Academic literature on the topic 'Russell, Bertrand, Logic, Symbolic and mathematical'

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Journal articles on the topic "Russell, Bertrand, Logic, Symbolic and mathematical"

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Yibao, Xu. "Bertrand Russell and the introduction of mathematical logic in China." History and Philosophy of Logic 24, no. 3 (2003): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0144534031000117105.

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Anellis, Irving. "Charles Peirce and Bertrand Russell on Euclid." Revista Brasileira de História da Matemática 19, no. 37 (2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.47976/rbhm2019v19n3779-94.

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Both Charles Sanders Peirce (1839–1914) and Bertrand Russell (1872–1970) held that Euclid’s proofs in geometry were fundamentally flawed, and based largely on mathematical intuition rather than on sound deductive reasoning. They differed, however, as to the role which diagramming played in Euclid’s emonstrations. Specifically, whereas Russell attributed the failures on Euclid’s proofs to his reasoning from diagrams, Peirce held that diagrammatic reasoning could be rendered as logically rigorous and formal. In 1906, in his manuscript “Phaneroscopy” of 1906, he described his existential graphs, his highly iconic, graphical system of logic, as a moving picture of thought, “rendering literally visible before one’s very eyes the operation of thinking in actu”, and as a “generalized diagram of the Mind” (Peirce 1906; 1933, 4.582). More generally, Peirce personally found it more natural for him to reason diagrammatically, rather than algebraically. Rather, his concern with Euclid’s demonstrations was with its absence of explicit explanations, based upon the laws of logic, of how to proceed from one line of the “proof” to the next. This is the aspect of his criticism of Euclid that he shared with Russell; that Euclid’s demonstrations drew from mathematical intuition, rather than from strict formal deduction.
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Zhou, Lianghua, and Bernard Linsky. "Russell’s Two Lectures in China on Mathematical Logic." Russell: the Journal of Bertrand Russell Studies 38 (July 16, 2018): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15173/russell.v38i1.3643.

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In 1921 Bertrand Russell delivered two lectures on mathematical logic at Peking University. Manuscripts for the lectures have not been found, but two sets of Chinese notes, which were based on a simultaneous oral translation of Russell’s lecturing, were published. The notes are translated into English based on the best readings of both sets. An introduc­tion and notes with a glossary discuss the background and content of the lectures as well as the linguistic difficulties in translating logical terms.
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Landini, Gregory. "Book review: Francisco A. Rodriguez-Consuegra. The mathematical philosophy of Bertrand Russell: Origins and development." Notre Dame Journal of Formal Logic 33, no. 4 (1992): 604–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1305/ndjfl/1093634492.

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Coury, Aline Germano Fonseca, and Denise Silva Vilela. "Russell’s Paradox: a historical study about the paradox in Frege’s theories." Revista Brasileira de História da Matemática 18, no. 35 (2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.47976/rbhm2018v18n351-22.

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For over twenty years, Frege tried to find the foundations of arithmetic through logic, and by doing this, he attempted to establish the truth and certainty of the knowledge. However, when he believed his work wasdone, Bertrand Russell sent him a letter pointing out a paradox, known as Russell‟s paradox. It is often considered that Russell identified the paradox in Frege‟s theories. However, as shown in this paper, Russell, Frege and also George Cantor contributedsignificantly to the identification of the paradox. In 1902, Russell encouraged Frege to reconsider a portion of his work based in a paradox built from Cantor‟s theories. Previously, in 1885, Cantor had warned Frege about taking extensions of concepts in the construction of his system. With these considerations, Frege managed to identify the precise law and definitions that allowed the generation of the paradox in his system. The objective of this paper is to present a historical reconstruction of the paradox in Frege‟s publications and discuss it considering the correspondences exchanged between him and Russell. We shall take special attention to the role played by each of these mathematicians in the identification of the paradox and its developments. We also will show how Frege anticipated the solutions and new theories that would arise when dealing with logico-mathematical paradoxes, including but not limited to Russell‟s paradox.
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Coury, Aline Germano Fonseca, and Denise Silva Vilela. "Russell's Paradox: A Historical Study about the Paradox in Frege's Theories." Revista Brasileira de História da Matemática 19, no. 37 (2020): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.47976/rbhm2019v19n3795-116.

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For over twenty years, Frege tried to find the foundations of arithmetic through logic, and by doing this, he attempted to establish the truth and certainty of the knowledge. However, when he believed his work was done, Bertrand Russell sent him a letter pointing out a paradox, known as Russell’s paradox. It is often considered that Russell identified the paradox in Frege’s theories. However, as shown in this paper, Russell, Frege and also George Cantor contributed significantly to the identification of the paradox. In 1902, Russell encouraged Frege to reconsider a portion of his work based in a paradox built from Cantor’s theories. Previously, in 1885, Cantor had warned Frege about taking extensions of concepts in the construction of his system. With these considerations, Frege managed to identify the precise law and definitions that allowed the generation of the paradox in his system. The objective of this paper is to present a historical reconstruction of the paradox in Frege’s publications and discuss it considering the correspondences exchanged between him and Russell. We shall take special attention to the role played by each of these mathematicians in the identification of the paradox and its developments. We also will show how Frege anticipated the solutions and new theories that would arise when dealing with logico-mathematical paradoxes, including but not limited to Russell’s paradox.
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Donald A. Martin. "Gödel's Conceptual Realism." Bulletin of Symbolic Logic 11, no. 2 (2005): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2178/bsl/1120231631.

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Kurt Gödel is almost as famous—one might say “notorious”—for his extreme platonist views as he is famous for his mathematical theorems. Moreover his platonism is not a myth; it is well-documented in his writings. Here are two platonist declarations about set theory, the first from his paper about Bertrand Russell and the second from the revised version of his paper on the Continuum Hypotheses.Classes and concepts may, however, also be conceived as real objects, namely classes as “pluralities of things” or as structures consisting of a plurality of things and concepts as the properties and relations of things existing independently of our definitions and constructions.It seems to me that the assumption of such objects is quite as legitimate as the assumption of physical bodies and there is quite as much reason to believe in their existence.But, despite their remoteness from sense experience, we do have something like a perception also of the objects of set theory, as is seen from the fact that the axioms force themselves upon us as being true. I don't see any reason why we should have less confidence in this kind of perception, i.e., in mathematical intuition, than in sense perception.The first statement is a platonist declaration of a fairly standard sort concerning set theory. What is unusual in it is the inclusion of concepts among the objects of mathematics. This I will explain below. The second statement expresses what looks like a rather wild thesis.
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Parsons, Charles. "Platonism and Mathematical Intuition in Kurt Gödel's Thought." Bulletin of Symbolic Logic 1, no. 1 (1995): 44–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420946.

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The best known and most widely discussed aspect of Kurt Gödel's philosophy of mathematics is undoubtedly his robust realism or platonism about mathematical objects and mathematical knowledge. This has scandalized many philosophers but probably has done so less in recent years than earlier. Bertrand Russell's report in his autobiography of one or more encounters with Gödel is well known:Gödel turned out to be an unadulterated Platonist, and apparently believed that an eternal “not” was laid up in heaven, where virtuous logicians might hope to meet it hereafter.On this Gödel commented:Concerning my “unadulterated” Platonism, it is no more unadulterated than Russell's own in 1921 when in the Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy … he said, “Logic is concerned with the real world just as truly as zoology, though with its more abstract and general features.” At that time evidently Russell had met the “not” even in this world, but later on under the infuence of Wittgenstein he chose to overlook it.One of the tasks I shall undertake here is to say something about what Gödel's platonism is and why he held it.A feature of Gödel's view is the manner in which he connects it with a strong conception of mathematical intuition, strong in the sense that it appears to be a basic epistemological factor in knowledge of highly abstract mathematics, in particular higher set theory. Other defenders of intuition in the foundations of mathematics, such as Brouwer and the traditional intuitionists, have a much more modest conception of what mathematical intuition will accomplish.
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Sheridan, Christopher. "Frege and Wittgenstein: The Limits of the Analytic Style." Elements 6, no. 1 (2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/eurj.v6i1.9022.

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The analytic tradition in philosophy stems from the work of German mathematician and logician Gottlob Frege. Bertrand Russell brough Frege's program to render language-particularly scientific language-in formal logical terms to the forefront of philosophy in the early twentieth century. The quest to clarify language and parse out genuine philosophical problems remains a cornerstone of analytic philosophy, but investigative programs involving the broad application of formal symbolic logic to language have largely been abandoned due to the influence of Ludwig Wittgenstein's later work. This article identifies the key philosophical moves that must be performed successfully in order for Frege's "conceptual notation" and other similar systems to adequately capture syntax and semantics. These moves ultimately fail as a result of the nature of linguistic meaning. The shift away from formal logical analysis of language and the emergence of the current analytic style becomes clearer when this failure is examined critically.
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"IVAN SLESHYNSKY AS A POPULARIZER OF THE IDEAS OF MATHEMATICAL LOGIC IN UKRAINE." Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Series "Philosophy. Philosophical Peripeteias", no. 62 (2020): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2226-0994-2020-62-11.

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The first half of the twentieth century was marked by the simultaneous development of logic and mathematics. Logic offered the necessary means to justify the foundations of mathematics and to solve the crisis that arose in mathematics in the early twentieth century. In European science in the late nineteenth century, the ideas of symbolic logic, based on the works of J. Bull, S. Jevons and continued by C. Pierce in the United States and E. Schroeder in Germany were getting popular. The works by G. Frege and B. Russell should be considered more progressive towards the development of mathematical logic. The perspective of mathematical logic in solving the crisis of mathematics in Ukraine was noticed by Professor of Mathematics of Novorossiysk (Odesa) University Ivan Vladislavovich Sleshynsky. Sleshynsky (1854 –1931) is a Doctor of Mathematical Sciences (1893), Professor (1898) of Novorossiysk (Odesa) University. After studying at the University for two years he was a Fellow at the Department of Mathematics of Novorossiysk University, defended his master’s thesis and was sent to a scientific internship in Berlin (1881–1882), where he listened to the lectures by K. Weierstrass, L. Kronecker, E. Kummer, G. Bruns. Under the direction of K. Weierstrass he prepared a doctoral dissertation for defense. He returned to his native university in 1882, and at the same time he was a teacher of mathematics in the seminary (1882–1886), Odesa high schools (1882–1892), and taught mathematics at the Odesa Higher Women’s Courses. Having considerable achievements in the field of mathematics, in particular, Pringsheim’s Theorem (1889) proved by Sleshinsky on the conditions of convergence of continuous fractions, I. Sleshynsky drew attention to a new direction of logical science. The most significant work for the development of national mathematical logic is the translation by I. Sleshynsky from the French language “Algebra of Logic” by L. Couturat (1909). Among the most famous students of I. Sleshynsky, who studied and worked at Novorossiysk University and influenced the development of mathematical logic, one should mention E. Bunitsky and S. Shatunovsky. The second period of scientific work of I. Sleshynsky is connected with Poland. In 1911 he was invited to teach mathematical disciplines at Jagiellonian University and focused on mathematical logic. I. Sleshynsky’s report “On Traditional Logic”, delivered at the meeting of the Philosophical Society in Krakow. He developed the common belief among mathematicians that logic was not necessary for mathematics. His own experience of teaching one of the most difficult topics in higher mathematics – differential calculus, pushed him to explore logic, since the requirement of perfect mathematical proof required this. In one of his further works of this period, he noted the promising development of mathematical logic and its importance for mathematics. He claimed that for the mathematics of future he needed a new logic, which he saw in the “Principles of Mathematics” by A. Whitehead and B. Russell. Works on mathematical logic by I. Sleszynski prompted many of his students in Poland to undertake in-depth studies in this field, including T. Kotarbiński, S. Jaśkowski, V. Boreyko, and S. Zaremba. Thanks to S. Zaremba, I. Sleshynsky managed to complete the long-planned concept, a two-volume work “Theory of Proof” (1925–1929), the basis of which were lectures of Professor. The crisis period in mathematics of the early twentieth century, marked by the search for greater clarity in the very foundations of mathematical reasoning, led to the transition from the study of mathematical objects to the study of structures. The most successful means of doing this were proposed by mathematical logic. Thanks to Professor I. Sleshynsky, who succeeded in making Novorossiysk (Odesa) University a center of popularization of mathematical logic in the beginning of the twentieth century the ideas of mathematical logic in scientific environment became more popular. However, historical events prevented the ideas of mathematical logic in the domestic scientific space from the further development.
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Books on the topic "Russell, Bertrand, Logic, Symbolic and mathematical"

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Bertrand Russell. Routledge, 1999.

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Monk, Ray. Bertrand Russell. Victory, 1997.

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Vernant, Denis. La philosophie mathématique de Bertrand Russell. J. Vrin, 1993.

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Monk, Ray. Bertrand Russell: The spirit of solitude. J. Cape, 1996.

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Bertrand Russell: The ghost of madness, 1921-1970. Free Press, 2001.

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Bertrand Russell: The spirit of solitude, 1872-1921. Free Press, 1996.

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Bertrand Russell and the origins of the set-theoretic 'paradoxes'. Birkhäuser Verlag, 1992.

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Dantan, Alejandro Ricardo Garciadiego. Bertrand Russell y los orígenes de las "paradojas" de la teoría de conjuntos. Alianza Editorial, 1992.

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Russell's hidden substitutional theory. Oxford University Press, 1998.

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The evolution of Principia mathematica: Bertrand Russell's manuscripts and notes for the second edition. Cambridge University Press, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Russell, Bertrand, Logic, Symbolic and mathematical"

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Cohen, Daniel J. "Reasoning and Belief in Victorian Mathematics." In The Organisation of Knowledge in Victorian Britain. British Academy, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263266.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on the progress of mathematics in the nineteenth century. British mathematicians of this period showed interest in the formal aspects of mathematics, particularly in symbolic logic. Bertrand Russell and Alfred North Whitehead were among the most highly influential figures in Victorian mathematical circles due to their wide-ranging thought and institutional positions. Principia Mathematica (1910–1913), in which Russell and Whitehead equated logic and mathematics at the deepest level possible, was a culmination of the innovative mathematical research of the Victorian age.
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Grattan-Guinness, Ivor. "Turing’s mentor, Max Newman." In The Turing Guide. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747826.003.0052.

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The interaction between mathematicians and mathematical logicians has always been much slighter than one might imagine. This chapter examines the case of Turing’s mentor, Maxwell Hermann Alexander Newman (1897–1984). The young Turing attended a course of lectures on logical matters that Newman gave at Cambridge University in 1935. After briefly discussing examples of the very limited contact between mathematicians and logicians in the period 1850–1930, I describe the rather surprising origins and development of Newman’s own interest in logic. One might expect that the importance to many mathematicians of means of proving theorems, and their desire in many contexts to improve the level of rigour of proofs, would motivate them to examine and refine the logic that they were using. However, inattention to logic has long been common among mathematicians. A very important source of the cleft between mathematics and logic during the 19th century was the founding, from the late 1810s onwards, of the ‘mathematical analysis’ of real variables, grounded on a theory of limits, by the French mathematician Augustin-Louis Cauchy. He and his followers extolled rigour—most especially, careful definitions of major concepts and detailed proofs of theorems. From the 1850s onwards, this project was enriched by the German mathematician Karl Weierstrass and his many followers, who introduced (for example) multiple limit theory, definitions of irrational numbers, and an increasing use of symbols, and then from the early 1870s by Georg Cantor with his set theory. However, absent from all these developments was explicit attention to any kind of logic. This silence continued among the many set theorists who participated in the inauguration of measure theory, functional analysis, and integral equations. The mathematicians Artur Schoenflies and Felix Hausdorff were particularly hostile to logic, targeting the famous 20th-century logician Bertrand Russell. (Even the extensive dispute over the axiom of choice focused mostly on its legitimacy as an assumption in set theory and its use of higher-order quantification: its ability to state an infinitude of independent choices within finitary logic constituted a special difficulty for ‘logicists’ such as Russell.) Russell, George Boole, and other creators of symbolic logics were exceptional among mathematicians in attending to logic, but they made little impact on their colleagues.
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"Introduction. Bertrand Russell—The Invention of Mathematical Philosophy." In de Gruyter Series in Logic and Its Applications, edited by Godehard Link. Walter de Gruyter, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110199680.1.

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Soames, Scott. "The Logical Study of Language." In Philosophy of Language. Princeton University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691138664.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses the foundations of philosophical semantics, covering the work of Gottlob Frege and Bertrand Russell. Frege, along with Russell, did more than anyone else to create the subject. The development of symbolic logic, the analysis of quantification, the application of logical ideas and techniques to the semantics of natural language, the distinction between sense and reference, the linking of representational content to truth conditions, and the compositional calculation of the contents of compound expressions from the semantic properties of their parts are all due to Frege and Russell. Philosophy of language, as we know it today, would not exist without them.
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von Plato, Jan. "Frege’s Discovery of Formal Reasoning." In The Great Formal Machinery Works. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691174174.003.0005.

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This chapter considers Gottlob Frege as the founder of contemporary logic through his little book Begriffsschrift that came out in 1879. The name stands for something like “writing for concepts,” in the sense of a notation, and there is a long subtitle that specifies the notation as “a formula language of pure thinking, modeled upon that of arithmetic.” The actual notation in Frege's book made a rather bizarre impression on many, and no one else ever used it. Luckily he had Bertrand Russell among his few readers; some 25 years after the Begriffsschrift, Russell rewrote Frege's formula language in a style, adopted from Giuseppe Peano, that later evolved into the standard logical and mathematical notation we have today.
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Hedman, Shawn. "The incompleteness theorems." In A First Course in Logic. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198529804.003.0012.

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In this chapter we prove that the structure N = (ℕ|+, · , 1) has a first-order theory that is undecidable. This is a special case of Gödel’s First Incompleteness theorem. This theorem implies that any theory (not necessarily first-order) that describes elementary arithmetic on the natural numbers is necessarily undecidable. So there is no algorithm to determine whether or not a given sentence is true in the structure N. As we shall show, the existence of such an algorithm leads to a contradiction. Gödel’s Second Incompleteness theorem states that any decidable theory (not necessarily first-order) that can express elementary arithmetic cannot prove its own consistency. We shall make this idea precise and discuss the Second Incompleteness theorem in Section 8.5. Gödel’s First Incompleteness theorem is proved in Section 8.3. Although they are purely mathematical results, Gödel’s Incompleteness theorems have had undeniable philosophical implications. Gödel’s theorems dispelled commonly held misconceptions regarding the nature of mathematics. A century ago, some of the most prominent mathematicians and logicians viewed mathematics as a branch of logic instead of the other way around. It was thought that mathematics could be completely formalized. It was believed that mathematical reasoning could, at least in principle, be mechanized. Alfred North Whitehead and Bertrand Russell envisioned a single system that could be used to derive and enumerate all mathematical truths. In their three-volume Principia Mathematica, Russell and Whitehead rigorously define a system and use it to derive numerous known statements of mathematics. Gödel’s theorems imply that any such system is doomed to be incomplete. If the system is consistent (which cannot be proved within the system by Gödel’s Second theorem), then there necessarily exist true statements formulated within the system that the system cannot prove (by Gödel’s First theorem). This explains why the name “incompleteness” is attributed to these theorems and why the title of Gödel’s 1931 paper translates (from the original German) to “On Formally Undecidable Propositions of Principia Mathematica and Related Systems” (translated versions appear in both [13] and [14]). Depending on one’s point of view, it may or may not be surprising that there is no algorithm to determine whether or not a given sentence is true in N.
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Kuusela, Oskari. "Introduction." In Wittgenstein on Logic as the Method of Philosophy. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829751.003.0009.

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Gottlob Frege and Bertand Russell are widely regarded as the founders of analytic philosophy. A longer list also includes G. E. Moore and Ludwig Wittgenstein. This is not because analytic philosophers subscribe to Frege’s and Russell’s views about particular philosophical matters. It is hard to think of examples of such agreed-upon views. Rather, Frege’s and Russell’s role as founders is due, before all, to certain methodological ideas which they introduced. Especially important in this regard is the idea that philosophical progress could be achieved by means of the methods of symbolic or mathematical logic to whose development both contributed in important ways. This book, in essence, is an examination of Frege’s and Russell’s methodological and logical ideas and their further development and transformation by certain other philosophers, especially Ludwig Wittgenstein, but also Rudolf Carnap and Peter Strawson. It is in this sense a book on methodology in analytic philosophy. And although the book assumes the form of the examination of the history of analytic philosophy, especially the work of Wittgenstein, it is just as much—or more—about the future of analytic philosophy. The underlying question that motivates this book is what analytic philosophy could be or become, and whether it is possible for it to redeem its original promise of progress. For it seems fair to say that progress has been less impressive than Russell promised and more controversial than he may have expected (see ...
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