Dissertations / Theses: 'Russia, Central'

1

Serikbayeva, Assel. "China and Russia| Competition for Central Asian energy." Thesis, Webster University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1523365.

Full text

Abstract:

Over the past two decades, a substantial literature has focused on the geopolitics of strategically located Central Asian energy supplies. Some analysts have even regarded the international competition over the regional oil and gas as a New Great Game among the developed West, Russia, and the emerging Asian energy importers. Much less attention has been paid to the means employed by the various competitors in achieving their interests in the Central Asian hydrocarbon sector. This Master Thesis analyzes the competition over the energy resources in Kazakhstan between two regional powers Russia and China for the period from 1991 to 2011. The study assesses the concept of power in its political, economic, and military terms as a way to achieve desired outcomes in the regional energy sector. The analysis concludes that economic statecraft is the dominant tool used in securing interests in the Central Asian oil and gas sector and thus allows China's economic clout to guarantee favorable energy deals. At the same time, the results suggest that Russia's soft power along with the traditional military engagements help to secure other strategic interests in the region apart from the energy sector.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Castleton, Joseph M. "Exporting Unemployment: Migration as Lens to Understand Relations between Russia, China, and Central Asia." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275414103.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Aliev, Umid Farhodovich. "Wage and employment determination in Russia and central Asia." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.550335.

Full text

Abstract:

The political and economic fall of the socialist bloc in the late 1980s and the disintegration of the USSR in 1991 triggered the process of political and economic transformation from planned to market-based economies in over 20 countries in Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central Asia. One of the important aspects of the political and economic reforms was that they led to substantial changes in wage and employment determination in enterprises. In particular, prominent features of the Soviet economic system - administratively determined wages and full employment - were abolished with the end of the USSR. New, independent states had to create new systems, where market forces were to be given a bigger role than before. These changes profoundly altered employment relations and completely changed the processes of wage determination. However, it is not completely clear what we have at the end. In this thesis we try to establish if the labour markets in Russia and Central Asia are likely to have features of a competitive labour market or those of a monopsonistic labour market. Detailed analysis of the stylized facts and characteristic features indicates that the monopsonistic market structure is more relevant than the competitive market structure. We have undertaken an empirical test of this proposition. The estimation results indicate the presence of some evidence indicating that the labour markets in Russia and Central Asia are likely to be monopsonisitc. This conclusion has important policy implications because in a monopsonisitc market structure market interventions like unemployment benefits or minimum wages may improve efficiency. In contrast, in a competitive labour market these market interventions are not welcome due to the prediction that they reduce efficiency. We also examine if the firms with different ownership structures differ in their wage and employment decisions. Our estimation results report substantial differences in wage and employment determination across firms with different ownership structures.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Mogilnaya, Maria. "Deposit protection law reform in Russia : an evaluation." Thesis, De Montfort University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2086/7104.

Full text

Abstract:

In late 2003 after two financial crises and many years of deliberation, the Russian Government introduced a deposit insurance scheme (DIS) aimed primarily at protecting the savings of the population. The DIS's stated objectives were to protect the right and legal interests of depositors, to strengthen public confidence in the banking system, and to encourage household savings. Recent official assessments of the scheme have been, at best, partial, have tended to use government statistics and have failed to establish a link between the banking sector outputs and the impact of the DIS. This thesis undertakes a detailed evaluation of the Russian DIS based on a comprehensive analysis of vast literature on deposit insurance schemes globally covering rationales for its establishment and its main features, as well as of the relevant Russian legislation and past attempts at evaluating the Russian DIS which were somewhat patchy. Adopting a cross-sectional, mixed methods approach, the study reports on the findings that emerged from a combination of surveys, interviews and observations conducted at six participating Russian banks in spring 2009. These were supplemented by documentary evidence from the banks and the Russian Deposit Insurance Agency. To facilitate the analysis and interpretation of the data, a theoretical framework was devised, and included a set of success criteria and impact indicators. The results of the analysis indicate that the Russian DIS does not appear to have fully achieved its stated objectives. Irrefutably, the Russian Government failed to establish an effective institutional and regulatory environment which could have enforced uniform provision of information about the DIS to retail depositors. This is evidenced by visible differences among bank practices in relation to the implementation of the DIS. Consequently, as a result of these variations in implementation, the retail depositors’ understanding of the DIS and its perceived impact differs depending on which bank they patronise. This research provides a number of original theoretical, empirical, analytical and methodological contributions

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Morrison, Daniel. ""Trading peasants" and urbanization in eighteenth-century Russia : the Central industrial region /." New York ; London : Garland publ, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb374271848.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Nicharapova, Jildiz. "L'organisation de coopération de Shanghai : un nouveau mode de coopération ou une nouvelle intégration régionale?" Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AIXM1040.

Full text

Abstract:

La question principale de notre travail de recherche est: A quel type d'organisation internationale appartient l'OCS et quels sont ses buts d'existence ? Pourquoi les pays-membres coopèrent-ils au sein de l'Organisation ? Pourquoi coopèrent-ils dans des domaines dont ils ont établi les règles de coopération et sur quelles questions spécifiques ont-ils choisi de répondre ? Quels sont ses règles et les mécanismes de prise de décision, et quels sont sa structure organisationnelle et son mode de fonctionnement ? La deuxième question est : quelles sont ses raisons d'existence, ses buts et ses objectifs? Et la troisième interrogation est quelles sont ses promesses (potentiels) et ses limites ? En se basant sur la « théorie » des organisations internationales, à quel type d'organisation internationale l'OCS peut-elle appartenir ? Une Organisation de coopération ou d'intégration ? On peut se demander quels sont les véritables objectifs d'une telle organisation. Est-ce que l'OCS a pour but de contrebalancer l'Occident ou y a-t-il d'autres raisons à son existence ? Quelles sont ces raisons ? Pour répondre à ces interrogations, deux hypothèses doivent être mises en évidence. Dans la première hypothèse, l'OCS est une organisation de coopération régionale comme beaucoup d'autres organisations régionales déjà existantes (OTAN, OTSC, CEI, etc.) Dans la deuxième hypothèse, l'OCS est une organisation néo-réaliste ou même néo-libérale étant donné que de simple coopération elle se transforme en une organisation d'intégration régionale, qui conduit à l'apparition d'une nouvelle région unique (unifiée) et qui se dirige vers le régionalisme
The main question of our research is what kind of international organization is the SCO and what are its reasons for existence? In terms of the theory of international organizations to which type of international organization, the SCO can belong? The Organization of cooperation or integration? One wonders what the real objectives of the organization. Is the SCO aims to counteract the West, or there are other reasons for its existence? What are those reasons? Is it destined to exercise a single regional role in the manner of existing organizations such as CSTO, ECO, CIS, etc..., or does it move into the ranks of a world power? Are the objectives of the existence of this structure is to serve the great powers like Russia and China or it is also to serve to the small countries of Central Asia? Do the member countries have common objectives or individual, selfish? Is the SCO is an instrument of countries to achieve their national interests or they have a common desire to unite and grow together, to be a force in an "unfair" world?To answer these questions, two assumptions should be highlighted.For the first case, the SCO is a regional cooperation organization like many other existing regional organizations (NATO, CSTO, CIS, etc.). The SCO is an instrument of foreign policy of member countries to achieve its objectives joint problem solving as: regional security, economic development and cooperation policyIn the latter case, the SCO is transformed from mere cooperation in the organization of regional integration, which leads to the emergence of a new region (unified) - which moves towards regionalism. To these questions our dissertation is dedicated

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Snyder, Jeffrey Allan. "Late Weichselian glaciation, postglacial relative sea level and paleoenvironment, north-central Kola Peninsula, Russia /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487942476406838.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Gunduc, Yildirim. "Energy Security And Central Asian Geopolitics." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615176/index.pdf.

Full text

Abstract:

Energy security has become an important part of national security policies in the last decades. Policies concerning energy security are designed and implemented in different ways by countries based on their geographical, political and economic imperatives. This thesis analyzes the securitization of energy resources in Central Asia and the roles of the US, China, India and Russia as major actors of the Central Asian energy politics in the post-Soviet period. The conditions shaping Central Asian countries decision making process&rsquo
as well as the policies and priorities of the US, China, India and Russia are analyzed in the light of latest energy policy developments and related pipeline projects in the region. While doing so, this thesis aims to compare and contrast the practices and policies of the US, China, India and Russia in securing access to energy resources of Central Asia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Passolt, Daniela. "Kazakhstan's Foreign Policy Towards Russia, China and Central Asia (1991-2001) : International and Domestic Factors." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.498078.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis analyses Kazakhstan's foreign policy towards its neighbours after the country became independent. The conceptual and empirical framework focuses on what international and domestic factors can help to explain Kazakhstan's foreign policy towards Russia, China and Central Asia, mainly during the period between 1991 and 2001. The research includes a critical review of primary and secondary sources and interviews. The thesis operates on the premise that Kazakhstan's relations ""ith Russia, China and Central Asia illuminate how both the international and the domestic environment provide explanatory factors to better understand Kazakhstan's foreign policy. By using some of the core tenets of Realist, Liberal and post-colonial domestic-based theories about the foreign policy of weak states, the main features and elements of Kazakh foreign policy can be identified. In particular, the thesis argues that international factors in the area of security as postulated by Realist theory, and economic factors as postulated by Liberal theory, have shaped Kazakhstan's foreign policy. In addition, the research confirms that domestic factors are also important for an understanding of Kazakh foreign policy. The two environments interact with and influence one other and thereby constitute Kazakhstan's complex foreign policy context. The thesis contributes to scholarship in the field of area studies and international relations. It is of immediate relevance to both academic and policy debates.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Charrier, Ines. "Opportunities of Internationalization of French Small and Medium Enterprises in Russia and Central/Eastern Europe." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-74247.

Full text

Abstract:

Only one third of the French SMEs are going abroad. However, this option can be an opportunity for the enterprises to extend their growth. The Chinese market is often designated to be the best place to invest. Nevertheless, it is far from France geographically and culturally. Russia and Central/Eastern Europe represent for French SMEs huge and frequently unknown markets, closed to France with all the benefice of their accession to the European Union. These regions have economic and demographic potentials because of their singular history. The study of these countries will show the possible market development in which the French companies and specially SMEs have competences and know-how highly valuable in these markets. Furthermore, the European and French incentives for SMEs and the support of different organizations are additional assets to facilitate the internationalization.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Nascimento, Flavio Augusto Lira. "A limitação à cooperação securitária sino-russa na Ásia Central devido ao não gerenciamento conjunto do fluxo local de hidrocarbonetos por Moscou e Pequim." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-07052015-104230/.

Full text

Abstract:

A Ásia Central tem sido, para a Federação Russa e a República Popular da China, uma zona de cooperação estratégica desde o fim da URSS em 1991. Desde então, desenvolve-se um regime de segurança que congrega, além das duas potências, Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Tadjiquistão, Turcomenistão e Uzbequistão. Acredita-se, porém, que a efetiva cooperação entre Moscou e Pequim é limitada nesta parte do globo devido ao não desenvolvimento de um regime energético (focado em hidrocarbonetos) que envolva todos os países da região e que seja encabeçado por Rússia e China. Para demonstrar isto, busca-se apresentar as diferentes posições internacionais e as percepções destes dois países no tocante aos hidrocarbonetos e às suas diferentes prioridades geopolíticas. Além disto, sugere-se, ao final do trabalho, que um eficaz desenvolvimento de uma cooperação forte e abrangente entre os dois países deve se basear em um regime securitário-energético regional que inclua a Ásia Central em uma lógica sino-russa de gerenciamento mútuo tanto da segurança quanto do fluxo de hidrocarbonetos.
For both the Russian Federation and the People\'s Republic of China, Central Asia has been a zone of strategic cooperation since the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. From then on, a security regime encompassing those powers as well as Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan has developed. We believe, however, that effective cooperation between Moscow and Beijing is limited in this part of the globe due to the non-development of a (hydrocarbon-based) energy regime that includes all countries in the region under the leadership of Russia and China. To demonstrate this argument we shall present the different international positions and perceptions of those two countries concerning hydrocarbons and their different geopolitical priorities. In addition, we suggest at the end of this study that effective development of a strong and comprehensive cooperation between both countries must stem from a regional security-energy regime that includes Central Asia in a Chinese-Russian logic of mutual management of both security and hydrocarbon flow.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Clement, Victoria. "Rewriting the "Nation" Turkmen literacy, language, and power, 1904-2004 /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1133456057.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Everett, Rabekah. "Russia's crisis modernisation fallacy : an analysis of the 1998 and 2008 economic crises and their effects on the development of the Central Bank of Russia." Thesis, University of Kent, 2017. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/66801/.

Full text

Abstract:

This study argues that Russia's post-Soviet economic transition is not complete and is trapped in partial reform equilibrium: former command economy institutions have not been eradicated, and the required institutions for a market economy are weak or have not been established. Furthermore, this study argues that economic crises have not catalysed or otherwise encouraged the economic transition, contrary to other scholars. Using process tracing, this is demonstrated through a case study of Russia's banking industry that analyses the Central Bank of Russia's responses to economic crises, and how these responses have failed to address the cause of the crisis. The study concludes that, as the Central Bank of Russia fails to fully address the cause of economic crises, institutions that would prevent further crises remain weak or non-existent, and a market economy does not yet exist.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Lin, Ke. "Perceptions and Social Implications of Non-native Accents in Russia." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1593736866398429.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Healy, Joseph. "Central Europe in flux : Germany, Poland and Ukraine, 1918-1922." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2324/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis is an examination of the relationship between the Ukrainian nationalists, led by Petliura (The Ukrainian People’s Republic) and both Germany and Poland in the period 1918-1922. Although the thesis addresses primarily the situation after World War I and the military collapse of Germany in Eastern Europe, I also examine the historical relationship between Germany and Ukraine, which came to the fore in the period of World War I, and especially following the treaties of Brest Litovsk. This period involved the German recognition of Ukrainian independence, and the German intervention in Ukrainian internal political and economic affairs.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Bernat, Jakub. "Energetické vztahy mezi EU a Ruskou federací na pozadí zájmů středoevropských zemí." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-71780.

Full text

Abstract:

Energy resources mean an important aspect of GDP of the Russian Federation. Most of these strategic commodities consumed in the EU have originated in Russia. The aim of the thesis is to assess the mutual relations between the EU and Russia in terms of energy trading with important raw materials with focus on Central Europe. The first chapter deals with various energy sources and their importance for the EU and thenthrough a common EU energy policy. The middle section is devoted to EU-Russia relations in energy and pipelines connecting both sides. The final section assesses the Union from the perspective of energy security and provides other alternatives forenergy production.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Bragg, Marcus. "Central Asian Security: With a Focus on Kazakhstan." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2014. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1576.

Full text

Abstract:

This work focuses on the influence of terror, extremism, trafficking and corruption on the regional security of Central Asia, with a particular emphasis on Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is regarded as the most stable and financially developed state in Central Asia, yet domestic and regional stability are threatened by the rise in extremism, narcotics trafficking, institutional corruption and acts of terrorism. The challenges of trafficking and extremism within the region originated from outside of Central Asia. Foreign organizations and ideologies are significant actors in progression of regional instability. Government response to these challenges can perpetuate or stymie the aforementioned threats to regional security. Repressive regimes inadvertently contribute to the propaganda of the non-state foes. A prominent solution is the international program referred to as border management. This program aims to support border security while also promoting economic growth and ensuring the protection of human rights. Improved borders promotes regional security, economic growth can potentially undermine the growth of corruption and human rights protection can undermine a large part of extremist propaganda.
B.A.
Bachelors
Political Science
Sciences

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Mazhikeyev, Arman. "Central Asia : colonial ties, economic performance & trade costs." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2015. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/19042.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis comprises a three papers. The chapters stand on their own. Each paper-chapter analyses a specific issue and contains introduction, theoretical framework, methods of analyses, results and findings. Each of the chapters offers new empirical, methodological and modelling contributions with new empirical evidence and findings, with new extensions and specifications for the gravity based and CGE based analytical tools. The thesis reflects my analysis of regional and international trade of Central Asia by analyzing the past economic ties of the CA with former Big Brother , Russia; the present heterogeneity of socio-economic environment of CA countries; and the future development of CA trade relations with the formation of the Eurasian (Re)Union. The Introductory Chapter binds together the other chapters by discussing the general background of the Central Asian institutional formation, transition and trade relations; the research motivations and methodology employed in this thesis. Afterwards come three substantive chapters. In the first chapter, the analysis of enhancing economic relations between Russia and CA in the post-Soviet period contradicts the post-colonial trade erosion theory. In the second chapter, how the open or isolationist policies followed by Central Asian countries affect the performance of local firms and MNEs, and linked to the economic performances of the countries, is investigated. In the third chapter, the impact of deeper Eurasian regional economic integration is assessed quantitatively in the context of asymmetry between the union members and the EU deeper integration project. The final chapter discusses the limitations and possible directions for future research.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Charamut, William J. "Policing the silk road : do the Central Asian states need the United States and Russia to create and maintain stability? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FCharamut.pdf.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin, Roger N. McDermott. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-73). Also available online.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Zima, Amélie. "Penser le changement en relations internationales : le cas du premier élargissement post-guerre froide de l'OTAN (1989-1999)." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100123.

Full text

Abstract:

Pour étudier le changement en relations internationales, cette thèse se penche sur l’adhésion de trois pays d’Europe centrale à l’OTAN en 1999. L’analyse s’intéresse aux facteurs permettant le passage du statut d’ennemi à celui de partenaire ou d’allié. L’hypothèse retenue est que ces évolutions sont tributaires d’un processus de socialisation. Mais celui-ci peut être entravé par la faiblesse des interactions, l’utilisation politique du passé et l’absence de réconciliation ou de reconnaissance mutuelle entre acteurs. Par ailleurs le changement est influencé par les dynamiques nationales. Pour intégrer l’Alliance atlantique, les Etats d’Europe centrale durent modifier leurs ordres institutionnels et politiques. Mais cela ne fut pas le résultat des seules pressions de l’OTAN. Si celle-ci souhaitait exporter un modèle libéral et démocratique et s’arrogea au cours de la décennie quatre-vingt-dix des compétences et pratiques d’autres organisations, elle ne disposait pas des outils et du savoir institutionnel nécessaires. De fait les trajectoires vers l’adhésion furent marquées par trois dynamiques : une forte concurrence entre candidats, la singularité des parcours nationaux en raison des rapports de force internes et de l’héritage communiste et la politisation de l’enjeu atlantique à des fins de légitimation ou de stigmatisation. Ce processus démontre donc qu’il n’y eut pas une stricte équivalence entre transformations post-communistes et processus d’adhésion. Ainsi cette thèse suggère que l’étude du changement en relations internationales ne peut s’astreindre d’une réflexion prenant en compte les passés douloureux et les arènes domestiques
In order to analyse the dynamics that make change possible change in international relations, this dissertation studies the adhesion of three Central European countries to NATO in 1999. The analysis deals with the factors that allow the switch from the status of enemy to partner or ally. By doing this, the thesis builds on the hypothesis that these evolutions are dependent on a socialization process. However a lack of interactions and of reconciliation, a political use of the past or non-mutual recognition between States can hinder the process. What’s more change is influenced by domestic dynamics. In order to join NATO, Central Eastern European countries modified their institutional and political orders. But this process was not the result of the very pressures of NATO. If the Atlantic Alliance wanted to export a liberal and democratic model and took over the competencies and practices of other organizations, it did not have the tools and the institutional knowledge to do so. So the paths towards adhesion were marked out by three dynamics: a strong concurrency between candidate countries, the singularity of each national way due to domestic political games and the heritage of communism and the politicization of the Atlantic issue as a tool to legitimize or stigmatise. This process shows that there was not a strict equivalence between post-communist transformations and the adhesions. Hence this study suggests that the analysis of change in international relations should take into account the influence of painful pasts and of the domestic arenas

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Ferguson, Chaka. "Soft Power as the New Norm: How the Chinese-Russian Strategic Partnership (Soft) Balances American Hegemony in an Era of Unipolarity." FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/358.

Full text

Abstract:

This study explores how great powers not allied with the United States formulate their grand strategies in a unipolar international system. Specifically, it analyzes the strategies China and Russia have developed to deal with U.S. hegemony by examining how Moscow and Beijing have responded to American intervention in Central Asia. The study argues that China and Russia have adopted a soft balancing strategy of to indirectly balance the United States at the regional level. This strategy uses normative capabilities such as soft power, alternative institutions and regionalization to offset the overwhelming material hardware of the hegemon. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is neoclassical realism. Chinese and Russian balancing efforts against the United States are based on their domestic dynamics as well as systemic constraints. Neoclassical realism provides a bridge between the internal characteristics of states and the environment which those states are situated. Because China and Russia do not have the hardware (military or economic power) to directly challenge the United States, they must resort to their software (soft power and norms) to indirectly counter American preferences and set the agenda to obtain their own interests. Neoclassical realism maintains that soft power is an extension of hard power and a reflection of the internal makeup of states. The dissertation uses the heuristic case study method to demonstrate the efficacy of soft balancing. Such case studies help to facilitate theory construction and are not necessarily the demonstrable final say on how states behave under given contexts. Nevertheless, it finds that China and Russia have increased their soft power to counterbalance the United States in certain regions of the world, Central Asia in particular. The conclusion explains how soft balancing can be integrated into the overall balance-of-power framework to explain Chinese and Russian responses to U.S. hegemony. It also suggests that an analysis of norms and soft power should be integrated into the study of grand strategy, including both foreign policy and military doctrine.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Dreeze, Jonathon Randall. "Stalin's Empire: Soviet Propaganda in Kazakhstan, 1929-1953." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu158757030976164.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Filipova, Rumena Valentinova. "The differential Europeanisation of Central and Eastern Europe, 1989-2000 : a constructivist study of the foreign policy identities of Poland, Bulgaria and Russia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:430c07fc-8979-4ce0-9340-f20ac9c3c30a.

Full text

Abstract:

The thesis addresses the puzzle of the differential integration of former communist states in the Euro-Atlantic community of nations between 1989 and 2000. Notwithstanding the predominant universalist-rationalist assumption that the adoption of an institutional-administrative blueprint for reform could lead to convergence between East and West, countries such as Poland, Bulgaria and Russia did not converge similarly (or at all) on the West European normative model and framework of international relations. To account for this divergence, the thesis examines the impact of the culturally-historically informed, Polish, Bulgarian and Russian identities and conceptions of 'Europe' (as opposed to the formal-institutional transition from one system to another) on the process of foreign policy transformation. The doctoral research employs Constructivism, Social Psychological insights and an interpretivist methodology, drawing on 75 elite interviews. The main argument states that differential Europeanisation can be understood on the basis of differentiated levels of inclusion and establishment of relations of mutual recognition and belongingness - substantiated by a differentiated extent of ideational affinity (i.e., normative compatibility), which are (re)enacted in the interactive, mutually constitutive process of identification between Self and Other (i.e., between Poland, Bulgaria and Russia and (Western) Europe). Three propositions of 'thick', 'ambivalent' and 'thin' Europeanisation are derived from the argument (whereby the comparative benchmark of Europeanisation is an ideal-typical model of European-ness). Key contributions focus on the development of a refined Constructivist theory and a systematic empirical comparison of Polish, Bulgarian and Russian foreign policy identities. Also, the study's conclusions reinvigorate and reconfirm the importance of the continuity (rather than just constant flux) of culturally-historically shaped patterns of group self-understandings and sub-regional identifications as well as Constructivism's greater plausibility in accounting for the research puzzle than (Neoclassical) Realism through the stipulation of a mutually constitutive relationship between international and domestic factors and between ideational and interest-based considerations.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Tripp, Michael William. "The emergence of national parks in Russia : with studies of Pribaikalski and Zabaikalski National Parks in the Lake Baikal region of south-central Siberia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0002/NQ34287.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Imamverdiyev, Nizami [Verfasser]. "Essays on trade patterns across South Caucasus and Central Asia and the role of Kazakhstan, Russia and Ukraine in the global wheat market / Nizami Imamverdiyev." Halle, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1133074189/34.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Nascimento, Flávio Augusto Lira [UNESP]. "Federação Russa e OTAN: uma análise das políticas de Moscou em relação a Aliança Ocidental." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96019.

Full text

Abstract:

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:27:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-11-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:56:59Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 nascimento_fal_me_mar.pdf: 1729879 bytes, checksum: 0c9764597bda9da0f73b88beca337bd8 (MD5)
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A presente dissertação faz um estudo sobre as ações de Moscou em relação à Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte – OTAN – desde a concepção desta, em 1949, até o último governo de Vladimir Putin, findo em 2008. O trabalho pretende, além de identificar tais atitudes, apresentar as razões pelas quais a Rússia pode ser a favor ou contrária às ações da OTAN. Os materiais utilizados para a confecção desta dissertação compreendem livros e revistas especializados em Rússia, Eurásia, Geopolítica e Relações Internacionais, periódicos, documentos oficiais e não-oficiais e mapas, havendo, após sua coleta, uma análise histórica.
The current dissertation carries out a study on Moscow’s actions concerning the North Atlantic Treaty Organization – NATO – since its inception, in 1949, until Vladimir Putin’s last administration, which ended in 2008. Besides identifying such behavior, this work seeks to present the reasons why Russia can be in favor or against NATO’s actions. The making of this dissertation was based on books and journals specialized in Russia, Eurasia, Geopolitics and International Relations, periodicals, official and nonofficial documents and maps, all of these being followed by a historical analysis.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

AKTI, Serkan. "NATO-Russian relation status and prospectives." Thesis, Monterey, California, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1326.

Full text

Abstract:

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.
Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has attributed great importance to the development of cooperation with Russia. This thesis, first, evaluates the main developments in NATO - Russian relations since 1991. Although Moscow and the Alliance established a NATO - Russia Council (NRC) and asserted the initiation of a qualitatively new relationship, Russia still needs to fulfill some requirements for catching up the Western standards. Russia's external relations and political, economic and security factors internal to Russia will determine the future of the relationship. This thesis examines Russia's political development and transformation of its economic system, and establishes the problems in its political and economic systems. It also examines Russia's problematic external relations in the region, and their impact on the NATO - Russian relationship. It looks into Russia's National Security Concept, explores regional conflicts such as Chechnya and Georgia, and the U.S. - NATO presence in Central Asia. Then, it examines the oil and natural gas transportation problems created by the Russian monopoly, and evaluates Russian technology transfers to Iran, particularly in the nuclear sector. Consequently, it evaluates the internal and external interactions mentioned above and offers conclusions about the prospects for security and stability in Europe.
Lieutenant, Turkish Navy

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Roddan, Hector. "Defining differences : the religious dimension of early modern English travel narratives, c.1550 - c.1800." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2016. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/88387/.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Wenwei, Zhao [Verfasser], Melles [Gutachter] Martin, Wagner [Gutachter] Bernd, and Tarasov [Gutachter] Pavel. "Quaternary environmental changes in central Chukotka (NE Siberia, Russia) inferred from Lake El’gygytgyn pollen record and biome reconstruction / Zhao Wenwei ; Gutachter: Melles Martin, Wagner Bernd, Tarasov Pavel." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1147940606/34.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Saraç, Esme Kodaman Timuçin. "Rus dış politikasını şekillendiren temel dinamikler çerçevesinde Rusya Federasyonu-Orta Asya Türk Cumhuriyetleri (Türkistan) ilişkileri (1991-1999) /." Isparta : SDÜ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü, 2007. http://tez.sdu.edu.tr/Tezler/TS00627.pdf.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Simões, Marco Paulo Ventura. "Do Cáspio para o mundo : as trocas comerciais de bens do Cáucaso e Ásia Central." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/13428.

Full text

Abstract:

Mestrado em Economia Internacional e Estudos Europeus
As transações comerciais são uma parte das relações sociais entre os homens. Ao longo dos tempos, os países organizaram-se social, e economicamente e procuram diferentes parceiros comerciais com vista ao aumento da sua riqueza e do seu bem estar, nomeadamente através das trocas de produtos. Se no século XX, o espaço europeu era a maior zona económica, neste século, outras zonas geográficas ganharam protagonismo nas trocas comerciais de bens, nomeadamente a China e o Sudeste Asiático e mais recentemente o Cáucaso e a Ásia Central. O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar as trocas comerciais de bens das antigas repúblicas soviéticas (definidas pelo FMI como Cáucaso e Ásia Central) com o resto do mundo, a Rússia, a UE-28 e Portugal, tendo por base os dados obtidos da Comtrade Database da ONU no período 2004-2013, assim como demais relatórios realizados por instituições públicas e privadas.
Business' transactions are a part of social relations between men. Over time the countries have organized themselves socially and economically and look for different trading partners looking for an increasing their wealth, majority through the exchange of products. If in twentieth century, the European area was the largest economic zone, in this century, other geographical areas gained prominence in trade, like China and Southeast Asia and more recently Central Asia. The aim of this work is to analyze the trade in goods of the former Soviet republics (defined by the IMF as the Caucasus and Central Asia) with the world, Russia, the EU-28 and Portugal, based on the data obtained from Comtrade UN Database in the period 2004-2013 and other reports from public and private institutions.
info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Irnazarov, Farrukh. "Cantralasiens strategiska betydelse:Den nye stora kampen mellan USA och Ryssland." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2821.

Full text

Abstract:

The aim of this thesis is to assess the strategic importance of Central Asia as a whole and interests of great powers in the region in particular within the theoretical framework chosen. The work shows Central Asia as an area of the New Great Game, analogue of the original Great Game which was played out between the British Empire and Tsarist Russia in XIX century. The parallels between the original Great Game and the New Great Game are drawn in order to understand the scope and the true intentions of the players of the latter one. Also, the security issues in the contemporary Central Asia are explored and analyzed to provide with the background for future predictions. Furthermore, the indirect purpose of the thesis is to examine whether the international system has changed from that of two centuries ago by comparing the structure of the international systems at the time of two Games.

Different theories are gathered into one system theory which serves as a framework for analytical elaboration. The theories used are - the theory of offensive realism, regional security complex theory, strategic theory and the concept of strategic geography, where the applicable essence is withdrawn for analysis of the processes in the contemporary Central Asia. The strategic interests of the regional powers in Central Asia are described and analyzed with the significant help of the theoretical part.

In order to reach the aim of the research the historical concept of the Great Game is chosen as a method. By comparison of the location, players, means and goals with the New Great Game the validity of concept is verified and, consequently, applied to the Central Asian case.

On the basis of theoretical and methodological parts the empirical findings are withdrawn and analyzed in turn providing us with the reasonable conclusions on the issue. The perspectives of the two key players - the US and Russia - are analyzed and the possible predictions are made. In a similar way, certain scenarios are provided to Central Asian states, depending on the development of the New Great Game. Finally, the recommendations for further research are given.

Last but not least, this work is a study of one part of geopolitics in one region at one time, thereby the conclusion drawn is actual only for one region, but not for the discipline as a whole.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Deger, Deniz. "The Evolution Of Central Eurasia Policy Of The Us In The Post-soviet Era And The Geopolitics Of The Caspian Oil." Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607703/index.pdf.

Full text

Abstract:

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the US Central Eurasia Policy in the period between 1991 and 2006. Within this context, the purpose is to figure out the foremost motive behind the US&rsquo
s strategic engagement in the region with a due regard to changing geopolitical context with the demise of the Soviet Union. The main argument rests upon the assumption that the US regional policy is primarily motivated by geopolitical imperatives as the Central Eurasian region becomes the primary springboard for the attainment of global supremacy. Within this respect, energy is only one aspect of the ongoing geopolitical competition. That the geopolitical priorities are preponderant to geoeconomic interests are basically observed by the intense geostrategic struggle over dominating the prospective oil and gas pipelines from the region. Eventually, within the confines of this thesis, it is deduced that the ultimate parameters of the geopolitical struggle, the framework of which was specified by the United States, have revealed themselves more explicitly in the aftermath of the September 11, which only reinforced the strategic significance of Central Eurasia in coping with the new geopolitical fault lines of the 21st century. Within this regard, Central Eurasia has transformed into an implicit geostrategic standoff between the United States on the one hand, and Russia and China on the other. Accordingly, the fact that the United States could by no means remain complacent about the fate of Central Eurasia against such a backdrop of high geopolitical fluidity in the overall Eurasian continent is most relevant to the possibility of rising potential aspirants for global dominance that would challenge the United States in the long term.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. "The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Steinel, Anna. "Power, structures, and norms." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/15706.

Full text

Abstract:

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung der institutionalisierten Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland seit 1997 und konzentriert sich dabei besonders auf die Ergebnisse des „Permanent Council“ (PJC, 1997) und des „NATO-Russia Council“ (NRC, 2002). Das Vermächtnis von Strukturen, die während des kalten Krieges entstanden, beeinflusst weiterhin die Interaktionen zwischen der NATO und Russland. Dies wurde insbesondere während der Kosovo-Krise und nach dem 11. September 2001, welcher die „post-post-Cold War era“ einläutete, sichtbar. Das zentrale Kapitel der Dissertation beinhaltet eine empirische Analyse der Policy-Felder, denen sich der PJC und der NRC widmen. Hier wird vor allem auf die Zusammenarbeit von der NATO und Russland auf dem Balkan und auf den Kampf gegen den Terrorismus eingegangen. Die Fallstudie untersucht NATO-Russland Interaktionen in Zentralasien; besonders im Hinblick auf geopolitische Trends, die für beide Akteure und ihre zukünftigen Beziehungen wichtige Auswirkungen haben werden. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Qualität der Beziehungen zwischen der NATO und Russland anhand von Ereignissen, welche diese Beziehungen geprägt haben und erklärt, warum manche Verhaltensmuster sich kontinuierlich wiederholen.
This dissertation examines the institutionalized relationship between NATO and Russia since 1997; focussing on the outcomes of the 1997 Permanent Joint Council (PJC) and the 2002 NATO-Russia Council (NRC). The legacy of Cold War structures has continued to influence the way NATO and Russia interact; most notably during the Kosovo crisis and in the aftermath of the attacks of September 11 that rang in the “post-post-Cold War era”. The bulk of the research consists of an empirical analysis of policy fields covered by the PJC and the NRC. Particular attention is given to NATO-Russia interaction in the Balkans, as well as to the fight against terrorism. The case study assesses NATO-Russia interaction in Central Asia, taking into consideration geopolitical trends that will shape both actors’ actions in the future. Tracing events that have shaped NATO-Russia relations, this dissertation analyzes the quality of NATO-Russia relations and explains why certain patterns keep reoccurring.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Nascimento, Flávio Augusto Lira. "Federação Russa e OTAN : uma análise das políticas de Moscou em relação a Aliança Ocidental /." Marília : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/96019.

Full text

Abstract:

Orientador: Suzeley Kalil Mathias
Banca: Hector Luís Saint-Pierre
Banca: Samuel Alves Soares
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A presente dissertação faz um estudo sobre as ações de Moscou em relação à Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte - OTAN - desde a concepção desta, em 1949, até o último governo de Vladimir Putin, findo em 2008. O trabalho pretende, além de identificar tais atitudes, apresentar as razões pelas quais a Rússia pode ser a favor ou contrária às ações da OTAN. Os materiais utilizados para a confecção desta dissertação compreendem livros e revistas especializados em Rússia, Eurásia, Geopolítica e Relações Internacionais, periódicos, documentos oficiais e não-oficiais e mapas, havendo, após sua coleta, uma análise histórica.
Abstract: The current dissertation carries out a study on Moscow's actions concerning the North Atlantic Treaty Organization - NATO - since its inception, in 1949, until Vladimir Putin's last administration, which ended in 2008. Besides identifying such behavior, this work seeks to present the reasons why Russia can be in favor or against NATO's actions. The making of this dissertation was based on books and journals specialized in Russia, Eurasia, Geopolitics and International Relations, periodicals, official and nonofficial documents and maps, all of these being followed by a historical analysis.
Mestre

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Goryunov, Vladislav. "Russian national security and Central Europe : Russian perspectives and policies." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/97351.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Atay, Fatma Ozge. "Impact Of The Xinjiang Problem On The China&#039." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612899/index.pdf.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis analyses tha impact of the Xinjiang Problem on the foreign policy of China. Because of its strategic location and natural resources, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has great importance for China. this thesis argues that Chinese foreign policy towards Central Asian region has been shaped by security considerations of China related to the Xinjiang Problem. the Xinjiang Problem shapes China'
s foreign relaitons wsth Central Asian States, Russia, the U.S. and Turkey becouse this problem has became important element of China'
s territorial integrity as well ass its strategy of stabilizing Central Asian region.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Tomčová, Ivana. "Stredoázijské ekonomiky v trojuholníku vzťahov Rusko-Čína-EÚ." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197065.

Full text

Abstract:

Central Asia is a region located between Europe and Asia, which gained sovereignty after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. In the first decade of independence all the countries had to deal with many problems within the states and were not interesting areas for foreign partners. But the situation has changed at the beginning of the new century, when the world faced the question of energy security and the thread of terroristic attacks from the neighborhood of Central Asia. Rich natural resources and key location of this region attracted global players as Russia, China or European Union. They started creating cooperation ties in many areas with Central Asian countries. The goal of this thesis is to describe the evolution and analyze the current state of mutual relations. Moreover to analyze weak and strong points of Central Asian economies and characterize problematic and perspective areas of cooperation, from which involved countries can benefit.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Dempsey, Timothy A. "Russian Rule in Turkestan: A Comparison with British India through the Lens of World-Systems Analysis." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275340850.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Kozyrina, Ksenia. "Russian factor in Central Asian language policies." Thesis, Webster University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1525993.

Full text

Abstract:

The promotion of language is considered to be the one of the ways to increase the state's soft power. Taking this into account, Soviet leaders used the Russian language as a tool to create a new identity to consolidate the Soviet republics. After the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991, the majority of the countries started the de-russification process which was a part of their own nation-building process. However, in the case of Central Asia, the variation of language policies is observed: some of the states, such as Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, still use Russian as the official language, while other countries, such as Uzbekistan, adopted strong anti-Russian language reforms. This thesis presents the analysis of the cultural and material factors which may influence the status of the Russian language by testing a hypothesis deduced from the Rational Choice Theory. After examining the data by means of Mill's methods of agreement and difference, the research concludes that the preservation of the Russian language and its use depends mostly on the number of Russian nationals and Orthodox adepts living in the country of the region under analysis.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Kuscu, Isik. "The Russian Federation." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/1177062/index.pdf.

Full text

Abstract:

The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the Russian Federation&rsquo
s military Policy in Central Asia in 1991-2001. My main concern in this point is to figure out what is Moscow&rsquo
s real intention behind establishing military ties with the Central Asian states and to what extent is Moscow successful in accomplishing this aim? Does the Russian Federation perceive direct threats to its security from Central Asia? My argument is that the Russian Federation does not perceive direct threats to its national security from the region rather she uses these threats to be the main actor in the region by using military means. Throughout the thesis first the shift in the Russian Federation&rsquo
s foreign policy course regarding the &lsquo
Near Abroad&rsquo
and its reflections on the basic security documents of the Russian Federation, second the threat perceptions of the Russian Federation in these regions, third reflections of this shift on Russia&rsquo
s bilateral military ties with these states and finally the role of the changing perception in the formation of regional collective security formations are to be analyzed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Zotova, Julia. "Les relations politiques et économiques russo-iraniennes depuis l'effondrement de l'URSS (1991-2014)." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL016.

Full text

Abstract:

La Russie entretient avec l’Iran des relations séculaires. Depuis l'effondrement de l'URSS (1991) on observe le rapprochement politique et le développement des échanges économiques entre ces deux États idéologiquement et politiquement très différents. L’alliance russo-iranienne est basée sur la communauté de perception des nombreuses questions régionales et internationales. Elle est révélatrice des nouvelles dynamiques géopolitiques dans le monde «d’après-guerre froide» et indéniablement liée à la question de la place de la Russie, mais aussi des pays émergents, sur ce « nouvel échiquier ». Cette collaboration ébranle en quelque sorte l’avenir énergétique du monde. À travers cette étude qui porte sur la période 1991-2014, on a essayé de comprendre et d’éclaircir un certain nombre de questions : Pourquoi la coopération russo-iranienne prend-elle aujourd’hui une ampleur jamais observée auparavant? Quelle sont les raisons qui ont poussé ces deux pays à se rapprocher ? S’agit-il vraiment d’un partenariat stratégique, comme le prétendaient à différents moments, les dirigeants des deux pays, ou faut-il plutôt parler d’un « mariage de convenance » et d’une entente tactique ? Quel rôle jouent les facteurs extérieurs dans les relations russo-iraniennes actuelles? Assistons-nous à la formation d’un axe Moscou-Téhéran basé exclusivement sur la logique antiaméricaine? Quelles sont les causes politiques et économiques réellement partagées par la Russie et l’Iran, et où se trouvent les limites de leur partenariat ? Quelle position adopte la Russie face aux ambitions atomiques de Téhéran, en tant que seul pays collaborant avec l’Iran dans le domaine du nucléaire ?
Russia has a very long relation with Iran. Since the collapse of the USSR (1991) there has been a political rapprochement and the development of economic exchanges between these two states, ideologically and politically very different. The Russian-Iranian alliance is based on the community of perception of many regional and international issues. It is indicative of the new geopolitical dynamics in the post-Cold War world and undeniably linked to the question of the place of Russia, but also of the emerging countries, on this “new chessboard”. This collaboration is in a way affecting the energy future of the world. Through this study, which covers the period 1991-2014, we have tried to understand and clarify a number of questions: Why is Russian-Iranian cooperation now on a scale never seen before? What has caused the two countries get closer? Is it really a strategic partnership, as the leaders of the two countries have claimed at different times, or should we talk about a "marriage of convenience" and a tactical agreement? What roles do external factors play in the current Russian-Iranian relations? Are we witnessing the formation of a Moscow-Tehran axis based exclusively on anti-American logic? What are the political and economic causes actually shared between Russia and Iran, and where are the limits of their partnership? What position does Russia take in the face of Tehran's atomic ambitions as the only country collaborating with Iran in the nuclear field?

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Edwards, Jonathan M. "Russia's place in Central Asia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA392041.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Speranskaia, Tatiana. "Une analyse du développement du secteur bancaire russe et de son importance pour la croissance économique du pays de 1880 à 2010." Paris, EHESS, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0109.

Full text

Abstract:

La thèse propose une analyse de la formation de l'actuel système bancaire russe et relève les mécanismes et les processus inscrits dans un temps long qui y ont contribué. Développé en six chapitres, ce travail défend la thèse de l'existence d'une singularité du système bancaire russe maintenant à travers les évolutions et révolutions certains caractères constants. Il mobilise les travaux des économistes hétérodoxes du courant néo-institutionnaliste et institutionnaliste, y compris dans son école historique (relatifs aux « effets de sentier »), ainsi que les travaux issus de a psychologie expérimentale (effet de contexte et de dotation). Il conclut que les dysfonctionnements actuels du système bancaire russe sont une conséquence logique de l'évolution structurelle et systémique du système bancaire sur le long terme. On peut y distinguer l’héritage du passé qui a donné un réinvestissement de formes institutionnelles anciennes dans des contextes différents; la spécificité de réception des théories occidentales par les décideurs russes; l'ajustement à la polarisation de l'économie russe en transition entre les secteurs exportateurs et le reste de l'économie; l'ajustement aux chocs macroéconomiques ayant un effet régulateur sur le système bancaire; les éléments empruntés des autres modèles bancaires
The thesis is devoted to the analysis of the formation of the Russian current banking system. Its objective is to evaluate the contribution of different mechanisms and long-term processes which impacted the development of the Russian banking system. The six chapters of this work defend the thesis of the specific nature of the Russian banking system which has maintained through evolutions and revolutions some constant features. It mobilizes works of heterodox economists of neo-institutional and institutional stream, on their historic branch related to the path-dependence, as well as works on the experimental psychology (framing effect and endowment effect). It concludes that the deficiency of the current Russian banking system is a logic consequence of its long-term structural and systemic evolution. The latter combines the heritage of the past which has produced the reinvestment of ancient institutional forms but in a new context; the specificity of perception of occidental theories by Russian political leaders; the adjustment of banks to polarisation of the Russian economy between exporting branches and the rest of the economy; the adjustment to macroeconomic chocks which have produced regulatory effects on the banking system; elements borrowed from other national banking models

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Niyazbekov, Nurseit. "Protest mobilisation and democratisation in Kazakhstan (1992-2009)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:494a3742-e7d6-4adf-8728-e644a3f7f249.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis consists of two objectives which divide it into two parts. Thus, part one explores the cyclicity of protest mobilisation in post-Soviet Kazakhstan in the 1992–2009 period and part two investigates the relationship between protest mobilisation and democratisation in the 1990s, a decade marked by early progress in democratisation followed by an abrupt reversal to authoritarianism. Acknowledging the existence of numerous competing explanations of protest cyclicity, the first part of this study utilises four major social movement perspectives – relative deprivation (RD), resource mobilisation (RMT), political opportunity structures (POS) and collective action frames (CAF) – to explain variances in protest mobilisation in Kazakhstan over time and four issue areas. Adopting a small-N case study and process-tracing technique, the thesis’s first research question enquires into which of these four theoretical perspectives has the best fit when seeking to explain protest cyclicity over time. It is hypothesised that the ‘waxing and waning’ of protest activity can best be attributed to the difficulties surrounding the identification and construction of resonant CAFs. However, the study’s findings lead to a rejection of the first hypothesis by deemphasising the role of CAFs in predicting protest cyclicity, and instead support the theoretical predictions of the POS perspective, suggesting the prevalence of structural factors such as the regime’s capacity for repression and shifts in elite alignments. The second research question revolves around variations in protest mobilisation across four issue areas and explores the reasons why socioeconomic grievances mobilised more people to protest than environmental, political and interethnic ones. According to the second hypothesis, people more readily protest around socioeconomic rather than political and other types of grievances due to the lower costs of participation in socioeconomic protests. While the regime’s propensity for repressing political protests could explain the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the 2000s, the POS perspective’s key explanatory variable failed to account for the prevalence of socioeconomic protests in the early 1990s, resulting in the rejection of the second hypothesis. The second part of the thesis attempts to answer the third research question: How does protest mobilisation account for the stalled transition to democracy in Kazakhstan in the 1990s? Based on the theoretical assumption that instances of extensive protest mobilisation foster democratic transitions, the study’s third research hypothesis posits that transition to democracy in Kazakhstan stalled in the mid-1990s due to the failure of social movement organisations to effectively mobilise the masses for various acts of protest. This assumption receives strong empirical support, suggesting that protest mobilisation is an important facilitative factor in the democratisation process. The thesis is the first to attempt to employ classical social movement theories in the context of post-communist Central Asian societies. Additionally, the study aims to contribute to the large pool of democratisation literature which, until recently (following the colour revolutions), seemed to underplay the role of popular protest mobilisation in advancing transitions to democracy. Finally, the research is based on the author’s primary elite-interview data and content analysis of five weekly independent newspapers.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Yusifov, Shahin. "La Turquie dans la politique de l'Azerbaïdjan en 1992-1998 : aspects politique, institutionnel et sécuritaire." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAG011.

Full text

Abstract:

L’écroulement de l’URSS à la fin du XX siècle a donné naissance à quinze nouveaux États indépendants sur un large territoire eurasien. Tel est le cas de l’Azerbaïdjan, l’un des pays du Caucase du sud, qui a regagné son indépendance après l’effondrement du système socialiste en 1991. Grâce à sa situation géographique et à ses richesses énergétiques (pétrole et gaz), l’Azerbaïdjan occupe une place stratégique et fait l’objet d’un « jeu » géopolitique, aussi bien à l’échelle régionale que mondiale entre de grandes puissances telles que les États-Unis, l’Union Européenne, la Russie, la Turquie et quelques autres. En retour, il essaie de jouer son atout, en appliquant une politique étrangère multivectorielle. Parmi eux, la Turquie occupe une place privilégiée dans la politique étrangère de l’Azerbaïdjan, grâce à son histoire, sa langue, sa religion et leurs traditions communes. Cette thèse s’est fixée pour objectif d’analyser les relations qui se sont établies entre l’Azerbaïdjan et la Turquie, en se basant sur trois axes qui constituent les pivots principaux des relations bilatérales entre les deux États: politique, économique (commercial) et sécuritaire (stratégique)
The collapse of the USSR at the end of the twentieth century has been followed by the creation of fifteen new independent States in the large Eurasian territory. Such is the case of Azerbaijan, which has declared its independence in 1991. Thanks to its geographical position and energy resources (oil and gas) Azerbaijan occupies a geopolitically strategic position and is subject to a geopolitical « game », which implies both regional (Turkey) and great world powers (such as the US, EU and Russia). Consequently, Azerbaijan has adopted a multi-vector foreign policy with its neighbors. Among its neighbors, Turkey, sharing a common history, language, religion and traditions has an important place in the foreign policy of Azerbaijan. In terms of the geopolitical « game », this thesis analyses the relations between Azerbaijan and Turkey. It is based on three axes, as these are the main pillars of bilateral relations between both states. These are political, institutional (commercial) and strategic (security)

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Tyson, Michael J. "Russian language prestige in the states of the former Soviet Union." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/March/09Mar%5FTyson.pdf.

Full text

Abstract:

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Russian Language, Russification, Derussification, Language Politics, Language Policy, Language Prestige, Russian Federation, Russia, Former Soviet Union, FSU, Central Asia, Balkans, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian, Ukrainian, Belarusian, Moldovan, Azeri, Armenian, Georgian, Turkmen, Uzbek, Tajik, Kyrgyz, Kazakh. Includes bibliographical references (p. 87-100). Also available in print.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Hostová, Slavomíra. "Stret záujmov veľmocí v oblasti Strednej Ázie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191917.

Full text

Abstract:

The Central Asia region, that once used to be condemned for a period of time, is now a golden target of the world leaders because of its natural resources so essential for the world. This attempt to get the access to important energies could cause worries about The New great game in Central Asia to many people. The aim of this thesis is to compare the power leadership of four world leaders, Russia, China, the USA and the EU, based on their hard and soft power in Central Asia region and to investigate the possible clash of interests of these countries quoting The New great game, Huntington's theory of Clash of civilisations and Brzezinski's Great Chessboard. At the very end of the theses there is an agreement of their interests, which would bring the answer to the negative assumptions and worries about the development of competition of the great powers in Central Asia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Haddad, Hala. "Russian, Islamic and American influences in Central Asia since 1991." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2008. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1443961/.

Full text

Abstract:

This thesis looks at competing influences in Central Asia since 1991. It looks at all five Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan, and identifies the three main powers with competing influences as Russia, Islam and America. It aims at showing which of these three powers is the most enduring and powerful in the region according to how strong its influences are. The strengths of these influences are investigated in relation to the fields of security, politics, culture and economics. This thesis argues that Russian influences are at present the strongest amongst most strata of the Central Asian population. Russification (which falls under cultural influence) in both its linguistic and behavioural forms is a profound contributor to Russia's firm role in the region. Russia's security, economic and particularly political influences have gradually grown in strength, giving the other two powers a larger challenge. According to this work, Islam is a growing power in the region and has gained momentum primarily as a result of internal factors in the region, although regional and global Islamic forces are also looked at. Islam's cultural and political influences are particularly effective in the development of Islam as a power in the region. Central Asia's geo-strategic importance was soon realised by Washington after independence. This thesis argues that competition and not cooperation characterised the relationship between Russia and America throughout the 1990's and in particular after September 11, which led to America's increased involvement in the region. The USA's economic and security-related influences have been the strongest and most successful. Its political influences have often been seen as counter-productive by pushing different segments of the population towards the other two powers. America's cultural influences come last. This thesis has consequently provided a platform for measuring competing influences from Russia, Islam and America in Central Asia.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Russia, Central'

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles