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Journal articles on the topic 'Royalists'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Bacherikov, K. S. "The Emergence of the Royalist Conspiracy in England in 1649-1650." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (206) (July 6, 2020): 30–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-2-30-34.

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This article investigates the processes that took place among the English royalists after their defeat in the Civil War and the execution of King Charles I Stuart, as well as the emergence of their conspiracy movement for the restoration of the monarchy in England, namely, it examines the activities of such organizations of supporters of the monarchical form of government in England, as the “Western Association of Royalists”. In addition, the article studies the factors contributing to the failures of royalist organizations at the beginning of their activity against the regime of the Independent Republic, such as: passivity of supporters of King Charles II, their indecision, lack of a single control center, which entailed a low level of the participants’ actions coordination in the movement, lack of intelligence network, the refusal of France and the Netherlands to support the royalists, as well as the active opposition to their activities by the authorities of the Commonwealth of Eng-land. The role of the head of intelligence of the Independent Republic - Thomas Scott, who created the intelligence network, which carried out its activities against royalists not only in England, but also in royalist circles in exile in the kingdom of France, as well as in the Netherlands, stands out separately.

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2

WALKER, CLAIRE. "PRAYER, PATRONAGE, AND POLITICAL CONSPIRACY: ENGLISH NUNS AND THE RESTORATION." Historical Journal 43, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008882.

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Restoration historiography has so far remained silent regarding the alliance between the exiled royalists and the recusant religious houses in the Low Countries. This article examines the assistance provided to the royalist cause by Abbess Mary Knatchbull of the English Benedictine cloister at Ghent. The correspondence of Charles's leading advisers, most notably Sir Edward Hyde, reveals the extent to which the conspirators relied upon the nuns' mail service to communicate with their supporters in England and abroad, and upon the abbess's ability to obtain funds from local financiers. While the nuns were not central players in the conspiracies of the late 1650s, their activities reveal the royalists' dependency upon the networks established by Catholic exiles. The article also explores Mary Knatchbull's motives for devoting so much of her community's temporal and spiritual resources to the royalist cause. The rewards she sought from the king after 1660 suggest that she had a definite religious and political agenda which aimed ultimately at Catholic toleration. Therefore the article raises several important issues about Charles II's and his ministers' links with English Catholics and, in particular, it points to the important role of women in the hitherto masculine territory of royalist conspiracy and politics.

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3

Goldberg, Benjamin I. "Concepts of Experience in Royalist Recipe Collections." Journal of Early Modern Studies 11, no. 1 (2022): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jems20221113.

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This essay explores the idea of experience and its epistemological and practical role in maintaining the health of a household among early modern English Royalists. A number of prominent royalists during the mid-seventeenth century British Civil Wars expended quite some effort in the collection of medical recipes, including Queen Henrietta Maria herself, as well as William and Margaret Cavendish, and the Talbot sisters—Elizabeth Grey and Alethea Howard. This essay looks at these Royalists and four of their collections: three published (Henrietta Maria, Grey, Howard), and one manuscript (the Cavendishes), in order to determine how they conceptualized experience and its role in medical practice. The claim that such recipe collections represent a new, anti-Aristotelian idea of experience as a specific, particular event is disputed through a quantitative and qualitative analysis of these collections. Instead, it is argued that there a number of related conceptions of experience found in these Royalist recipe collections, but the basic idea is one where experience indicates long experience or expertise, an idea that can traced back at least to humanist medicine of the Renaissance, and likely back to Galen.

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4

Goldberg, Benjamin I. "Concepts of Experience in Royalist Recipe Collections." Journal of Early Modern Studies 11, no. 1 (2022): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jems20221113.

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This essay explores the idea of experience and its epistemological and practical role in maintaining the health of a household among early modern English Royalists. A number of prominent royalists during the mid-seventeenth century British Civil Wars expended quite some effort in the collection of medical recipes, including Queen Henrietta Maria herself, as well as William and Margaret Cavendish, and the Talbot sisters—Elizabeth Grey and Alethea Howard. This essay looks at these Royalists and four of their collections: three published (Henrietta Maria, Grey, Howard), and one manuscript (the Cavendishes), in order to determine how they conceptualized experience and its role in medical practice. The claim that such recipe collections represent a new, anti-Aristotelian idea of experience as a specific, particular event is disputed through a quantitative and qualitative analysis of these collections. Instead, it is argued that there a number of related conceptions of experience found in these Royalist recipe collections, but the basic idea is one where experience indicates long experience or expertise, an idea that can traced back at least to humanist medicine of the Renaissance, and likely back to Galen.

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5

Smith, G. "Royalists and Royalism during the English Civil Wars." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 508 (April 28, 2009): 706–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep137.

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6

Williams, Mark R. F. "The Devotional Landscape of the Royalist Exile, 1649–1660." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 4 (October 2014): 909–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.111.

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AbstractThis study aims both to build upon and to challenge recent historiographical interest in the cultural origins and religious associations of royalism in the midseventeenth century by examining the devotional character of the exiled royalist community of the 1650s. Focusing primarily upon those royalists closely affiliated with the court of Charles II, it assesses the impact of disillusionment, dislocation, penury, and forced mobility upon the subsequent framings and reframings of religious identities. It considers the multiple venues in which these articulations appeared and were negotiated—through personal correspondence, print, diplomacy, rumor, and conversion—in order to illuminate the challenges posed to the maintenance of clear confessional boundaries and community ideals. In doing so, this article argues for the incorporation of a much broader sense of the impact of the “English Revolution” that considers the full geographical, chronological, and cultural scope of these upheavals across Britain, Ireland, and Continental Europe.

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7

Smith, David L. "‘The More Posed and Wise Advice’: The Fourth Earl of Dorset and the English Civil Wars." Historical Journal 34, no. 4 (December 1991): 797–829. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00017301.

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‘To me he was always the embodiment of Cavalier romance.’ Thus Vita Sackville-West on her seventeenth-century ancestor, Edward Sackville, fourth earl of Dorset. Such labelling indicates the problems which still bedevil any study of Civil War royalism. Brian Wormald'sClarendonbrilliantly revealed that the men who joined Charles I in 1642 represented a broad range of opinion. Above all, he made us aware of a coherent group of moderate (‘constitutional’) royalists who throughout sought accommodation. There was a palpable difference of strategy between these people, who favoured royal concessions in order to prevent further military initiatives, and others who favoured military initiatives in order to prevent further royal concessions. Within these two basic matrices, there were further subtle inflections of attitude between individuals and within the same individual over time. But many such inflections remain murky. Wormald's lead was never followed through. Charles's supporters have consistently received less attention than those who remained with parliament; and among the royalists, moderates have attracted fewer studies than ‘cavaliers’ and ‘swordsmen’. There is thus an urgent need to clarify different varieties of royalism and especially to bring the constitutional royalists into sharper focus. However, before we can assess their wider aims and impact, we must first identify them; and here the inappropriate labels bestowed on so many of Charles's supporters create real problems. Anne Sumner has recently ‘de-mythologized’ John Digby, first earl of Bristol, revealing him as more complex and less intemperate than the ‘hawk’ of legend.

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8

Echeverri, Marcela. "Popular Royalists, Empire, and Politics in Southwestern New Granada, 1809 – 1819." Hispanic American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (May 1, 2011): 237–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1165208.

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Abstract This article examines the royalist forces that rose in defense of the colonial order in the southwestern region of New Granada, Colombia, a royalist stronghold where slaves and local Indians united with Spanish forces to fight against independence armies. Enslaved blacks and Indians were perceived by royalist elites as valuable allies, and for that reason elites were willing to negotiate and offer concessions to secure their loyalty. I describe the complex negotiations with Indians in terms of tribute payment, and with slaves over freedom, that have been left completely out of an independence narrative that has assumed that Indians and blacks participated as royalists exclusively as cannon fodder or always in disadvantageous terms. My contribution is specifically to provide insight into the ways in which Indians and slaves positioned themselves as political actors in the context of empire, and how their particular political histories determined their negotiation with royalist factions during the independence process, when, for both groups, militia service became an avenue for social mobility and provided new means of protecting and expanding their rights.

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9

Potter,, Clifton W. ":Royalists and Royalism during the English Civil Wars." Sixteenth Century Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 885–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj40540841.

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10

Ivchenko, O. "SOCIO-POLITICAL AND HISTORICAL CONDITIONS OF FORMATION OF THE IDEA OF CONSTITUTIONAL ROYALISM IN ENGLAND IN THE 17th CENTURY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 22–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.4.

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The article is dedicated to the study of such a direction of political thought of the English Revolution of the 17th century as the constitutional royalism. This ideological direction has not been the subject of research by historians, who have focused mainly on the analysis of the ideas of supporters of Parliament. But the theory of constitutional royalism underlies the modern political system of Great Britain. This fact determines the relevance of this study. The term "constitutional royalism", first proposed by the English historian David Smith, characterizes a group of royalists who submited the idea of the king's rule in Parliament, or the idea of "mixed monarchy". The article aims to consider the historical context of the formation of the theory of constitutional royalism. The article describes the socio-political and ideological conditions that helped to form this area of political thought. The author concludes that the idea of constitutional royalism could have arisen and received its further development only in connection with the conditions prevailing in England in the 17th century. The new ruler James I wanted to strengthen the power of the monarch and make it absolute. The king and Parliament argued over the issue of the royal prerogative, namely the extraordinary rights of the monarch. James I sought to increase this prerogative, and Parliament wanted to limit it. Over time, there is a group of constitutional royalists – those who advocated the reign of the king in Parliament. Proponents of this idea believed that the monarch should retain all power, but Parliament at the same time performs advisory functions and helps the king to rule the state. Appearing during the English Revolution of the 17th century, the idea of constitutional royalism influenced on the political life of England and contributed to the formation of its modern state of affairs.

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11

Cliffe, J. T. "The Cromwellian Decimation Tax of 1655 The Assessment Lists." Camden Fifth Series 7 (July 1996): 403–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960116300000385.

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The Decimation ListsThe royalist uprising of March 1655 led the Protector to adopt a number of measures aimed at improving internal security, in particular the appointment of major generals, each with responsibility for a particular region; the establishment of a new county militia; and the introduction of an extraordinary or decimation tax which was intended to provide the necessary funding for the militia troops. Unlike the monthly assessment for the support of the regular army the decimation tax was a discriminatory tax in the sense that it was specifically designed as a levy on royalists or suspected royalists. In the event, however, it proved to be one of the most short-lived of taxes. On Christmas day 1656 Major General John Desborough introduced a parliamentary bill for its continuation and in a first reading debate on 7 January declared thatI believe no man has come under a decimation but such as have either acted or spoken bitterly against the Government, and for their young king, and drank his health. Many have escaped that have done such things. I hope they shall come under decimation I think it is too light a tax, a decimation; I would have it higher.

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12

Farr, David. "Kin, cash, Catholics and Cavaliers: the role of kinship in the financial management of Major-General John Lambert." Historical Research 74, no. 183 (February 1, 2001): 44–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00115.

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Abstract This article considers Lambert's financial activities in respect of Catholics and royalists amongst his kin during the Interregnum. It argues that his assistance to them was based on kinship links established prior to 1642, and demonstrates how Lambert's aid was reciprocated by his royalist kin during his long post-Restoration imprisonment. It also illustrates how the image of Lambert's affluent lifestyle contributed to the erosion of the new model army's unity prior to the Restoration. Finally, the article sheds light on the limits of the revolution during these years, as well as highlighting the complexity of Lambert's political and religious outlook.

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13

Curran, Eleanor. "Hobbes on Equality: Context, Rhetoric, Argument." Hobbes Studies 25, no. 2 (2012): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02502003.

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It is often argued that Hobbes’s arguments for natural and political equality are used instrumentally. This paper does not argue against the instrumental arguments but seeks to broaden the discussion; to analyse aspects of Hobbes’s arguments and comments on equality that are often ignored. In the context of the anti-egalitarian arguments of leading contemporary royalist commentators, Hobbes’s arguments and remarks are strikingly egalitarian. The paper argues, first, that there is an ideological disagreement between Hobbes and leading royalists on equality. Second, that Hobbes believes in natural equality as well as using the arguments for equality instrumentally.

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14

Little, William T. H. "History, Filmerian Patriarchalism and Exclusion Royalism." History of Political Thought 44, no. 3 (August 31, 2023): 530–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.53765/20512988.44.3.530.

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There is an assumption in scholarship focused on seventeenth-century English political thought that the political ideology constructed by royalists writing during the Exclusion Crisis was similar to Robert Filmer's patriarchalism. This paper contests this assumption by focusing on the inconsistencies between Filmer's view of history and that of the Exclusion royalists. Filmer's Adamic history necessitated a static conception of sovereignty that placed virtually no limits on the monarch. Exclusion royalists, however, adopted a fluid and changing view of sovereignty that placed limitations on monarchical power and was motivated by histories grounded in the ancient constitution or the conquest of 1066.

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15

Greenspan, Nicole. "Barbados, Jamaica and the development of news culture in the mid seventeenth century." Historical Research 94, no. 264 (April 30, 2021): 324–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hisres/htab014.

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Abstract This article examines the production and circulation of news across the British Atlantic, focusing on two main events: the royalist rebellion at Barbados (1650-2) and the conquest of Jamaica (1655). Royalists and commonwealth supporters alike cast the rising on Barbados as an extension of the wars of the 1640s and early 1650s, which moved beyond England, Scotland, and Ireland into the Atlantic world. The conquest of Jamaica offered a new war against a different enemy, Spain, and a new imperial vision. Together, the Barbados rebellion and Jamaica conquest allow us to examine role of news in shaping political, military, and imperial goals.

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16

Irvine, William D. "French Royalists and Boulangism." French Historical Studies 15, no. 3 (1988): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/286366.

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17

FISHER, JOHN R. "The Royalist Regime in the Viceroyalty of Peru, 1820–1824." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 55–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x99005465.

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This article provides an analysis of royalist strategy in the viceroyalty of Peru during the four years between the arrival of José de San Martín's invasion force in September 1820 and the battle of Ayacucho of December 1824. It pays particular attention to royalist policy from July 1821, when viceroy José de la Serna evacuated Lima, the viceregal capital, leaving the city open to San Martín, who declared independence there on 28 July. Its focus differs, therefore, from that of most previous commentators on Peru's transition to independence, who have tended to neglect royalist policy and activity during these crucial final years in favour of a concentration upon the activities of San Martín, Antonio José de Sucre, Simón Bolívar and their Peruvian allies. The article begins with a brief contextual discussion of the historiography of Peruvian independence and subsequently analyses the main features of historical developments in the viceroyalty in the period 1810–20. Following substantive discussion of the period 1820–4, it concludes with observations on the historical legacy in Peru of the royalists' elevation of the city of Cusco to the status of viceregal capital in 1822–4.

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Bovykin, D. Y. "Royalists in the National Convention." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 18, no. 2(151) (2016): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2016.18.2.023.

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19

KALE, STEVEN. "GOBINEAU, RACISM, AND LEGITIMISM: A ROYALIST HERETIC IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRANCE." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 1 (February 26, 2010): 33–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244309990266.

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The work of Arthur de Gobineau has presented scholars with a number of interpretive problems concerning his status as a race theorist, his place in the history of racial thought, and the influence of his work on subsequent thinkers. This essay addresses the particularly vexing issue of the origins of Gobineau's racism from the perspective of his affiliation with French royalists in the 1840s and challenges the existing scholarship on the derivation ofL'Essai sur l'inégalité des races humainesby placing theEssaiin the context of his international experience as a member of the French diplomatic corps. Although disillusioned with legitimist politics during the July Monarchy, Gobineau never abandoned his youthful ideological priorities. From the perspective of his royalist past, theEssaiappears as part of an extended rumination on the decadence of the French aristocracy and its failure to stem the tide of revolution and bureaucratic centralization. As such, Gobineau's racism can best be understood as a royalist heresy rather than a continuation of his aristocratic elitism or a clean break with his earlier preoccupations.

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ALEXANDER, R. S. "FIVE RECENT WORKS ON FRENCH POLITICAL HISTORY FROM 1789 TO 1851 Radicals: politics and republicanism in the French Revolution. By Leigh Whaley. Phoenix Mill: Sutton, 2000. Pp. x+212. ISBN 0-7509-2238-9. £20.00. Massacre at the Champ de Mars: popular dissent and political culture in the French Revolution. By David Andress. Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer Ltd, 2000. Pp. x+239. ISBN 0-86193-247-1. £35.00. Napoleon and Europe. Edited by Philip G. Dwyer. London: Longman, 2001. Pp. xxi+328. ISBN 0-582-31837-8. £14.99. Politics and theater: the crisis of legitimacy in Restoration France, 1815–1830. By Sheryl Kroen. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000. Pp. xiv+394. ISBN 0-520-22214-8. £35.00. Paris between empires, 1814–1852. By Philip Mansel. London: John Murray, 2001. Pp. xi+559. ISBN 0-7195-5627-9. £25.00." Historical Journal 46, no. 3 (September 2003): 765–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0300325x.

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Study of French political history for the period of 1789 to 1851 is exceedingly complex. Not only must one possess knowledge of a succession of regimes (with their varying constitutions, institutions, laws, and conventions), one must also grasp the essentials of political traditions such as royalism, republicanism, and liberalism, all of which altered over time, and familiarize oneself with a plethora of groups or sub groups, such as Montagnards and Girondins, authoritarian and Revolutionary Bonapartists, moderate and ultra royalists, that often adjusted their beliefs and positions according to circumstance. Matters become further complicated when one takes foreign relations into account, assessing the impact of France abroad or the role of foreign relations in shaping French domestic politics.

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21

PEACEY, JASON. "Royalists and Royalism During the Interregnum - Edited by Jason McElligott and David L. Smith." Parliamentary History 31, no. 2 (June 2012): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2012.00323_6.x.

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22

Griffin, Tristan. ""Instantly to Their Imaginations": A Historical Commentary on Death and Un-Death in the Siege of Carlisle, 1644–45." Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies 22, no. 1 (January 2022): 54–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jem.2022.a902582.

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abstract: This article commentates on the reported appearance of a ghost at the Siege of Carlisle (1644–45) during the British Civil Wars of the mid-seventeenth century. This report came from the narrative of Isaac Tullie, a teenage boy and staunch Royalist partisan, who was resident in Carlisle during the siege. Tullie's account used the medium of the ghost to give meaning to his traumatic experience of the siege, which occurred as the Royalist cause collapsed in England in late 1644 and 1645. However, this was complicated by the fact that the ghost was that of a dead Parliamentarian-aligned soldier, who was reported to have changed sides to the Royalists after death. British conceptions of ghosts in this period were confused, with purgatorial, demonic, and divine explanations competing with one another. This ambiguity provided Tullie with a conceptual space to both recognize the heroism of an enemy and to reaffirm divine support for his own cause. The article links this case study to other debates current in the historiography of the British Civil Wars, most significantly side-changing and the emergent scholarship of civilian and military trauma during the period.

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23

Sripokangkul, Siwach. "The teaching of royalist-nationalist civic education and history in Thai schools: Education for the production of ‘docile subjects’." Citizenship Teaching & Learning 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00049_1.

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As a response to the protracted political conflict that has plagued Thailand for over a decade, Thai royalist-nationalists have stated that the problem of Thai political development derives from a lack of ‘citizenship’ characteristics in Thais. In their view, the best solution is to educate the masses and to cultivate civic education by teaching both it and normative Thai ‘core values’, together with royalist-nationalist history, as subjects to students. As a result, students are destined to become patriotic ‘saviours’. They are expected to be strong citizens who can solve the political development ‘problem’ of democracy under the ‘Democratic Regime of the Government with the King as Head of State’. This article seeks to understand how the two topics of civic education and history have been taught in Thai schools for twelve years, covering both primary and secondary schools. What type of Thai citizen does this curriculum desire to produce? The author rigorously analysed a corpus of civic education and history teaching material, and argues that the contents of these topics are designed to transform students into ‘docile subjects’. They are ideally ‘objects’ that are to be ordered and imposed upon by the state ideology, shaping them into ultra-royalists and ultra-nationalists.

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IRVINE, WILLIAM D. "ROYALISTS, MASS POLITICS AND THE BOULANGER AFFAIR." French History 3, no. 1 (1989): 31–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/3.1.31.

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STOYLE, MARK. "Royalists and Royalism during the English Civil Wars- Edited by Jason McElligott and David L. Smith." History 94, no. 313 (January 2009): 100–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2009.444_29.x.

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COPE, JOSEPH. "Royalists and Royalism during the English Civil Wars - Edited by Jason McElligott and David L. Smith." Parliamentary History 27, no. 3 (October 3, 2008): 448–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.2008.00060_3.x.

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COLLINS, JEFFREY R. "THOMAS HOBBES AND THE BLACKLOIST CONSPIRACY OF 1649." Historical Journal 45, no. 2 (June 2002): 305–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002388.

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In a jarring passage toward the conclusion of Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes endorsed the abolition of episcopacy and the establishment of an Independent religious settlement within England. Most historians have ignored this feature of Leviathan, or have dismissed it as an off-hand aside of no consequence. Others, more plausibly, have construed it as part of a royalist scheme (encouraged by Queen Henrietta Maria and her supporters) to secure a Stuart Restoration by allying with the English Independents. This article offers an alternative theory. It argues that Hobbes's attentions were probably drawn to Independency by the political machinations of a group of idiosyncratic Catholics gathered around the philosopher-priest, Thomas White (alias Blacklo). In 1649, White and his ‘Blackloist’ followers engaged in secret negotiations with Oliver Cromwell. In exchange for religious toleration for Catholics, the Blackloists promised allegiance to the Commonwealth and conformity to a Congregationalist religious settlement. This article examines Hobbes's close personal links with the leading Blackloists, documents similarities in their reactions to Independency, establishes the strong intellectual influence Leviathan had on Blackloist tracts, and demonstrates that royalists consistently linked Hobbes with the Blackloist treason. The article concludes that the Blackloist plot to betray the Stuart cause, rather than any royalist scheme to strike a deal with the Independents, provides the most compelling contextual explanation for Thomas Hobbes's endorsement of Independency.

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MALCOLM, NOEL. "AN UNKNOWN POLICY PROPOSAL BY THOMAS HOBBES." Historical Journal 55, no. 1 (February 10, 2012): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000562.

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ABSTRACTAn undated document survives, in Thomas Hobbes's hand, urging the royalist side in the Civil War to win over Robert Rich, the second earl of Warwick (the parliamentarian naval commander). By this means, Hobbes argued, not only would the royalists win the war, but also England would be defended against a Swedish invasion, which he expected to accompany or follow the Scottish invasion of the country. This communication presents the text of the document and gives reasons for dating it not to 1648 (when an attempt to win over Warwick was in fact made) but to late 1643 or early 1644. It also discusses the basis of Hobbes's concern with Scottish–Swedish relations, and his misinterpretation of Swedish policy. It comments on his estimate of Warwick's character, in the light of his earlier connections with him; and it briefly discusses both Hobbes's assumption in this document of the role of a counsellor to the king, and the interpretation of the nature of the Civil War that the document implies.

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Mitrofanov, Andrey. "A French diplomat in the Russian Service. Missions of the Count d'Antraigues in Venice (1795–1797)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640014909-7.

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The article deals with the history of secret diplomacy of the time of the French Revolution. It aims to show unknown aspects of the French émigré сount d'Antraigue's activities as a councillor to the Russian embassy in Venice and as a personal representative of Louis XVIII in 1795–1797. Unpublished documents from the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire and the memoirs of contemporaries form the source base of the research. The practice of appointing French royalists “under Russian protection” as employees of Russian diplomatic missions was proposed by the Russian court in 1794. The case of d’Antraigues, therefore, was not unique. D'Antraigues' duties in this post were related to the search for information on revolutionary France, the French army in Italy, the politics of the Italian states. His contacts with Swedish agents, French royalists, and French army officers were the most fruitful. At the same time, he was associated with British diplomats. Bonaparte used the errors of the diplomat to his advantage: сount d'Antraigues’s notes served as a pretext for the coup d'état of 18 Fructidor, Year V. Although he сount lost credibility in the eyes of the royalists yet, thanks to the support of A.K. Razumovsky, he continued his service as correspondent and honorary “pensionnaire” of the Russian court. It was after 1797 that a “black legend” developed around the name of the count, thanks, in particular, to former secret agents of the Directory and Napoleon Bonaparte, depicting him as an opportunist.

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BRADSHAW, DAVID. "LONELY ROYALISTS: T. S. ELIOT AND SIR ROBERT FILMER." Review of English Studies XLVI, no. 183 (1995): 375–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/xlvi.183.375.

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Prest, Wilfrid. "Predicting Civil War Allegiances: The Lawyers' Case Considered." Albion 24, no. 2 (1992): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050811.

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Conrad Russell has recently asked, not for the first time, how far the divided allegiances of members of the Long Parliament were anticipated in the parliaments of the 1620s. Many who sat as M.P.s in the third decade of the seventeenth century had died by the early 1640s, while not all those who still survived were either sufficiently vocal before 1629 or politically active after 1641 to be classifiable for the purposes of this exercise. Nevertheless, Professor Russell manages to assemble a small bloc of members whose earlier politico-religious sympathies and civil war alignments are both more or less known. This group of twenty-six men splits neatly 50:50 between Royalists and Parliamentarians. According to Russell, all that distinguished one from the other in the 1620s, and the sole effective predictor of their later allegiances, was religion. More specifically, the crucial variable turns out to be commitment to further godly reformation, strong in the case of future Parliamentarians, weak in the case of future Royalists. But for Russell's explicit rejection of any “supposed correlation between ‘Puritanism and Revolution,’” the casual reader might conclude that something resembling the Puritan Revolution was sneaking back into historio-graphical favor.

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Clayton, Lawrence A. "Indian and Slave Royalists in the Age of Revolution: Reform, Revolution, and Royalism in the Northern Andes, 1780–1825." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 49, no. 2 (August 2018): 352–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01294.

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Guardino, Peter. "Indian and Slave Royalists in the Age of Revolution: Reform, Revolution, and Royalism in the Northern Andes, 1780–1825." Ethnohistory 65, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-4260829.

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Hunt, John. "Families at War: Royalists and Montfortians in the West Midlands." Midland History 22, no. 1 (June 1997): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/mdh.1997.22.1.1.

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Bowden, Caroline M. K. "The Abbess and Mrs. Brown: Lady Mary Knatchbull and Royalist Politics in Flanders in the late 1650s." Recusant History 24, no. 3 (May 1999): 288–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002521.

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The letters of Mary Knatchbull, abbess of the English Benedictine Convent in Ghent between 1650 and her death in 1696, are of considerable interest. They reveal a woman operating with significant influence in two discrete spheres: the enclosed cloister and the royalist court in exile. This article will consider briefly the religious career of Mary Knatchbull and her importance to the Benedictines of Ghent, before examining in detail her part in the restoration of Charles II. It examines the unexpressed dichotomy of seemingly irreconcilable rôles performed by a member of an enclosed Order who on the one hand, in fulfilling her vows, was submissive and obedient, and yet on the other, was able to communicate with senior royalist advisers confidently and involve herself in the strategic planning of the campaign for the return of Charles II to England. As abbess, Mary Knatchbull led her community effectively at a difficult time. Under her leadership the convent survived an expensive building programme, established a successful new house and maintained high standards of practice in the religious life of the convent. From conventual records, it is clear that she was considered one of the outstanding abbesses of the seventeenth century in the English Benedictine community. Her correspondence with the royalists ministers in exile shows her opinions were taken seriously. She was regarded as a competent organiser and she had extensive links covering Flanders, France and England that kept her in touch with developments of interest to the king. Hitherto her life has been little known and published writing has been largely devoted to her rôle as an abbess. Mary Knatchbull’s life challenges categorisation and shows the importance of flexibility of approach to understanding the rôle of women in the early modern period.

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Andrey, Ivanov. "Black-Hundred Counter-Revolution: Political Violence, Pogroms, Terror and Responsibility of Russian Royalist Parties for Those Actions*." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 2 (May 27, 2022): 115–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-2-115-141.

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In the article the author addresses in more detail the problem of the Black-Hundred terror during the First Russian Revolution (1905–1907). Most of the focus in on the attitude of right-wing parties and unions towards violence, Jew bashings, armed detachments forming and political killings. The article illustrates different attitude of right royalists and extreme left-wingers towards strong-arm methods of struggle and draws attention to the policy of double standards, which was widely used in respect of right-wingers by revolutionary and opposition journalists. The author emphasizes that the problem of violence by the right-wingers cannot be viewed separately from similar problem with the left-wingers, and considering the general political situation and radicalization of the society as a whole. It is shown that in spite of the sympathy of some Black-Hundred politicians for pogroms and right terror as well as involvement of some members of the Black Hundred with political killings and other acts of violence, the leaders of royalist parties and unions never proclaimed terror as the method of their struggle and publicly condemned it. At the same time, armed resistance to extreme left-wingers at the height of revolution was regarded by the Black-Hundred leaders as assistance to the legal authorities and fulfillment of loyalist duty to protect the monarchist statehood.

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Ortiz-Serrano, Miguel Ángel. "Political connections and stock returns: evidence from the Boulangist campaign, 1888–1889." Financial History Review 25, no. 3 (December 2018): 323–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565018000148.

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The decade of the 1880s was a turbulent period for the French Third Republic. Corruption scandals that discredited republican parties and a lacklustre economic performance after the Paris Bourse crash of 1882 gave rise to widespread public disenchantment with the republican political elites. The rise of the Boulangist movement was the most representative example of this disillusionment. In 1887, Georges Boulanger, an army general and former minister of war, began orchestrating a populist mass campaign against the ruling republicans and the parliamentary regime. His political agitation, supported by a heterogeneous coalition of socialists, radicals and royalists, reached a climax in January 1889, when, after winning a Paris by-election, he had an opportunity to stage acoup d’état, which did not materialise. To understand whether French investors perceived the Boulangist campaign as a real threat to their interests, I use an original dataset of daily stock prices to analyse the effect of the January 1889 by-election on the value of politically connected firms listed on the Paris Bourse. The results show that firms with links to the republican parties experienced positive cumulative abnormal returns after Boulanger's refusal to stage the coup, while there was no effect on firms connected to the royalist parties or with no political ties. These findings suggest that French investors reacted positively to the prospective subsiding of the Boulangist movement.

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Chambers, Sarah C. "Marcela Echeverri. Indian and Slave Royalists in the Age of Revolution: Reform, Revolution, and Royalism in the Northern Andes, 1780–1825." American Historical Review 122, no. 3 (June 2017): 900–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.3.900.

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Williams, Mark. "Barry Robertson. Royalists at War in Scotland and Ireland, 1638–1650." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 36, no. 1 (May 2016): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2016.0171.

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Rowbottom, Anne. "“The Real Royalists”: Folk Performance and Civil Religion at Royal Visits." Folklore 109, no. 1-2 (January 1998): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0015587x.1998.9715963.

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Clarke, Susan A. "Royalists Write the Death of Lord Hastings: Post-Regicide Funerary Propaganda." Parergon 22, no. 2 (2005): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2006.0007.

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Ditcham, Jasmin. ":Royalists at War in Scotland and Ireland 1638-1650." Sixteenth Century Journal 46, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/scj4601108.

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Potter, Lois. "Jason McElligott and David L. Smith, eds. Royalists and Royalism during the Interregnum. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010. Pp. 288. $90.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 51, no. 4 (October 2012): 1022–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/666673.

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McFarlane, Anthony. "Indian and Slave Royalists in the Age of Revolution: Reform, Revolution and Royalism in the Northern Andes, 1780–1825, by Marcela Echeverri." English Historical Review 133, no. 560 (December 20, 2017): 205–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cex390.

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Mayers, Ruth E. "Real and Practicable, not Imaginary and Notional: Sir Henry Vane, A Healing Question, and the Problems of the Protectorate." Albion 28, no. 1 (1996): 37–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051953.

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The year 1655 might with reason have been described as the “annus horribilis” of Oliver Cromwell's Protectorate. January saw the dissolution of his first Parliament, which had signally failed to ratify the Instrument of Government, the constitution imposed by the Army in December 1653. This undermined the already dubious constitutional basis of the government's ordinances, resulting in legal challenges and even recalcitrance among some of the judges. The policy of “healing and settling” had gained at best a grudging acquiescence from the political nation, and the determined enemies of the Protectorate sought to exploit its instability. Former allies of the Army, such as the commonwealthsman John Wildman and the Fifth Monarchists, continued to publish bitter condemnations of the regime designed to incite rebellion; in March, Royalist plotting culminated in Penruddock's abortive uprising. Instability and disaffection at home coincided with military disaster abroad: July brought news of the failure of Cromwell's “western design,” the expedition against the Spanish island of Hispaniola. This was the first major defeat suffered by the New Model, and was received by Cromwell and many of the godly as an indication of divine displeasure.In August, Cromwell abandoned “healing and settling” for more military counsels, appointing Major Generals to provide security by raising a new militia, financed by punitive taxation of the Royalists, and by imposing godly order on the localities. Despite the initial optimism of the Major Generals, it was plain by the beginning of 1656 that they could not finance the new militia, and that their efforts to impose reform were far from uniformly effective.

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Covington, Sarah. "Royalists, Covenanters and the Shooting of Servants in the Scottish Civil War." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 27, no. 1 (May 1, 2007): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2007.27.1.1.

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Arblaster, Paul. "Early Modern Catholics, Royalists, and Cosmopolitans: English Transnationalism and the Christian Commonwealth." Reformation 21, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 74–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13574175.2016.1160575.

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Hall, Dianne. "Royalists at War in Scotland and Ireland, 1638–1650 by Barry Robertson." Parergon 33, no. 1 (2016): 274–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2016.0065.

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Warren, Christopher. "To Ruin the Repairs: Milton, Allegory, Transitional Justice." Law, Culture and the Humanities 15, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 785–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872116665341.

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International legal theorists posit historical moments when conceptions of justice are “constituted by, and constitutive of, the transition” (Teitel). This article uses the framework of transitional justice to understand the cultural work of political allegory in the spring of 1660 on the eve of the English Restoration. Insights from transitional justice (1.) help explain how Anglican royalists convinced wary Presbyterians to assent to a restoration of the monarchy; (2.) permit a new reading of Milton’s allegory of Sin and Death in Paradise Lost; and (3.) facilitate a more critical history of the framework of transitional justice itself.

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Gauchet, Thomas, and Christine Haynes. "Restoring Credit in Post-Napoleonic France: Settling French War Claims." War in History 27, no. 3 (February 25, 2019): 433–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518796007.

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This article examines a forgotten episode in the Napoleonic Wars: the Restoration government’s liquidation of claims from the Allied invasions of 1814 and 1815. While paying requisitions and reparations to the Allied powers, the new regime reimbursed its own subjects for debts – in taxes, requisitions, and damages – incurred by the previous regime. This indemnification was central to the monarchy’s strategy to restore its political and economic credit. Tracing the goals and mechanisms of this indemnification, the article argues that, though it succeeded in re-establishing the state’s financial credit, it exacerbated divisions between royalists and revolutionaries, thereby undermining its political stability.

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