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Journal articles on the topic 'Russia, Central'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Morozova, Nataliya M., Ekaterina K. Rudakova, Sergey V. Ustinkin, and Alexander V. Nikitin. "From Central Asia to Russia." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (July 10, 2021): 82–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1070p.82-90.

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This study explores the developing relations between three countries: Russia, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, where migration issues and demographic change remain a sensitive subject in public discourse. With declining population and low fertility rates, Russia is facing a serious demographic crisis. Russian government relies on international migration to improve the current demographic situation. This paper reviews social policies that enable the migration flow from Tajikistan and Uzbekistan to Russia. Issues such as chain migration and new state demographic initiatives are central in this investigation. The recent changes to Russian Federal Law N256-FZ (Maternity capital) are also being investigated. This study provides a useful frame for further exploration of social forces that shape migration patterns and policies within Central Asia and Russia.

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2

Das, Bijaya K. "Russian Minorities in Central Asia and Russia—Central Asia Relationship." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 11-12, no. 1 (January 2008): 64–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598408110005.

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3

Zabella, Anastasiya Aleksandrovna, Evgeniya Yur’yevna Katkova, and Andrey Vladimirovich Shabaga. "Eurasian Concept: Central Asia in Russian and Chinese Foreign Policy." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-1-79-90.

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This article focuses on the reasons for both increasing attention to Eurasian ideology among political and scientific circles in Russia and the Chinese interest in Central Asia. Given a realistic paradigm, the authors analyzed aspects of Russian and Chinese foreign policy in the context of strengthening their influence in the region. Based on traditional values the ideology of Eurasianism is considered as a basis of Russias foreign policy in Central Asia. The authors paid attention to an analysis of the effectiveness of the Russian concept of Eurasianism and the Chinese initiative the Belt and Road Initiative, reminiscent of the Silk Road, in Central Asia. The paper covers theoretical-analytical and systemic-historical methods that offered an opportunity both to analyze the approaches of Russia and China to strengthen their influence in Central Asia and to examine the possibilities and contradictions of cooperation between Russia and China in Central Asia. The authors consider an interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative as an opportunity to increase the efficiency of Russian-Chinese interaction, to create significant benefits to the countries in the Central Asia, and to expand the Russian and Chinese presence in the region. The authors pointed out the strengths and weaknesses of Russia and China in their interaction with the countries of Central Asia. Although Russia enjoys significant advantages, China is strengthening its presence in the region by its investments. The main hypothesis of this article is that the interface among the EAEU and the Belt and Road Initiative initiatives may curb competition between Russia and China in Central Asia, but the authors do not rule out the Shanghai scenario, which demonstrates a gradual strengthening of Chinas position.

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4

Arslanov, Rafael A., and Elizaveta D. Trifonova. "Russian-Central Asian Relations in the Works of Modern French Researchers." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 979–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-4-979-995.

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The article examines the views of modern French researchers on the relations between Russia and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. This allows us to identify various interpretations of Russian foreign policy, and to understand the main approaches of French scholars analyzing the goals and tasks of Russian geostrategy in the region. As the article demonstrates, French historiography, along with the objectivist view on the Central Asian vector in Russian foreign policy, also includes works of ideological nature. Special emphasis is put on French works that focus on Russian political authors who speak of Russias neo-imperialism. These studies explain the Russian policy in Central Asia through the ruling elites ambition to resurrect an empire in the post-Soviet space and to return superpower status to Russia. Of special interest is the position of authors who try to explain the Russian attitude to the Central Asian region as, on the one hand, an expression of nostalgic feelings harbored by a great part of the population about the nations former greatness, assuming that these feelings have an impact on the leaderships policies, and on the other hand, as the Russian leaderships attempt to use Russias active return to the international arena for the consolidation and self-identification of society. It is observed that some French authors speak of a New Great Game. This very popular concept considers the actions of Russia and other powers operating in the region (USA and China) as a continuation of the historical rivalry between the Russian and British empires in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Russian authors have always been interested in French historiography; this is due to the latters scientific prestige and objectivity, and in particular its application of methodologies that further develop the tradition of the Annales School. At the same time, the growing French scholarship on the issue of Russia and post-Soviet Central Asian republics has not yet been subject to close and complex consideration, which defines the novelty of the article.

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5

Shlapentokh, Dmitry. "Dugin, Eurasianism, and Central Asia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 40, no. 2 (May 29, 2007): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2007.04.002.

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Eurasianism as a concept emerged among Russian émigrés in the 1920s, with the premise that Russia is a unique ethnic blend, primarily of Slavic and Turkic peoples. Its geopolitical implications for Russia include gravitation toward mostly Turkic Central Asia. Alexander Dugin, one of its best-known proponents, believes that the demise of the Soviet Union was simply a tragic incident. The people of the former USSR should again be united in a grand Eurasian empire, with Russia a benign and generous patron, providing its “younger brothers” clients economic largesse and defense, mostly against the predatory USA. The “orange revolutions” and the rise of Russian nationalism, for whose proponents a restored imperial presence is rather marginal, indicate that Eurasianism—along with the dream of the resurrection of the USSR—is becoming less viable.

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6

Vassiliev, Alexei. "Russia and central Asia." South African Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 1 (January 1994): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220469409545118.

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7

Buszynski, Leszek. "Russia's New Role in Central Asia." Asian Survey 45, no. 4 (July 2005): 546–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.4.546.

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During the Yeltsin era, Russian interest in Central Asia lapsed. Under Vladimir Putin, Russia has moved to strengthen its role in the region because of Islamic fundamentalism, fear of displacement by America, and the presence of oil and natural gas reserves. The problem is that Putin has relied upon local authoritarian leaders for influence, which exposes Russia to regional political change.

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8

Belokrenitsky, Vyacheslav Ya. "Russia and Greater Central Asia." Asian Survey 34, no. 12 (December 1, 1994): 1093–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645278.

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9

FEDCHENKO, OLEG D. "BALTIC HYDRONYMY OF CENTRAL RUSSIA." Theoretical and Applied Linguistics, no. 4 (2020): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2410-7190_2020_6_4_104_127.

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The article presents the linguistic analysis of hydronyms of the Central Russia. The origin is considered of the names of large rivers (more than 100 km long) from the Moscow, Kaluga, Oryol, Yaroslavl, Ivanovo, Vladimir, Ryazan, Kostroma, Tver, Nizhny Novgorod, Vologda regions. The systematization of hydronyms that appeared in the Baltic language environment was carried out. The results indicate that the names of the rivers have an etymology associated with such concepts as a river, channel, stream. The basis for river names are verbs in Present Tense, third person singular, while the lake names stem from verbs in Past Tense, third person singular. It was also discovered that in modern river names, Slavic and Finno-Ugric vowels of the Baltic hydronyms are very common. The suggested approach helps accurately localize the settlements of Slavic and Finno-Ugric tribes in space as well as time. At the same time, the range of Baltic hydronyms turned out wider than it had been expected. The obtained results enable to clarify the archaeological and historical aspects of the life of ancient people in the Central Russia.

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10

Belokrenitsky, Vyacheslav Ya. "Russia and Greater Central Asia." Asian Survey 34, no. 12 (December 1994): 1093–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1994.34.12.00p0450d.

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11

Бевеликова, Нелли, Nelli Bevelikova, Алексей Павлушкин, and Aleksey Pavlushkin. "RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA: LEGAL ISSUES OF CURRENT INTEGRATION." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 2, no. 1 (March 16, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/18190.

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Presented article is devoted to legal analysis of the development of integration processes in Central Asia, which are the most important at the present time due to the changing political orientation of Russia. Legal analysis of the formation of relations between Russia and the Central Asian states and China in the framework of integration associations in the light of the SCO summit in the city of Ufa is conducted. The authors consider the SCO as a multi-interactive mechanism to effectively implement a number coinciding with the interests of the Russian geo-strategic tasks of SCO member states in the framework of expanding the Central Asian geopolitical space. Since the SCO member states are included in the project of the Economic Belt of the Silk Road, the article analyzes its documents describing the factors of success of promising Russian integration strategy as well as future challenges of development facing the Russian Federation.

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12

Batta, Anna, and John Ishiyama. "The Russia Connection." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.1.1.

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What explains receptivity of citizens in the post-communist world to Russian influence? popular attitudes in Central and Eastern Europe about Russia's role in the world and seeks to find answers to the question: does ideology or economic factors most influence support for Russia in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe? We use survey data from the Pew Research Center (2017) to assess the drivers for popular support of Russia. We find that the primary driver of individual-level support of Russia is political attitudes associated with the Far Right, but that this relationship also varies by country.

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13

Eraliev, Sherzod, and Rustamjon Urinboyev. "Precarious Times for Central Asian Migrants in Russia." Current History 119, no. 819 (September 21, 2020): 258–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2020.119.819.258.

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Russia has become a magnet for migrant workers from other post-Soviet countries, especially Central Asians. Although Russian business elites generally welcome this cheap labor source, the government has deferred to, and at times encouraged, xenophobic popular sentiment. Steadily tightening immigration rules have forced many foreign workers into the informal economy, where they are vulnerable to exploitation. The pandemic and accompanying lockdowns have only added to their difficulties.

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14

Bandey, Aijaz A., and Farooq Ahmad Rather. "Socio-Economic and Political Motivations of Russian Out-Migration from Central Asia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 4, no. 2 (July 2013): 146–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2013.03.004.

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The unexpected fall of Soviet Union left ethnic Russians, outside Russia with many questions and concerns. Many of them emigrated to Russia from the erstwhile Soviet Union, for better conditions there. The disintegration of Soviet Union – a state created on the ideology of Communism was one of the reasons, apart from economic, political, socio-cultural, reasons besides the failure of Communism to keep the Soviet Union together were the main causes of Russian out-migration from Central Asia. The out-migration of Russians from Central Asia to Russia began in the 1970s as internal labour migration shifted in the wake of better job opportunities. It accelerated tremendously after 1991, and touched its highest mark in 1994, as a response to the relative economic prosperity of Russia at that time. Thus the improved standard of living in Russia and the desire to return to their cultural homeland were some major issues that concerned people to shift to Russia.

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15

Ustinovich, Elena, and Michael Kulikov. "National projects, socio-economic policy and public equilibrium." Social'naja politika i social'noe partnerstvo (Social Policy and Social Partnership), no. 6 (June 1, 2020): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/pol-01-2006-01.

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The article presents a brief analysis of modern economic policy in Russia. Attention is paid to the role of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation in public welfare and its role in the effectiveness of the social policy of Russia as a democratic state. Critical opinions of famous political scientists and economists on the role of the Central Bank of the Russian Federation in these processes are presented.

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16

Lukyanets, Artem S., Galina N. Ochirova, and Anastasia S. Maksimova. "ECOLOGICAL MIGRATION FROM CENTRAL ASIA TO RUSSIA." SCIENTIFIC REVIEW. SERIES 1. ECONOMICS AND LAW, no. 1 (2021): 38–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2021-1-04.

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Developing countries and low-income countries with rapidly growing populations and underdeveloped agricultural technologies are most vulnerable to climate change and natural disasters. The countries of Central Asia are already exposed to the impact of natural and climatic changes due to insufficient financial and technical capabilities to overcome negative climatic and environmental phenomena. The authors predict an increase in the ecological migration of the population from Central Asia to Russia due to the visa-free regime, territorial proximity, established migrant social networks and other factors, which partially will compensate for the Russian population decline. Without a legal channel for environmental migration, these flows will be forced to use the labor migration channel. However, there are a number of potential negative consequences that need to be further scrutinized.

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17

Osokina, Irina. "Iodine Deficiency in Central Siberia, Russia." Acta Scientifci Nutritional Health 3, no. 10 (September 24, 2019): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31080/asnh.2019.03.0460.

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18

Spechler, Martin C., and Dina R. Spechler. "Is Russia Succeeding in Central Asia?" Orbis 54, no. 4 (January 2010): 615–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2010.07.008.

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19

Blank, Stephen J. "Challenges to Russia in Central Asia." American Foreign Policy Interests 33, no. 5 (September 2011): 209–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.2011.620513.

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20

SIEMASZKIEWICZ, W. "RUSSIA, BALTIC, EASTERN, and CENTRAL EUROPE." Library s6-XX, no. 4 (January 1, 1998): 385–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/s6-xx.4.385.

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21

Neumann, Iver B. "Russia as Central Europe's Constituting Other." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 7, no. 2 (March 1993): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325493007002006.

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22

Harris, Scott. "Book Review: Russia and Central Asia." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 31, no. 2 (March 2002): 429–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298020310020227.

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23

SIEMASZKIEWICZ, W. "RUSSIA, BALTIC, EASTERN, and CENTRAL EUROPE." Library 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 342–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/3.3.342.

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24

STEFANOWICZ, JANUSZ. "Central Europe between Germany and Russia." Security Dialogue 26, no. 1 (March 1995): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010695026001006.

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25

Mingazutdinov, I., and H. Mingazutdinova. "SECURITY CHALLENGES AND THREATS FOR CENTRAL ASIAN STATES IN LIGHT OF THE RUSSIAN ANNEXATION OF CRIMEA IN 2014." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 130 (2017): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.130.0.13-23.

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The article examines the position of the governments of Central Asian states upon the Crimea annexation by Russia in 2014. It as well analyses top challenges and threats to the region’s security within the framework of Russia’s expansive policy. Basic instruments of influence of Russia and China on Central Asia in early XXIst century have been investigated. For Russia, the levers of influence have been represented by military bases located in three out of five countries of the region, as well as weapon transfers to support the states’ armies and the Russian-speaking minorities residing in Central Asia. In its turn, China strengthened its positions in the region throughout importing oil and gas resources, raising investments and proposing profitable economic collaboration. It is determined that the events of 2014 shall have notable impact on the balance of powers in the region of Central Asia. In particular, Russia’s desire to spread its influence on its traditional sphere of interests, i.e. on Central Asia, resulted in deepening cooperation between Central Asia and basic Russian competitors – China and the USA, as well as in developing Central Asia’s collaboration with the North Atlantic Alliance. Thus, China has laid a course for driving Russia out of the Central Asian market of oil and gas, and region’s cooperation with the USA and NATO has been enhanced.

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26

Cutler, Robert M. "Evolution of the East Central Eurasian Hydrocarbon Energy Complex." African and Asian Studies 17, no. 1-2 (February 27, 2018): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341400.

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Abstract This article analyzes the evolution of the East Central Eurasian energy triangle China-Kazakhstan-Russia. It treats in depth the behavior of Chinese national oil companies (nocs) regarding foreign direct investment (fdi) in Kazakhstan and Russia. The first section sets out the framework of geo-economics in a complexity-science perspective, in particular the key analytical categories of the ‘emergent coherence’ approach, and it defines a ‘hydrocarbon energy complex’ (hec). The second section analyzes the formation of the East Central Eurasian hec by examining Chinese energy investment in Kazakhstan and Russia since 1991, using the ‘emergent coherence’ framework as explained. The third section examines the geo-economics of Sino-Russian competition for energy resources in Central Asia, specifically in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan, over the same timeframe. The fourth section presents conclusions about changes over time in the behavior of Chinese nocs regarding investment in Kazakhstan and Russia and cooperation with them in the energy sector. The fifth section, the conclusion, summarizes the findings, gives them geopolitical perspective, and concludes on the criteria determining the delimitation of the distinct chronological periods emerging from application of the ‘emergent coherence’ framework.

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27

Kalinkina, A. V. "«The National Libraries of Russia» at the 17-th National Exhibition-Fair «Books of Russia»." Bibliotekovedenie [Library and Information Science (Russia)], no. 2 (April 28, 2014): 66–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/0869-608x-2014-0-2-66-68.

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The 17th National Exhibition-Fair «Books of Russia» was held in Moscow on 26-30 March, 2014, where for the first time the Russian State Library became the Central Exhibitor and the Organizer of the Exposition «The National Libraries of Russia», and the Special Guest of the Exhibition-Fair - «Publishing Companies of the Republic of Crimea».

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28

Katerynchuk, Pavlo. "Russia Media Policy As An Instrumentality Of Political Pressure In Central-Eastern European Countries." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.283-294.

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The usage of information as a weapon in foreign and domestic policies of Russia is not a new phenomenon. Still sophistication and intensity of it grows with each passing year. Recently the EU and USA have realized this powerful latent influence of Russian media and propaganda, including electoral processes and activities of State administration. They realized that Russian misinformation poses a serious threat to United States and its European allies, first and foremost with regard to Poland, Baltic States and Ukraine. Moreover, unlike Soviet propaganda, the modern methods of the Russian information war do not rudely promote the agenda of the Kremlin. Instead, they aim to confuse, daze and divert citizens from the EU and Ukraine support. Russia seeks to undermine the support of European values, producing disarray among European allies in order to increase its influence. Ethnic, linguistic, regional, social and historical contradictions and stereotypes are used for this purpose. As current experience shows, Russian advocacy efforts in Europe make an important part of their hybrid approach to the projection of force. Despite the fact that the crisis in Ukraine for the first time drew the attention of the West to the importance and real meaning of the information campaign in Russia, the Kremlin's use of misinformation was launched long before the crisis. Russia carefully and purposefully prepared an information war against Ukraine. It has been increasing their presence in the information space, and also recruiting and sponsoring (corrupting) a range of politicians, civil servants and public figures in line with its strategic goals. Keywords: Russian media, media policy, CEE countries, cyber security, Ukraine

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29

Volkov, S. V. "Japan in the Russia - U.S. Relations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-35-42.

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The article examines the impact of the crisis in Russia - U. S. relations in connection with the events surrounding Ukraine on the world system and its key component - the Asia-Pacific region where Japan plays a crucial role. The author assumes that the international relations have no common understanding of the rules of engagement between the USA, the Group of Seven, Russia and the BRICS countries. As a result, the leading countries of the world are guided by conflicting scenarios. The article deals with the American scenario in relation to China and the Russian Federation and the Russian one in relation to polycentric and the U. S. - centered world orders. The most important element of the American scenario in relation to Beijing is Japan. This country is central to Washington's policy to contain China. Tokyo is headed for the rapid rejection of pacifist principles of its foreign policy. Russian scenario for the international system is in an active course to establishing a polycentric world order. United States' scenario against Russia in this regard is a containment strategy of Moscow. The central component of this strategy, as it can be assumed, is a violation of the strategic balance in US - Russian relations. However, Ukraine has become a major springboard to contain Russia. Instead of establishing equal Russian - American relations United States and their allies (under American pression) have chosen a policy of isolating Moscow, but such actions are blocking the Russian - Japanese rapprochement beneficial both for Tokyo and Kremlin, which is interested in deepening its ties with Japan in order to diversify its relations with Asia-Pacific area. The author concludes that the long-term interests of Russia and Japan dictate both sides to move closer, but the policy of the U.S. administration towards Russia on the Ukranian question blocks this possibility.

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Каzаntsev, A. A. "Politics of the USA in Post-Soviet Central Asia: character and prospects." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(25) (August 28, 2012): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-4-25-155-164.

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Four main periods can be distinguished in US policy in Central Asia. In the first half of the 1990-s the relations with Russia were a priority, and the region was perceived as a «Russia's backyard». In the second half of the 1990-s US policy in the region has become more active and strategic competition with Russia started to grow. However, Russia's strategic priority in the region was contested only partially. After 9/11 American strategy in the region has become quite aggressive, geopolitical competition with Russia (and, partially, with China) has peaked during the «color» revolutions and then during Russian-Georgian war in 2008. During Obama's presidency serious attempts to establish a dialogue with Russia and China have been made. Post-Soviet space has partially lost its priority due to its connection with European dimension of American policy, while Afghan dimension is still a key factor determining American strategy in Central Asia. Now we are on the threshold of a new period in American policy, which is connected to the withdrawal from Afghanistan.

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Haeussler, A. M. "Dental Anthropology of the Neolithic Russian Far East: I Eurasian Russia." Dental Anthropology Journal 13, no. 3 (September 7, 2018): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.26575/daj.v13i3.194.

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Dental morphological trait frequencies of Neolithic Russian Far East burials are more similar to those of Neolithic Central and Western Siberia than to percentages found in contemporaneous European Russians and Ukranians. Yet, archaeological evidence fails to indicate a close relationship between the Neolithic Russian Far East and Central and Western Siberia cultures. The Neolithic Far East sample is also dentally and culturally more like coastal prehistoric burials and present-day Eskimo and Chukchi samples from Chukotka than like non-coastal people of the Russian Far East.

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32

Liashenko, Tetiana. "Language as a Factor in the New Identity Formation (Illustrated by Central Asian States)." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 7 (December 23, 2019): 175–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.175-187.

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Attempts to build a “Russian world” within the former Soviet republics of Central Asia by introducing an idea of a single linguistic, cultural and political space with the Russian Federation are studied in the article. The threats to the Central Asian countries’ information space are analyzed. The data on gradual changing of orientations of the Central Asian states’ citizens when choosing sources of information is provided. It is concluded that the technologies of the Russian Federation’s propaganda in Central Asia are aimed primarily at the formation of the president of Russia positive image among the widest possible groups of population. Attempts to push so-called “the Russian world”, which already jeopardize global peaceful balance, are grounded, in particular, on a widespread use of the Russian language within the territories of the former USSR that serves to propagate an idea of a single linguistic, cultural and political space. At the same time, a revival and development of national languages and cultures are intensively ongoing in all new independent states. It provokes a confrontation that often causes points of tension and conflicts. A large number of the Russian media, including federal state editions, TV channels. the Sputnik news agency etc. operates in Central Asian information space. Using own controlled media, the Kremlin seeks to convince the Central Asian states’ citizens that the Russia’s foreign policy is a right one, as well as to form a positive image of Russia and president Putin as a politician who is capable to ensure stability and security in the Central Asian region. The Russian Federation pays a special attention to Eastern Kazakhstan, where a large number of ethnic Russians is concentrated. Kazakhstan has much in common with Ukraine on its ethnic population composition, economic situation and geographical proximity to Russia. As in Ukraine, the ethnic Russians make up about 1/5 of the population in Kazakhstan, meanwhile the Russian language is widely used in all spheres. Russia calls its initiative a “humanitarian project”, but there is no doubt that the Kremlin is fighting for minds of younger generation, trying to impose own culture and values on young people. Recently, while alternative sources of information have been spreading, more and more Central Asian habitants opt for online information in their national languages, considering Russianspeaking news resources to be a propaganda.

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Kalabikhina, Irina, and Denis Mokrensky. "Population Dynamics of Municipalities in Central Russia." Moscow University Economics Bulletin 2017, no. 6 (December 30, 2017): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/01300105201766.

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In this paper we present the results of the analysis of the population change in nonmetropolitan city municipalities by components and concentration of population in the municipalities were investigated, their typologization was developed in accordance with the contribution of various components to population dynamics. The article discusses the limitations of municipal statistics. The methods of average values, the balance equation, and the measures of population concentration are used. The main conclusions confirm the trends of population decline at the second stage of demographic policy, territorial unevenness and concentration of population in administrative centers and the closest settlements to them. Less than 2% of the municipalities in question demonstrate both natural and migratory growth, and in 70% of municipalities both migration and natural components make a contribution to population reduction. The relatively high proportion of the elderly population was observed in the studied municipalities; crude birth and death rates were worse than the average in the district.

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34

Trushevskii, S. N., and I. V. Mitina. "Problem of heat pumps in central Russia." Applied Solar Energy 48, no. 1 (January 2012): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3103/s0003701x12010148.

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35

SINGH, ANITA INDER. "India's relations with Russia and Central Asia." International Affairs 71, no. 1 (January 1995): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624010.

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36

Dadabayeva, G. "IS CENTRAL ASIAN INTEGRATION POSSIBLE WITHOUT RUSSIA?" Journal of history 91, no. 4 (2018): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/jh-2018-4-308.

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37

Kovalsky, Stepan V. "[Pogonatum nanum (Polytrichaceae, Bryopsida) in Central Russia]." Arctoa 7, no. 1 (August 1998): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.15298/arctoa.07.12.

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Petrova, Svetlana E. "Life forms of Apiaceae in central Russia." Nordic Journal of Botany 33, no. 6 (October 14, 2015): 747–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/njb.00808.

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39

Andreyanov. "ALARIOSIS OF CARNIVOROUS ANIMALS IN CENTRAL RUSSIA." THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PARASITIC DISEASE CONTROL, no. 21 (May 29, 2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31016/978-5-9902341-5-4.2020.21.21-27.

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The spread of alariosis of fishing animals of Central Russia was clarified and a circle of host agents among mammals was identified. The material for the study was the arcasses of trade animals. The period of work was 2018–2020. Animals were studied according to the method of complete helminthological study on K.I. Skryabin (1928). The tissue form of alariosis was examined by trichinelloscopic methods. During the reporting period, 107 heads of carnivorous animals (of which 27 heads (25.2%) are considered stray domestic) extracted in the territory of the Ryazan, Vladimir and Moscow regions. Of the Canidae family, 54 heads have undergone helminthological examination (29 foxes, 17 domestic dogs, 7 raccoon dogs, and 1 wolf). Of the cat (Felidae), 11 heads have been studied (domestic cats – 10, lynx – 1). Martens animals (Mustelinae) have been studied 42 heads (forest мartens – 19, stone мartens – 6, river otter – 4, ermines – 7, badgers – 2, аmerican mink – 4). Adult trematodes have been identified in 37 carnivorous animals (34.6%) in the thin part of the intestine. Canidae animals representing trade species (fox, raccoon dog, wolf) are 100% infected with the agent of alariosis. The intensity invasion of fox was 4–250 copies per head, raccoon dogs – 11–284, wolf – 84. The larval form of the agent was recorded in one fox (3.5%), 2 forest мartens (10.5%) and one аmerican mink (25.0%). Mesocercaries of trematodes were localized in a transparent capsule in lung parenchyma, in diaphragm muscle tissue, in esophageal muscle tissue.

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Bortnikov, N. S., A. D. Savko, V. M. Novikov, N. M. Boeva, S. V. Soboleva, E. A. Zhegallo, D. I. Dmitriev, A. V. Krainov, A. P. Zhukhlistov, and E. B. Bushueva. "The Latnenskoe refractory clay deposit (Central Russia)." Lithology and Mineral Resources 51, no. 6 (November 2016): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s0024490216060031.

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Sazonov, Sergei, and Damira Sazonova. "Development of Peasant Farms in Central Russia." Comparative Economic Studies 47, no. 1 (March 2005): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ces.8100079.

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Dannreuther, Roland. "Russia, Central Asia and the Persian Gulf." Survival 35, no. 4 (December 1993): 92–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396339308442713.

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Chernyshov, N. M., and V. L. Bocharov. "New sources of phosphorus in central Russia." Doklady Earth Sciences 441, no. 1 (November 2011): 1519–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1028334x1111002x.

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Roy, Meena Singh. "Russia and central Asia: Problems and prospects." Strategic Analysis 25, no. 3 (June 2001): 451–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160108458968.

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Andreyanov, Uspensky, Postevoy, Sidor, Khrustalyov, Panova, and Safiullin. "HELMINTHOZOONOSES OF GAME ANIMALS OF CENTRAL RUSSIA." THEORY AND PRACTICE OF PARASITIC DISEASE CONTROL, no. 22 (May 19, 2021): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31016/978-5-6046256-1-3.2021.22.61-66.

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Helminthozoonosis pose particular danger to people, and cause economic and environmental damage. The purpose of the work was to identify the current epizootic situation of helminthozoonosis of game animals in the Central Region of Russia. The material for the study was helminthological collections from game animals. Studies were carried out throughout 2019-2021. Killed animals were brought from hunting farms in the Central Region of Russia. Animal carcasses or their fragments were subjected to complete or partial helminthological examination. The found helminths were differentiated according to conventional determinants. A total of 182 carcasses of animals and birds were studied. 108 animals of 13 species belonging to Carnivora were studied by helminthological methods. One species of the Omnivorae was studied: the wild boar. Among ruminants (Ruminantia), 35 artiodactyls were studied. Helminth fauna of rodents (Rodentia) was studied in 33 animals of 5 species. Two species of birds (Aves) were studied. We identified about 14 types of helminthozoonosis, of which pathogens of trichinellosis, dirofilariasis, toxocariasis and alveococcosis are particularly dangerous. The main hosts and reservoirs of zoonosis are carnivores.

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Ullah, Altaf, and Akhtar Rasool Bodla. "RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF CENTRAL ASIA: A CASE STUDY OF KHIVA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 7, no. 10 (June 14, 2020): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i10.2019.394.

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Mankind is witnessed to the fact that imperialism has been exhibiting in human history in many forms since long. Subjugation was the earliest form of it where in an empire overpowered an alien society, exploited its land, raw material and subjected it to the service of the superior authority. A similar formula of exploiting the land and people of Central Asia has been assumed by the Russian Imperial power during the nineteenth century. The imperial move of Russia towards this region was considered as the ultimate consequence of a continuous process of expansion of the Russian Empire. This expansionist drive of Russia into the region has been attributed to several factors such as political, military, strategic and above all the economic factor is believed to be the dominant one. The conquest provided the Russian Tsars a golden opportunity to hold their control over a vast area of striking geographic and human diversity. The motives behind this conquest were multidimensional, interrelated and complex. During this process of expansion, the state of Khiva was the first priority of the Russian Empire while materializing their future programme and policies. Though the Empire had already attempted to occupy the state, yet it could not get success prior to 1873. The importance of Khiva cannot be ignored while dealing with the question of Russian conquest of Central Asia in general and Khiva in particular.

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Fedorov, Yury E. "Continuity and change in Russia’s policy toward Central and Eastern Europe." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 3 (July 11, 2013): 315–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.06.003.

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The accession of the CEE states to NATO and the European Union has put an end to the geopolitical ambiguity and implicit insecurity in the region between Russia and the socalled ‘Old Europe’. Instead of being an area of great powers’ rivalry, elements of ‘buffer belts’ lacking meaningful strategic options, objects of raw Nazi-Soviet deals, or zones under Russian occupation and domination, the three Baltic States and the Visegrad group countries became full-fledged members of the European Union and were given NATO’s security guarantees. By the middle of the 2000s, one would conclude that traditional geopolitics had ended in this region. However, the changes in the strategic situation in CEE have not changed the deep rooted moving forces and long-term strategic goals of the Russian policy toward the region.Moscow seeks to have the position, as its official rhetoric says, of an ‘influential centre of a multipolar world’ that would be nearly equal to the USA, China, or the EU. With this in view Moscow seeks for the establishment of its domination over the new independent states of the former USSR and for the formation of a sphere of influence for itself in Central Eastern Europe. If it achieves these goals, then Europe may return once again to traditional geopolitics fraught with great power rivalries and permanent instabilities radiating far beyond CEE borders. Yet a few questions remain. Has Russia come to the conclusion that attempting to restore its privileged position of influence in Central-Eastern Europe is wrong? Has Russia enough power to threaten the CEE countries? How credible are NATO’s security guarantees? How may Russian behavior in CEE affect a wider European geopolitical context? These questions are appropriate in the light of Russia’s ‘resurgence’ as a revanchist power and because Russia is, and most probably will remain in the next five to ten years, a weighty economic and strategic factor in areas along the Western borders of the former USSR.

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Owen, Catherine. "Making Friends with Neighbors?: Local Perceptions of Russia and China in Kyrgyzstan." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 04, no. 03 (January 2018): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740018500185.

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Many studies have compared the Russian and Chinese projects currently underway in the Central Asian region, namely the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB), both of which seek to increase integration with Central Asian states. Yet little attention has been paid to how these endeavors are perceived locally by Central Asians themselves. This article aims to fill this gap by presenting the findings of a comparative discourse analysis of perceptions of Russia and China in online Russian-language media in Kyrgyzstan. The research reveals that while Russia’s role in the region has been seen primarily in political terms and China’s role chiefly in economic terms, these perceptions are changing, and that a growing percentage of articles are devoted to economics in the case of Russia and politics in the case of China. Another finding from this research is that China receives a greater percentage of positive coverage than Russia. It is suggested that as two important poles in the emerging multi-polar world, China and Russia should ensure their respective projects complement, rather than conflict, with one another in the region.

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Podberezkin, Alexey, and Olga Podberezkina. "The Silk Road Renaissance and New Potential of the Russian-Chinese Partnership." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 02 (July 2015): 305–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500153.

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The similarity between the Russian and Chinese stances in international politics is driving their strategic partnership. Cooperation in building international transport corridors across Central Asia can make their economies stronger and the region safer. This article presents the main reasons for China and Russia to develop their transport corridors, details of the various international transport corridor projects of other global powers in Central Asia, and the prospects for cooperation in this sphere. Recently China has encountered a slowdown in its economic growth whereby Chinese goods become more expensive, thus impairing their main competitive advantage — low price. This prospect highlights a need to explore strategies to make transportation of goods more efficient. For the Russian government, even in times of economic sanctions and crisis, development of transport infrastructure such as the Moscow-Kazan high-speed railway is a high priority, which is expected not only to return financial results, but also to have positive effects on demography, population mobility, job creation, as well as foster new opportunities for local small- and medium-sized businesses. While both Russia and China are well aware of the economic reasons for developing transport corridors in the region, each has its own tertiary ambitions which are not yet quite clear. Trans-Russian transport corridors are twice more efficient than Trans-Caucasian or Trans-Turkish ones, and China's "Silk Road Economic Belt" initiative will be more effective with Russia. Previously suspicious about the advancement of other great powers in Central Asia, Russia has been awakened by the greatest Eurasian transport project under development, the "Silk Road Economic Belt," with particular regard to the opportunities of the project, as well as the risks of non-participation. Transport corridors may have great effects on the regional order in Central Asia and are of tremendous strategic impact. Both Russia and China are interested in building transport corridors and strengthening their positions in Central Asia. To prevent rivalry between Russia and China for transport corridors and cooperation with Central Asian countries, both countries must understand each other's goals and fears. With good management, cooperation in transport corridors can bring both countries great benefits.

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Crowley, Stephen. "Russia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 3 (August 2015): 698–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415599202.

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Class structure, class inequality, and class analysis are central to understanding contemporary Russian politics and society. And yet Russians themselves—from social scientists, to political leaders, to everyday Russians—have struggled to come to grips with the concept of class, which became a taboo topic following the collapse of communism. In recent years, that has started to change. Russian social scientists have placed great emphasis on defining the Russian “middle class,” in a search both for a non-Marxist conception of class and for a social group with the potential to lead Russia toward a more liberal future. Yet the middle class concept remains fuzzy, and the political aspirations for the group have been only partially realized. Meanwhile, much of the rest of Russian society retains a more traditional view of class and class conflict, as reflected in various political struggles and even in popular culture, such as Russian film.

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