Longfellow House of 1759: From Colonial America to the Colonial Revival and Beyond." VCU Scholars Compass, 2014. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/603.
Full textAbstract:
The Longfellow House in Cambridge, Massachusetts is one of America’s best known historic homes. Built in 1759 by Major John Vassall, the grand house exemplified Colonial English tastes and was at the center of a cycle of Colonial Royalist mansions. After the American Revolution, however, the house quickly became a symbol of American patriotism. Occupants ranging from General George Washington and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow each added to the legacy of the house. Early in the nineteenth century, the Longfellow House’s distyle portico- pavilion traveled to Canterbury, Connecticut, becoming a colloquial house-type. Aided by its connection to General Washington and its appearance in two World’s Fairs, the house gained further popularity around the American Centennial. This thesis provides the most expansive history of the house’s impact on American architecture to date and is the first to connect the house to both the Greenhouse at Mount Vernon and Connecticut’s “Canterbury Style.”