Relevant bibliographies by topics / Russia (Federation). President (1991- : Yeltsin)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Russia (Federation). President (1991- : Yeltsin)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Russia (Federation). President (1991- : Yeltsin)"

1

Ross, Wiktor. "Instytucja prezydenta w systemie politycznym Federacji Rosyjskiej." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 1 (November 1, 2011): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2011.1.3.

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This article presents the course that passed the political system of USSR going from the old soviet structure to the modern form of the state. Total economic and political crisis forced the last General Secretary of the Communist Party Mikhail Gorbatchev to seek the new political institutions and were helpful in the process of maintaining socialist character of the state and social relations and, simultaneously, to carry out the changes of the political system which became necessary. These efforts were a failure because of strong resistance, on the one hand, communist nomenklatura and the other hand, the new democratic movement in the Russian Federation conducted by Boris Yeltsin and independent movements in Soviet Republics. After the trial to stop the process of reforming of the state undertaken by communist leaders of USSR during coupé d'etat in August 1991 the initiative passed to the democratic forces in Russia. The fall of the USSR and foundation of the CIS as the platform of the reintegration of Post-Soviet area started the new stage of the political conflict in the Russian Federation. The objective needs occurred in the process of reforming of the economic structures, growing of the protest attitudes, necessity to relief the mood of the local authorities in order to attain their support for the course of modernization, pushed President Yeltsin to concentrate enormous power. The old Soviet Constitution was more comfortable for such political conditions than modern solutions based on the power's division in three branches - Parliament, Government and independent jurisdiction. Contradictions of the Post-Soviet period brought to the deep conflict between President Yeltsin and Supreme Soviet in October 1993. The defeat of the conservative forces in this confrontation meant the end of Soviet system in Russia, however political system that was created on such ground had authoritarian features, which was used all Yeltsin's presidential decade bringing, as a result, the system very far to the principles of the democracy.
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2

Rivera, David W., and Sharon Werning Rivera. "Yeltsin, Putin, and Clinton: Presidential Leadership and Russian Democratization in Comparative Perspective." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 3 (August 19, 2009): 591–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709990880.

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Immediately after coming to power, the Clinton administration declared the consolidation of market and democratic institutions in Russia to be a vital American interest. The administration's central tactic for promoting this outcome was to help Boris Yeltsin remain in power. In a major assault on Clinton's historical legacy, much of the scholarly community maintains that U.S. policy was fundamentally flawed, both morally and strategically. In the view of these analysts, post-Soviet Russia's founding president was an autocratic leader who derailed the country's progress toward democracy. However, this body of research focuses exclusively on the Russian Federation and fails to utilize comparative referents. In contrast, we analyze the experiences of the full population of post-communist states of Eastern Europe and Eurasia from 1991 to the present. Whether examined in cross-national or longitudinal perspective, we find that Russian democracy under Yeltsin was, relatively speaking, a success. We conclude that the Clinton administration's policy of support for Yeltsin both served various American foreign policy interests and strengthened the prospects for democratic consolidation in Russia, thereby fulfilling the dictates of both real- and idealpolitik. In addition, the relative success of Russia's democratization in the 1990s, the reversal of that pattern in this decade, and the magnitude of the transformation of the polity under Putin all demonstrate the pivotal role played by presidential leadership in Russia's transition.
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SMYTH, REGINA. "Building State Capacity from the Inside Out: Parties of Power and the Success of the President's Reform Agenda in Russia." Political Theory 30, no. 4 (August 2002): 555–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591702030004003.

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In contrast to his predecessor Boris Yeltsin, Russia's President Vladimir Putin continues to successfully neutralize legislative opposition and push his reform agenda through the State Duma. His success is due in large part to the transformation of the party system during the 1999 electoral cycle. In the face of a less polarized and fragmented party system, the Kremlin-backed party of power, Unity, became the foundation for a stable majority coalition in parliament and a weapon in the political battle to eliminate threatening opponents such as Yuri Luzhkov's Fatherland-All Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
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Malkidis, T. "Aspects of the Transition Period in Russia and Cyprus (1991-2004)." Journal of Law and Administration 15, no. 4 (January 30, 2020): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2019-4-53-28-38.

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The Russian Federation covers 17.045.000 square kilometres, has a population of 147.000.000 individuals and a national composition of 81,5% Russians, Ukrainians, Tatarians, etc. It shares borders with Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Belarus, Ukraine, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, China, and Mongolia and it has shores in the Northern Arctic Ocean, the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea. The regime of the Russian Federation is presidential democracy and the president is elected every six years by the citizens1. The Federal Assembly is constituted by two bodies, Duma with 450 members, who are elected for a five-year tenure, half of whom in uninominal regions and the rest with proportional representation of parties. The capital of the Russian Federation is Moscow and other important cities are Saint Petersburg, Novosibirsk, Krasnodar, Vladivostok, and Nizhny Novgorod. Administratively, Russia is divided into 85 administrative units.
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5

Treisman, Daniel. "The Politics of Intergovernmental Transfers in Post-Soviet Russia." British Journal of Political Science 26, no. 3 (July 1996): 299–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007481.

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In Russia's lingering constitutional crisis, struggles over fiscal politics have taken on a broader institutional significance – at times even threatening to undermine the federal state. This article studies the evolving fiscal relationship between Moscow and the regional governments in the early post-Soviet period. To explain why some regions currently receive large net transfers (subsidies, grants, other benefits) from the centre while others pay large net taxes, net central transfers per capita have been regressed on a range of predictors reflecting social ‘need’, preferences of central politicians (electoral interests, pork barrel allocation, policy objectives) and lobbying capacity of regional governments. The most significant turn out to be three bargaining power variables that signal regional discontent and credible resolve to threaten economic and constitutional order – a low vote for President Yeltsin in the 1991 election, an early declaration of sovereignty and the incidence of strikes in the previous year.
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6

Kopaliani, Karlo, and Zurab Kvetenadze. "2007 Munich Conference and Contours of the New World Order." Works of Georgian Technical University, no. 2(520) (June 25, 2021): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.36073/1512-0996-2021-2-114-126.

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The International Security Conference held in Munich in February 2007 laid the foundation for the formation of the new world order. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, everyone thought that Russia would choose the way for pro-Western democratic development. In the first stage, it seemed that the Russian Federation was making a choice in favor of the free world. However, the weakness of both the state and style of oligarchic governance showed that the conclusion was premature. Although civil society was developing in Russia and after some time it could achieve concrete successes, the Russian political leadership under the leadership of Boris Yeltsin was unable to solve the acute problems facing the state. The strengthening of the Russian state is linked to the coming to power of Yeltsin's successor, Vladimir Putin. As a result of effective counterterrorism operations, the authority of Russian president has increased significantly. Putin aimed to change pro-Western orientations to Eurasian. We think, it was a natural occurrence for Russia, but it would inevitably lead to a confrontation with the West. The 2007 Munich International Security Conference is a clear example, where the Russian president strongly criticized the existence of a unipolar world and initiated foundation of a new phase of confrontation with the Euro-Atlantic space.
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7

Baghdasaryan, Vardan, Pavel Baldin, and Sergey Resnyansky. "Messages of the President of the Russian Federation to federal assembly as source for studying historical policy of Russia." E3S Web of Conferences 210 (2020): 18114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202021018114.

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The purpose of this study is to reconstruct the historical representation of the highest state power in today's Russia (President's level) by considering the texts of presidential messages to the Federal Assembly. Content analysis, both semantic and quantitative, has been applied as a key research method. There were investigated the fragments of messages containing an appeal to events, phenomena, personalities of the past and the historical process as a whole. The results of the study make it possible to confirm the fact that there has been a paradigm shift in the perception of history at the highest state level of Russia, which consists in the transition from a liberal version of the modernization theory to a nationally conservative approach close to the theory of civilizations. Three Presidents of the Russian Federation - B.N. Yeltsin, D.A. Medvedev and V.V. Putin, despite the coinciding positions on a number of issues on coverage of the past, presented diverse visions to the historical process in the texts of their messages. The integration of the current policy into the general outline of history distinguished all the messages, making it possible to talk about preserving the tradition of historiosophical reflection on state activity in the Russian Federation, despite different versions of historiosophy. The transformation of historical policy in Russia is an indicator of the ideological inversion of the Russian state as a whole, the transition from a liberal to a nationally conservative pattern. The attitude of the state officials towards the history reveals the potential for the use of value-and-semantic guidelines of current policy as a means of reconstruction.
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Каримов, М., M. Karimov, А. Рустамов, and A. Rustamov. "Digital Support for Adaptation of Foreign Trainers within the Framework of the Project «BUDDYSYSTEM»: Case of the Ural Federal University Named after First President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin." Management of the Personnel and Intellectual Resources in Russia 8, no. 3 (August 19, 2019): 62–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5d1db832d54f11.46237722.

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The problem of adaptation of foreign students to the Russian educational environment is becoming increasingly important due to the increase in the number of foreign students in higher education institutions of Russia. The Internet support of the adaptation system on the basis of specially created for it support systems — “buddysystems” — begins particular importance in this process. The article describes the author’s system of work with newly arriving students, undergraduates, graduate students for their comprehensive adaptation at the Ural Federal University named after the fi rst President of Russia B. N.Yeltsin, Yekaterinburg, Russian Federation. One of the key elements is the using of digital technologies for successful communication with foreign students. Analysis of the project “BUDDYSYSTEMURFU” shows its multiplicativity and the possibility of implementation in the universities of the country.
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9

Bakina, Elena A. "The essence and specificity of the Eurasian doctrine of Askar Akayev." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 372–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-4-372-379.

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The article discusses the Eurasian doctrine of Askar Akayev, the president of Kyrgyzstan in 1991-2005. This is a very little studied problem in Russian historiography. Meanwhile, A. Akayev developed and largely implemented in practice a harmonious philosophical and political concept. This article is intended to fill this gap. The place of Russia in the geopolitical concept of A. Akayev deserves special attention, which emphasizes the importance and central role of Russia in Eurasian integration, which never acted as a colonial power, but was a center of attraction for the multinational people of the Russian Empire, the USSR and the Russian Federation.
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10

Bagdasaryan, Vardan E., Pavel P. Baldin, and Sergey I. Resnyansky. "Messages of the President of the Russian Federation to the Federal Assembly as a Source of Studying the Historical Policy of Russia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 2 (2021): 421–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.206.

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The purpose of this study is to reconstruct the historical representation of the highest state power in modern Russia (the level of the president) by examining the texts of the presidential messages to the Federal Assembly from 1994 to 2020. As a key research method, content analysis, both semantic and quantitative, was applied. Fragments of messages containing an appeal to events, phenomena, personalities of the past and the historical process as a whole have been examined. The quantitative analysis has revealed the number of usages of the word “history” and the total textual quantity of historical references in the messages. The thinkers of the past quoted by the Presidents associated with various ideological connotations have been considered as a special indicative position. The generalized content analysis data is accumulated in the table in the article, which has the potential for further independent use in studying the dynamics of power discourse in Russia. The results of the study enable to confirm the fact of the paradigm shift in the perception of history at the highest state level in Russia lying in the transition from the liberal version of the theory of modernization to a nationally conservative approach similar to the theory of civilizations. Three Presidents of the Russian Federation — B. N. Yeltsin, D. A. Medvedev and V. V. Putin — despite the coincidence of positions on several issues of interpreting the past, presented different visions of the historical process in the texts of the messages. The integration of the current policy into the general outline of history is characteristic of all the messages, which points to the preservation of the tradition of historiosophical perception of the state activity in the Russian Federation, in spite of different versions of historiosophy. The transformation of historical politics in Russia is an indicator of the ideological inversion of the Russian state as a whole, the transition from a liberal to a nationally conservative model. The attitude of the authorities to the history reveals the potential of using axiological vectors of the current policy as a means of reconstruction.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Russia (Federation). President (1991- : Yeltsin)"

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Lavrova, Victoria N. "The role of the oligarchs in 1996 presidental election in Russia." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1265093.

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This thesis explored the role of the six wealthy Russian businessmen, the oligarchs, in 1996 reelection of President Boris Yeltsin. This research was qualitative and descriptive. The goal was to collect the information from various sources and summarize it, demonstrating how the interference of the oligarchs reflected on the process of the election, as well as on the careers of their own.The research concluded that the oligarchs' role was, first of all, in the organization and financing a highly effective election campaign team; consolidating the business elite and big capital around Yeltsin, using the media that they controlled as a tool of pro-Yeltsin propaganda; and influencing some key decision taken by Yeltsin. The result was Yeltsin's victory, and the increase of the oligarchs' wealth and political power.This ability of the oligarchs to manipulate politics completely cemented the interrelation between business and politics in Russia, which contributed to Russia's reputation as a country of corruption and lawlessness.
Department of Political Science
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2

Glad, Lotte Marie. "A Comparative Content Analysis of ITAR-TASS's and the United Press International's Coverage of the Russian Referendum in April 1993." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500855/.

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A comparative content analysis was conducted to determine whether the Russian (ITAR-TASS) and the American (UPI) wire service coverage of President Boris Yeltsin in the April 25, 1993, referendum was balanced and unbiased. Also, the amount of space dedicated to this topic was measured. Study results indicate that ITAR-TASS was more critical of Yeltsin prior to the referendum than UPI, and that there was no statistically important difference between the two wire services in their post referendum coverage. UPI articles were almost 30% longer than the ITAR-TASS articles. Each UPI article was on an average more than 220 words longer than were the ITAR-TASS articles.
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3

McAfee, Shannon Elizabeth. "Global Positioning Semantics: President Karimov's Evolving Definitions of the Uzbek Nation's Rightful Place in the World, 1991-2011." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306898793.

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Books on the topic "Russia (Federation). President (1991- : Yeltsin)"

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Yeltsin: A political portrait. Bellevue, Wash: Imperial Pub., 1996.

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2

Eternal Russia: Yeltsin, Gorbachev, and the mirage of democracy. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1994.

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Steele, Jonathan. Eternal Russia: Yeltsin, Gorbachev and the mirage of democracy. London: Faber & Faber, 1995.

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Steele, Jonathan. Eternal Russia: Yeltsin, Gorbachev and the mirage of democracy. London: Faber and Faber, 1994.

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Gorbachev and Yeltsin as leaders. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 2002.

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6

Moscow, December 25, 1991: The last day of the Soviet Union. New York: PublicAffairs, 2011.

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Mending fences: The evolution of Moscow's China policy, from Brezhnev to Yeltsin. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press, 2001.

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8

Fedroy, Valentin P., and Valentin Petrovich Fedorov. Yeltsin: A Political Portrait. Imperial Pub Co, 1997.

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Boris Yeltsin And Russia's Democratic Transformation (Jackson School Publications in International Studies). University of Washington Press, 2006.

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10

Steele, Jonathan. Eternal Russia: Yeltsin, Gorbachev, and the Mirage of Democracy. Harvard University Press, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Russia (Federation). President (1991- : Yeltsin)"

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Rutland, Peter, and Gregory Dubinsky. "14. US foreign policy in Russia." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199585816.003.0014.

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This chapter examines U.S. foreign policy in Russia. The end of the Cold War lifted the threat of nuclear annihilation and transformed the international security landscape. The United States interpreted the collapse of the Soviet Union as evidence that it had ‘won’ the Cold War, and that its values and interests would prevail in the future world order. The chapter first provides an overview of the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 before discussing U.S.–Russian relations under Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin, respectively. It then turns to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its enlargement, the Kosovo crisis, and the ‘Great Game’ in Eurasia. It also analyses the rise of Vladimir Putin as president of Russia and the deterioration of U.S.–Russian relations and concludes with an assessment of the cautious partnership between the two countries.
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Rutland, Peter. "14. US foreign policy in Russia." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198707578.003.0014.

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This chapter examines US foreign policy in Russia. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 raised a number of questions that have profound implications for American foreign policy; for example, whether the Russian Federation, which inherited half the population and 70 per cent of the territory of the former Soviet Union, would become a friend and partner of the United States, a full and equal member of the community of democratic nations, or whether it would return to a hostile, expansionary communist or nationalist power. The chapter considers US–Russia relations at various times under Bill Clinton, Boris Yeltsin, George W. Bush, Vladimir Putin, Barack Obama, Dmitry Medvedev, and Donald Trump. It also discusses a host of issues affecting the US–Russia relations, including the enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the crisis in Kosovo and Ukraine, and the civil war in Syria.
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