Academic literature on the topic 'Rubber plantation workers'
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Journal articles on the topic "Rubber plantation workers"
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Nenevé, Miguel, and Giselle Silva Costa. "Miguel Ferrante´s Seringal: human exploitation and violence in Amazonian rubber plantations." International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science 9, no. 8 (2022): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijaers.98.29.
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In this article we explore the issue of violence and oppression suffered by rubber-tappers in the Amazonian rubber plantations, visible in Miguel Ferrante´s novel Seringal. The novel is set in the Santa Rita rubber plantation in the interior of Acre, in the Brazilian Amazon, and reproduces the oppressive life of rubber tappers who work for the owner of the rubber plantation, the “colonel. “Always aiming at “profit and more profit” rubber plantation´s owner exploits and enslaves the “seringueiros”, taking violent actions against the poor workers. The novel also reveals the subhuman condition in which the women in the rubber plantation live, subject to rape and other sort of violence. Women are more deeply colonized and exploited than the rubber men. We argue that violence against women and workers today reflects violence in rubber plantations in the XX century. Scholars such as the thinker Frantz Fanon (1979) who wrote about colonization and Cristina Wolf (2001) who researches violence in the state of Acre, among others, support our argument.
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Rofii, Ahmad, and Evita Soliha Hani. "HUBUNGAN MOTIVASI DAN PRODUKTIVITAS KERJA BURUH SADAP KARET KEBUN BANJARSARI PTPN XII DI KECAMATAN BANGSALSARI KABUPATEN JEMBER." Jurnal KIRANA 1, no. 2 (April 26, 2021): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jkrn.v1i2.21157.
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Rubber tapping workers are piece workers in which these workers receive wages based on the volume of work or units of work. One of the plantation companies managed by BUMN is PTPN XII. One of the gardens that was the highest revenue contributor for the company was the PTPN XII Banjarsari Garden in Bangsalsari District, Jember Regency. The problem that often arises in piece workers such as rubber tapping workers is the problem of wages. The productivity of the rubber tapping workers affects the wages earned by the rubber tapping workers. Research at the Banjarsari Plantation of PTPN XII, aims to determine: (1) The work motivation of PTPN XII's Banjarsari rubber tapping laborers, (2) The work productivity of PTPN XII's Banjarsari rubber tapping workers in, (3) The relationship between work motivation and work productivity of rubber tapping laborers in the Banjarsari Plantation of PTPN XII. The results of the analysis show that: (1) The level of work motivation of rubber tapping workers at Banjarsari Plantation PTPN XII is high, (2) The productivity level of rubber tapping workers at Banjarsari Plantation PTPN XII is high, (3) There is a significant and unidirectional relationship between motivation. and labor productivity of rubber tapping at PTPN XII's Banjarsari Plantation.
Keywords: Rubber Tapping, Motivation, Productivity, Relationship between work motivation and work productivity
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Siwi, Nabila Permata. "HUBUNGAN ASUPAN KARBOHIDRAT, LEMAK, DAN PROTEIN DENGAN STATUS GIZI (Studi Kasus pada Pekerja Wanita Penyadap Getah Karet di Perkebunan Kalijompo Jember)." Indonesian Journal of Public Health 13, no. 1 (February 11, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/ijph.v13i1.2018.1-12.
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Kalijompo Plantation is one of rubber plantations in Jember. One of rubber production is rubber tapping that is done not only by male but also female workers. One of the factors that can affect productivity is nutrition status. Nutrition status is influenced by the adequancy of nutrients, especially carbohydrates, fats, and proteins as energy producers. The purpose of this research was to study the correlation between carbohydrates, fats, and proteins intake with nutrition status in female tap rubber workers of Kalijompo Plantation in Jember. This research was analytical observational research and had a cross sectional design. The population of this research were all female tap rubber workers of Kalijompo Plantation in Jember with the sample consisted of 33 respondents. The variables of this research carbohydrates intake, fats intake, proteins intake, and nutrition status. Data collection included measurement of weight body, measurement of height body, and food recall 1x24 hours.The results showed that there was no correlation between carbohydrates intake with nutrition status (p=0.968), there was no correlation between fats intake with nutrition status (p=0.646), and there was no correlation between proteins intake with nutrition status (p=0.679). The conclusion of this research was the intake of carbohydrates, fats, and proteins are not factors that can affect good or bad nutrition status in female rubber tapping workers of Kalijompo Plantation in Jember.
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Nair, Tapas Sadasivan, Suneela Garg, and Mongjam Meghachandra Singh. "A study of the health profile of rubber plantation workers in rural Kerala." Asian Journal of Medical Sciences 7, no. 3 (January 6, 2016): 103–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ajms.v7i3.13288.
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Background: The state of Kerala produces nearly 90% of India’s natural rubber output. Rubber plantation workers are vulnerable to a variety of health hazards and being in the unorganized sector, do not enjoy the benefits that their counterparts in organized sector enjoy. Hence, monitoring of their health needs to be done periodically.Aims and Objectives: 1. To assess the health status and common illnesses of rubber plantation workers. 2. To detect the prevalence of non-communicable diseases like diabetes and hypertension among rubber plantation workers.Materials and Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted amongst 154 rubber plantation workers in Pathanamthitta District in the state of Kerala, India in September 2014. Data was collected using a predesigned pretested and semistructured questionnaire containing items to assess the socio-demographic profile, their medical history and individual hazard exposure. Data was analysed in SPSS Version 16.Results: Chemical exposure was the most common hazard reported by rubber plantation workers (70.1%). The most common health complaints were musculoskeletal (66.2%), respiratory (31.2%), dermatological (26.6%) and ophthalmological disorders (22.7%). 20.1% prevalence of diabetes and 29.9% prevalence of hypertension was detected among study subjects; awareness and treatment seeking behaviour was poor.Conclusions: Proper health and safety training of rubber plantation workers on workplace hazards and ergonomics is essential to reduce work-related morbidities. Efforts should be made to enhance their access to healthcare and provide periodic health checkups.Asian Journal of Medical Sciences Vol. 7(3) 2016 103-107
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Ferry Yanto, Eka Lestari Anggraini,. "KEHIDUPAN EKONOMI PENYADAP KARET DI DESA KEBON IX KABUPATEN MUARO JAMBI 1990-2010." Istoria: Jurnal Ilmiah Pendidikan Sejarah Universitas Batanghari 5, no. 2 (January 11, 2022): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33087/istoria.v5i2.127.
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AbstrakPenelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yaitu heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk menjelaskan aktivitas penyadap karet di Desa Kebon IX khususnya sektor perkebunan karet yang telah lama ditekuni. Keberadaan perkebunan karet di Desa Kebon IX sudah sejak lama ditekuni oleh sebagian besar masyarakat sekitar, selain menjadi petani karet sebagian besar masyarakatnya adalah para penyadap yang bekerja harian. Komoditas ini menjadi penompang utama kehidupan para buruh sadap yang ada di Desa Kebon IX untuk mencukupi kebutuhan keluarga, baik itu kebutuhan perekonomian maupun kebutuhan pendidikan anak. Buruh merupakan orang yang bekerja untuk orang lain yang mempunyai suatu usaha kemudian mendapatkan upah atau imbalan sesuai dengan kesepakatan sebelumnya. Upah biasanya diberikan secara mingguan maupun bulanan tergantung dari hasil kesepakatan yang telah disetujui. Perkebunan karet yang ada di Desa Kebon IX merupakan salah satu usaha perkebunan yang dapat mensejahterakan kehidupan petani dan para buruh masyarakat sekitar Desa Kebon IX. Meskipun penghasilan yang diperoleh para buruh tidak begitu banyak, namun dengan penghasilan itulah mereka dapat mencukupi kebutuhan hidup keluarganya sehari-hari bahkan dapat memenuhi kebutuhan sekunder seperti pembelian Sepeda motor dan alat-alat elektronik lainnya. Keberadaan perkebunan karet di Desa Kebon IX sangat mempengaruhi kehidupan perekonomian para buruh penyadap karet, kebutuhan hidup sehari-hari dapat tercukupi, pendidikan anak terbayarkan, dan kebutuhan sekunder lainnyapun terpenuhi.Kata Kunci : Buruh, kebun karet, desa kebon IX AbstractThis study uses historical methods, namely heuristics, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. The purpose of this study is to explain the activities of rubber tappers in Kebon IX Village, especially the rubber plantation sector which has been occupied for a long time. The existence of rubber plantations in Kebon IX Village has long been occupied by most of the surrounding communities, apart from being rubber farmers, most of the people are tappers who work daily. This commodity is the main support for the lives of tap workers in Kebon IX Village to meet the needs of their families, both economic needs and children's educational needs. Workers are people who work for other people who have a business and then get wages or rewards in accordance with the previous agreement. Wages are usually given on a weekly or monthly basis depending on the agreed results. The rubber plantation in Kebon IX Village is one of the plantation businesses that can prosper the lives of farmers and community workers around Kebon IX Village. Although the income earned by the workers is not that much, but with this income they can meet the daily needs of their families and even fulfill secondary needs such as buying motorbikes and other electronic equipment. The existence of rubber plantations in Kebon IX Village greatly affects the economic life of the rubber tapper workers, their daily needs can be fulfilled, children's education is paid for, and other secondary needs are met.Keywords: Labor, rubber plantation, village garden IX
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Sharma, Anjali, and Jissa Vinoda Thulaseedharan. "Musculoskeletal Symptoms among Plantation Workers in Kerala, India." International Journal of Occupational Safety and Health 12, no. 3 (June 27, 2022): 196–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijosh.v12i3.42304.
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Introduction: Musculoskeletal disorder (MSD) is one of the major occupational health problems worldwide. Musculoskeletal symptoms (MSS) can indicate an underlying MSD. This paper assesses the prevalence of MSS among different plantation workers in Kerala, India. Methods: A cross-sectional survey was conducted from January to February 2021 among 83 rubber tappers, 90 cardamom plantation workers, and 87 tea pluckers (N=260). The Standardized Nordic Questionnaire (SNQ) was used to capture the MSS. MSS was compared across the three types of plantation workers, and the Chi-square test was used to test the significance. The Odds Ratios (OR) and 95% Confidence Intervals (CI) were estimated using binary logistic regression analysis. Results: The prevalence of MSS (any regions) in the last 12 months among all participants was 87.7% and did not significantly vary between the three groups of workers. In general, the most affected regions were the low back (61%), one or both knees (47%) and shoulders (44%), respectively. Compared to rubber tappers, the odds of MSS in hips/ thighs (adjusted OR=2.38: 95% CI: 1.17-4.84) and wrists (adjusted OR=3.77: 95% CI:1.85-7.69) were significantly high among cardamom plantation workers. But the odds of MSS in elbows (adjusted OR=0.58: 95% CI: 0.31-1.07) and knees (adjusted OR=0.26:95% CI: 0.10-0.63) were low in the tea plantation workers as compared to rubber tappers. Conclusion: Though there was no variation in the overall prevalence of MSS between the three groups, there was a significant variation between the groups regarding the MSS in different body regions. Using supportive aids according to the nature of work and doing simple stretching exercises during breaks may help to improve the musculoskeletal health of plantation workers.
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Li, Tania Murray. "The Price of Un/Freedom: Indonesia's Colonial and Contemporary Plantation Labor Regimes." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 2 (April 2017): 245–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000044.
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AbstractAlthough often associated with colonial times, tropical plantations growing industrial crops such as rubber, sugar, and oil palm are once again expanding. They employ hundreds of thousands of workers, who still use remarkably basic tools. Flagging colonial continuities, labor activists campaign against the reemergence of unfree labor and “modern forms of slavery.” Paradoxically, labor activists also highlight the opposite problem: the casualization of plantation work, as workers are hired daily and fired at will. Recognizing that both “free” and unfree labor regimes have a long history in Indonesia, and plantations have pivoted between these modes more than once, my study compares plantation labor regimes in the colonial, New Order, and “reform” periods (post-1998) to answer three questions. First, given that employers always want to access disciplined labor at the lowest possible price, what were the conditions that led employers to rely on unfree labor in some cases, and “free” labor in others? Second, to what extent was unfreedom imposed as a response to excessive freedom among workers and peasants? Third, how were the costs of social reproduction distributed between workers and employers, and what pressures from workers or regulators (state, colonial, transnational) affected this distribution? In addition to published sources, I draw on my ethnographic research in West Kalimantan (2010–2015) to explore contemporary experiences of un/freedom among workers on state and private oil palm plantations.
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Poochada, Worawan, Sunisa Chaiklieng, and Sari Andajani. "Musculoskeletal Disorders among Agricultural Workers of Various Cultivation Activities in Upper Northeastern Thailand." Safety 8, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/safety8030061.
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Musculoskeletal disorders (MSDs) are the most significant work-related health conditions that are experienced by agricultural workers. This cross-sectional study has investigated MSDs among agriculturalists in upper northeastern Thailand. We assessed the types of MSDs, their severity, and their frequency. There were 889 cultivating agriculturalists from four provinces who participated in this study. The majority of the participants reported experiencing mild levels of MSDs (60.48%). Predominantly, the farmers who were working on cassava, vegetable, and sugarcane plantations reported experiencing the most severe MSDs in the knees/calves (22.40%). The rice plantation workers reported the largest number of MSDs complaints. The workers on rubber plantations and in sugarcane fields were more likely to feel knee/calf pain (OR = 1.59, 95% CI = 1.05–2.39) and lower limb pain (OR = 1.97, 95% CI = 1.35–2.89) than those who were working on rice and tobacco plantations. The individuals who were working on cassava, fruit, vegetable, and corn plantations were also more likely to report knee/calf pain (OR = 1.48, 95% CI = 1.01–2.17) and lower limb pain (OR = 1.97, 95% CI = 1.37–2.84) than those who were working on rice and tobacco plantations. The MSDs that were found among those working on agricultural activities affected many parts of their bodies. The ergonomic risk needs to be assessed in order to inform plantation workers of the implications in order to improve their health and well-being and to reduce the risks of MSDs.
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Tharindra, Hemajith, Gregory Daniel Brown, Kayla Stankevitz, Ashley Schoenfisch, Sarath Amarasinghe, Vijitha De Silva, L. Gayani Tillekeratne, and Truls Østbye. "Depressive Symptoms and Perceived Stress among Estate Rubber Tappers in Southern Sri Lanka." International Journal of Occupational Safety and Health 6, no. 1 (June 13, 2018): 2–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijosh.v1i1.15379.
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Background: Rubber production is an important component of the Sri Lankan economy. Prior reports have raised concerns about poverty and poor physical and social living conditions among rubber tappers.Objective: To assess rubber tappers’ psychological health and distress.Methods and Material: A cross-sectional survey was conducted among 300 rubber tappers in two large rubber plantations in southern Sri Lanka from September to November 2014. Structured questionnaires including the Peradeniya Depression Scale (PDS) and the 10-item Perceived Stress Scale (PSS-10) were administered. The prevalences of depression and stress were calculated, including across sociodemographic and work history variables of interest.Results: Each plantation contributed 150 of the 300 participants. The majority were women (n = 183, 61%) with a median age of 47 years (range 21 to 89). Based on the PDS, 9% of the rubber tappers screened positive for depression. While on the PSS-10, 10% demonstrated a high level of perceived stress. On log-binomial regression, persons who were widowed, divorced, or separated compared to being married had a higher prevalence of depression and high stress. A higher prevalence of stress was found in Tamil versus Sinhalese as well as Christian versus Buddhist participants. A higher prevalence of depression was seen in workers with over 30 years of experience compared to less experienced counterparts.Conclusions: Depression was more common in rubber tappers in this study than among other non-plantation Sri Lankan populations. Further research is needed to elucidate factors associated with psychological distress and to foster support mechanisms for the rubber tappers.
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Wahyuni, S., S. H. Susilowati, R. D. Yofa, and D. H. Azahari. "Labor allocation dynamics, problem, and strategy for plantation development in Indonesia." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 892, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 012092. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/892/1/012092.
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Abstract Women have important role in farming activities they have and running their household. This paper aims to analyze gender-based working time allocation in farming plantation to support the fifth SDGs “gender equality”. The data source was from a micro panel data survey of the National Farmers Panel (PATANAS) done by the Indonesian Center for Agricultural Socio Economic and Policy Studies, Ministry of Agriculture, in 2009 and 2018. The qualitative research was adopted, data analyzed descriptively by comparing results in 2009 and 2018. The results showed that the time allocation for female workers outside the family per hectare in 2018 increased compared to 2009 for sugarcane, rubber, and cacao commodities. The allocation of labor time in women’s families also increased in sugarcane (+ 37%) and rubber (+ 33%) but decreased for cacao (-55%) and oil palm (-42%) because were replaced by labor from outside the family. The allocation of time for labor within the family and outside the family in both 2009 and 2018 was dominated by male workers. Male and female laborer have certain activity in plantation farming and in general wages of male laborers are higher than those of women. In 2009 the labor wage difference was IDR 5,163 and getting higher in 2018 ranging from IDR 6,048 (cacao) to IDR 9,302 (sugarcane). Suggested that to increase the participation of women in plantation farming, special improvement should be addressed to women’s capacities in technical, managerial, wages system and problems of women’s working on plantations which showed increasing labor.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rubber plantation workers"
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Tran, Xuan Tri. "Les plantations d'hévéa en Cochinchine (1897-1940)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0016/document.
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Dès la conquête de la Cochinchine en 1862, l’Administration coloniale et des particuliers français exploitèrent l’agriculture locale et y développèrent l’économie. Ils tentèrent de faire l’essai et d’introduire diverses cultures, en particulier des arbres à caoutchouc. L’année 1897 marqua le début de l’hévéaculture de Cochinchine, lorsqu’on planta avec succès près de deux mille hévéas brasiliensis. La superficie de l’hévéaculture en Cochinchine se développait prodigieusement, allant de cent hectares à la fin du XIXème siècle à près de cent mille hectares au début des années trente, grâce d’une part à des capitaux provenant de la Métropole et, d’autre part à des mesures d’encouragement du Gouvernement colonial. Les plantations d’hévéa attirèrent les travailleurs locaux, surtout en provenance du Tonkin et de l’Annam, à raison d’une dizaine de mille, parfois une vingtaine de mille par an.Parallèlement à l’extension des superficies plantées, la production du caoutchouc de la colonie s’accrut rapidement, allant d’un peu plus d’une tonne en 1908 à plus de soixante mille tonnes en 1939. Les plantations d’hévéa devinrent l’une des cultures les plus importantes de Cochinchine à l’époque coloniale française. Non seulement elles apportèrent la fortune aux planteurs de la colonie, mais elles assurèrent une partie, et depuis 1938, la totalité des besoins de caoutchouc de l’industrie métropolitaine. Les plantations d’hévéa de Cochinchine représentaient un symbole de la colonisation agricole française, mais aussi hélas l’une des pages noires de l’histoire du colonialisme français au Vietnam par l’exploitation brutale des planteurs envers les travailleurs vietnamiensAs early as the conquest of Cochinchina in 1862, the colonial administration and French individuals exploited the local agriculture and developed the economy there. They tried to experiment and introduce various crops, especially rubber trees. The year of 1897 marked the beginning of the rubber plantation of Cochinchina, when two thousand rubber trees brasiliensis were successfully planted. The area of rubber tree plantation in Cochinchina grew tremendously, ranging from one hundred hectares at the end of the 19th century to nearly one hundred thousand hectares in the early 1930s, because of, on the one hand, the capital invested from the metropolis, and, on the other hand, the measures of encouragement taken by the colonial Government. The rubber plantations attracted local workers, mainly from Tonkin and Annam, at a rate of about 10.000, sometimes 20.000 persons a year. In parallel with the extension of the area of rubber plantation, the colonial rubber production rapidly increased from just over one tonne in 1908 to more than 60.000 tons in 1939.The rubber tree plantation became one of the most important crops of Cochinchina during the French colonial era. Not only they brought fortune to the planters of the colony, but they secured a part, and since 1938, the whole of the rubber demands of the metropolitan industries. The Cochinchina rubber plantations represented a symbol of French agricultural colonization and, unfortunately, one of the black pages of the history of French colonialism in Vietnam by the brutal exploitation of Vietnamese workers by rubber planters
Books on the topic "Rubber plantation workers"
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Jayaweera, Swarna. Women in the rubber sector. Colombo: Centre for Women's Research, 1993.
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Bureau, India Labour, ed. Occupational wage survey, fourth round, 1985-90: Report on plantation industries, reference period, tea, September 1985, coffee & rubber, December 1985. Chandigarh: Labour Bureau, Ministry of Labour, Govt. of India, 1987.
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Reis, Arthur Cézar Ferreira. O seringal e o seringueiro. 2nd ed. Manaus: Governo do Estado do Amazonas, 1997.
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Sanches, Cleber. Soldados da borracha: O batalhão dos esquecidos. Manaus: Queiroz Editora, 2008.
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Sanches, Cleber. Soldados da borracha: O batalhão dos esquecidos. Manaus: Queiroz Editora, 2008.
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Gonçalves, Carlos Walter Porto. Geografando: Nos varadouros do mundo : da territorialidade seringalista (o seringal) à territorialidade seringueira (a reserva extrativista). Brasília, DF, Brasil: Ibama, 2003.
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Zhang, Zijia. Zhan dou zai Ashahan: Yi yuan qiu gong ren xue lei cang sang = The struggle of Asahan estate workers. Petaling Jaya, Selangor, Malaysia: Ce lüe zi xun yan jiu zhong xin, 2013.
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Nā, Mīn̲ākṣiyammāḷ Kō. Intiyarkaḷatu Ilaṅkai vāl̲kkaiyin̲ nilaimai: Intiyarai viraṭṭavēṇṭumenkir̲a Ilaṅkai mantirikaḷukku etirppu : Ilaṅkai Caṭṭacapai aṅkattin̲ar Tiru. Kō. Nāṭēcayyār man̲aiviyār Tirumati Kō. Na. Mīn̲ākṣiyammāḷ el̲utiya pāṭalkaḷ. Colombo: Women's Education and Research Centre, 1992.
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Hồ, Sơn Đài. Lịch sử phong trào công nhân cao su Dầu Tiếng, 1917-2010. Hà Nội: Nhà xuất bản Chính trị quốc gia-Sự thật, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Rubber plantation workers"
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Aso, Michitake. "Maintaining Modernity." In Rubber and the Making of Vietnam, 169–205. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469637150.003.0006.
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Rubber trees helped structure the violent transition from empire to nation-state during nearly thirty years of conflict on the Indochinese peninsula. Chapter 5 focuses on the struggle over plantations that took place in Vietnam and Cambodia between 1945 and 1954. During the First Indochina War, plantation environments served as a key military battleground. In the fighting that took place immediately after the end of World War II, many plantation workers, encouraged by the anticolonial Việt Minh, attacked the rubber trees as symbols of hated colonial-era abuse. Slogans placing the culpability of worker suffering on trees show how plantation workers often treated the trees themselves as enemies. Despite their colonial origins, plantation environments were important material and symbolic landscapes for those seeking to build postcolonial Vietnamese nations. French planters claimed to struggle heroically against nature, Vietnamese workers saw themselves as struggling against both nature and human exploitation, and anticolonial activists articulated struggles against imperial power structures. Industrial agriculture such as rubber was vital to nation-building projects, and by the early 1950s, Vietnamese planners began to envision a time when plantations would form a part of a national economy.
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Aso, Michitake. "Managing Disease." In Rubber and the Making of Vietnam, 92–129. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469637150.003.0004.
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After World War I, colonial administrative policy, environmental necessity, and economic logic converged to promote Vietnamese migration to meet plantation demands for labor. Peasants from the Tonkin delta travelled by ship and by road to southern plantations, where they sometimes displaced previous inhabitants. These workers helped carry out the deforestation that created the limpid, sunny streams in which mosquito species associated with malaria in the region bred. Malaria, beriberi, and horrible living conditions resulted in the illness and deaths of thousands of plantation workers. These outbreaks, along with the more famous cases of abuse, provided much fodder for opponents of colonialism, French and Vietnamese alike. Even as medical doctors recognized the poor health of plantation workers, they found it more plausible to blame workers’ moral failings and culture rather than the colonial system. By placing the human suffering of laborers in the context of changing disease environments, chapter 3 further investigates the relationships among science, business, and government. Industry played a key role in creating medical institutions and knowledge in Indochina during the colonial period and, partly because of this role, economic concerns trumped humanitarian impulses.
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Aso, Michitake. "Turning Tropical." In Rubber and the Making of Vietnam, 130–66. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469637150.003.0005.
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Rubber plantations necessitated extensive medical studies of human biology and diseases. Researchers at the Pasteur Institute carried out numerous studies of mosquitoes and plasmodia, and to a lesser extent other pathogens, among plantation workers. Race served as an important analytic category for these researchers even as anthropologists were beginning to question the coherence of racial categories. Chapter 4 investigates the racialized society that the architects of industrial agriculture imagined they were creating. It also discusses the interactions in Indochina between the burgeoning tropical sciences and government and transnational capital, focusing on human disease environments to examine how “rubber science” was applied to the surrounding countryside. If plantations were microcosms of the global colonial society, they were also laboratories where solutions to colonial problems were worked out. Tropical agronomy, geography, and medicine, linked by an ecological view of climates and soils, helped naturalize racial distinctions for the colonizers. Yet the colonial subjects who were the targets of these projects did not act in ways that race makers expected. While these subjects could not control the discourse of race, they could appropriate it for their own ends, and they attempted to do so before the outbreak of World War II.
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Rajasenan, D. "Employment and livelihood of workers in natural rubber, black pepper and cardamom plantations." In Globalisation, Development and Plantation Labour in India, 109–30. Routledge India, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315620510-5.
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Saraiva, Tiago. "Coffee, Rubber, and Cotton: Cash Crops, Forced Labor, and Fascist Imperialism in Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Eastern Europe." In Fascist Pigs. The MIT Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262035033.003.0006.
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The fifth chapter takes coffee, rubber and cotton, three typical elements of colonial plantation stories, and delves into Italian occupation of Ethiopia, German imperial rule in Eastern Europe, and Portuguese colonialism in Northern Mozambique. These plantation schemes, which had plant breeders’ artefacts as their material basis, made massive use of forced labor to serve the imperial economy. Without ignoring the different levels of violence unleashed by the three fascisms, the text suggests that one gains significant insight into the history of fascism from treating together their empires. I take seriously Heinrich Himmler’s intention of making Auschwitz the Agriculture Experiment Station for the colonization of the East and compare the work undertaken there on a rubber ersatz with that of the Portuguese Cotton Research Center in Mozambique and its role in the mobilization of hundreds of thousands of forced workers, as well as with Italian coffee experiment stations in Ethiopia.
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Kaur, Amarjit. "Rubber Plantation Workers, Work Hazards, and Health in Colonial Malaya, 1900–1940." In Dangerous Trade, 17–32. Temple University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt14bt6hb.6.
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Beinart, William, and Lotte Hughes. "Rubber and the Environment in Malaysia." In Environment and Empire. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199260317.003.0019.
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The rise of the motor car created two very different commodity frontiers in the British Empire, one producing oil and the other rubber. The demand for rubber followed an often-repeated pattern in that it was shaped by scientific invention, technological change, and new patterns of consumption in the industrialized world. It was related directly to the development of new fossil fuels. Coal transformed shipping and overland transport by rail. Oil (Chapter 15) opened new realms for mobility. The invention in 1867 of the internal combustion engine by a German, Nikolaus Otto, and in 1885 of automobiles powered by gasoline-driven engines revolutionized transport, culture, and the South-East Asian environment. During the late nineteenth century, wild natural rubber booms swept through the tropical world, from Brazil to the Congo, leaving in their wake hardship and scandal. In Malaysia, there was a very different outcome—the development of plantations on a new capitalist agrarian frontier. Rubber became one of the single most important commodities produced in the Empire, and was enormously valuable to Britain not only for its own motor industry but also to sell to the United States. Whereas demand for some earlier imperial commodities was largely British, there was also significant consumption of rubber and oil in other parts of the Empire, especially the settler dominions. In the early decades of the twentieth century, rubber plantations, in parallel with expanding sugar production in Queensland, Natal, Trinidad, and Fiji, extended and intensified Britain’s engagement with the tropical zones of the world. Indentured workers replaced slaves as the major plantation workforce. South India was the major labour source for Malaysia, where the ports and tin-mining centres already had substantial Chinese communities. British colonialism in Malaysia left as its legacy a multi-ethnic society. By the 1930s about 55 per cent were indigenous Malays and Orang Asli, 35 per cent of Chinese origin, and close to 10 per cent Indian. Although capital was increasingly mobile by the late nineteenth century, extraction and production of the three major commodities of the twentieth century Empire proved to be highly location specific. Gold and oil were trapped in particular geological formations.
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Aso, Michitake. "Militarizing Rubber." In Rubber and the Making of Vietnam, 245–79. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469637150.003.0008.
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The extreme violence brought to bear on the Vietnamese society and environment by the American war machine during the 1960s meant that measures taken by South Vietnamese leaders ended up sustaining plantation production. Ironically, the communist insurgency also benefited from rubber plantations, which continued to serve as a valuable source of material and recruits. Meanwhile, North Vietnamese rubber experts worked to extend the range of hevea into more northern latitudes so that latex could flow in the socialist world. Chapter 7 extends the history of rubber to 1975 to show the ways that memories of colonialism continued to structure thoughts and behavior regarding rubber, and suggests why human-environment interactions on the plantations of post-1975 socialist Vietnam often resembled those of their colonial predecessors. This chapter focuses on the degree to which colonial discourse as materialized on plantations was subverted by various actors and revisits the historiography of the Vietnam War by adopting the lens of environmental history to show the unexpected consequences of plantation agriculture. Finally, it considers how the post–World War II development of “synthetic” rubber affected the actions of those associated with “natural” rubber plantations.
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Esch, Elizabeth D. "Breeding Rubber, Breeding Workers." In Color Line and the Assembly Line, 119–48. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520285378.003.0005.
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From 1925 to 1945 the Ford Motor Company engaged in an experiment in social engineering at its new rubber plantations in the Amazon, Fordlandia and Belterra. This chapter demonstrates how fully in line with the aspirations of Brazilian politicians and modernizers Ford’s intervention was. Further, the company’s belief in the racial improvability of Amazonian people structured the very location and construction of the plantations. Specifically influenced by what it perceived as the racial potential of the people in the region, Ford first recruited single men and then whole families to the plantations. Social and biological reproduction of children replaced attempts to improve rubber tappers who resisted Ford’s importation of its “one best way.”
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Hazelton, Jacqueline L. "Not the Wars You’re Looking For." In Bullets Not Ballots, 29–80. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754784.003.0003.
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This chapter examines support for the compellence theory in three cases: the Malayan Emergency, the Greek Civil War, and the Philippines' campaign against the Huk insurgency. In the British campaign in Malaya, 1948–1957, the colonial government defeated a small, isolated Communist insurgency that failed to gain political traction even within the population of impoverished ethnic Chinese rubber plantation workers that it targeted as its often-unwilling base of support. In Greece in 1947–1949, the United States backed the repressive, fragile post-World War II Greek government and built its military capacity sufficiently to defeat the Communist and nationalist insurgents. In the Philippines in 1946–1954, the United States backed the Philippine government as a bulwark against Communist expansion in Asia, pressing for major governance reforms while building Philippine security forces. In all three cases, elite accommodation played a significant role in the counterinsurgent's ability to defeat the insurgency militarily, with the type of elite involved varying by case; uses of force included forcefully controlling civilians; and uses of force broke the insurgency before reforms were implemented, if they were implemented at all, as the compellence theory predicts.
Conference papers on the topic "Rubber plantation workers"
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Heriberta, Heriberta, Sri Wachyunni, and Guspianto Guspianto. "Women and Children Workers Involved in The Rubber and Palm Oil Plantations: Motivations and Impact on Family Income in Jambi Province." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Gender, Culture and Society, ICGCS 2021, 30-31 August 2021, Padang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-8-2021.2316303.
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