Relevant bibliographies by topics / Russia-Ukraine conflict

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Russia-Ukraine conflict'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Russia-Ukraine conflict"

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Ryabinin, Yevgeny. "Russia’s Exogenous Factor in the Donbass Conflict." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.6.

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The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres. It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament. Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.
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Rojansky, Matthew. "The Ukraine-Russia Conflict: A Way Forward." Security and Human Rights 27, no. 3-4 (September 9, 2016): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02703008.

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The United States has a vital interest in the restoration of Ukraine’s sovereignty and the resolution of its conflict with Russia, which are key to de-escalating growing tension across the wider European and Euro-Atlantic space. Yet the conflict in Ukraine’s East has settled into a largely recognisable pattern: a new and very large “frozen conflict,” increasingly reminiscent of that in Moldova, Georgia and Armenia/Azerbaijan, where intense fighting at the time of the Soviet Union’s collapse was reduced by de facto cease-fires, but no effective long-term conflict-settlement mechanism was found. Washington should seek agreement from all parties to engage more directly in an osce-mediated process to stem the ongoing damage to European security, the deepening human and economic costs, and the threat to Ukraine’s sovereignty.
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Rzepecka, Marta. "Presidential Rhetoric on Foreign Crises: George W. Bush on Georgia and Barack Obama on Ukraine." Ad Americam 22 (March 28, 2021): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.22.2021.22.05.

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Presidential Rhetoric on Foreign Crises: George W. Bush on Georgia and Barack Obama on Ukraine This article offers a critique of the rhetorical responses of President George W. Bush to the 2008 Russia-Georgia conflict and of President Barack Obama to the 2014 Russia-Ukraine conflict. Its central objective is to identify parallels and differences between the situations calling for presidential rhetoric on the crises in Georgia and Ukraine and determine how the president’s reactions to the conflicts were similar or different, judging the responses against Theodore Otto Windt, Jr.’s analytical framework for foreign crisis rhetoric.
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Fournier, Anna. "From Frozen Conflict to Mobile Boundary: Youth Perceptions of Territoriality in War-Time Ukraine." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 32, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 23–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417740627.

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Scholarly and media sources have often described the conflict in Ukraine’s east as a potential “frozen conflict” similar to other such conflicts in the post-Soviet space. My interviews with young Ukrainian citizens reveal that many imagine not a stalemate but rather a continuous repositioning of the border between Ukraine and Russia. I use the term “mobile boundary” to describe the widespread belief within my sample that the Ukraine-Russia boundary may move back and forth within Ukrainian territory. Some interviewees express their willingness, at least in theory, to surrender the contested territories of Donetsk and Luhansk, but it is their fear of Russian encroachment beyond those territories that provides the rationalization for continued military defense of the Donbas.
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Teichmann, Fabian, and Marie-Christin Falker. "Sanctions against Russia: implications, prospects and circumvention." SEER 23, no. 1 (2020): 109–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-2869-2020-1-109.

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Prior to the conflict, the situation in Ukraine had been escalating for several years. The nation is now divided between pro-Europe and pro-Russia activists and there seems to be no solution in sight. Within the scope of the conflict, Europe and the US have closely scrutinised Russia, accusing it of purposely destabilising east Ukraine. The EU and the US imposed sanctions on Russia in 2014 in response to its actions in the Ukraine conflict and its annexation of Crimea. Russia responded with counter-sanctions, mainly affecting agri-foods imports into Russia. This article first discusses both western and Russian sanctions in depth. It then analyses the impacts on both parties, illustrating how bilateral sanctions between the EU and Russia influence trade flows and economies. Possible methods of circumvention for both import bans and sanctions against individuals are also analysed and recommendations made to European producers regarding their dealings with Russia. Subsequently, the article shows why current sanctions are rather ineffective and provides suggestions for their improvement. Lastly, future prospects are deliberated.
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Demedziuk, Sylwia. "THE NEW DIMENSION OF WAR – THE UKRAINE CONFLICT." Security and Defence Quarterly 1, no. 14 (January 18, 2018): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.8473.

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<i/>The article focuses on the hybrid conflict on the territory of Ukraine since 2013; its aim is to depict characteristic features of the hybrid war. The background of this article is the politics of Russia towards Ukraine since 1991, when this country gained its independence. In the opinion of Russians, Ukraine is a geopolitical misunderstanding, which openly violates the concept of “Russkiy Mir” (the Russian world). This means that Russia constantly aims at maintaining its sphere of influence in terms of the economy and politics in this region, as well as control over the military potential. Russia’s concerns mainly come from Ukraine’s desire to participate in some organisations, such as the EU or NATO. A real breakthrough was the Maidan Revolution and the annexation of Crimea, which resulted in the hybrid war in Ukraine.</i> <i/>The analysis of the current source literature lets us draw certain conclusions, namely it gives us the chance to determine that the actions of Russia on the territory of Ukraine are the typical methods of a hybrid war, which is a modern war, whose shape and character are constantly being created and generated by the contemporary researchers of this issue.</i>
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Pavlíková, Miroslava. "Cyber Operations Between Russia and Ukraine During Ukrainian Conflict." Obrana a strategie (Defence and Strategy) 16, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/1802-7199.16.2016.1.077-094.

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Shnyrkov, O., and O. Chugaiev. "ECONOMIC INTEGRATION OF UKRAINE WITH THE EU UNDER DISINTEGRATION WITH RUSSIA." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 130 (2017): 82–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2017.130.0.82-94.

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The purpose of research is to analyze the reasons and effects of disintegration with Russia for Ukraine and its association with the EU. Expected results of the Association Agreement with the EU and conflict with Russia in previous research are compared with the actual effects. Export losses of the opposing countries from the economic conflict are calculated and compared. The EU-Ukraine Association Agreement has marked the choice of Ukraine to follow the European social and economic development model. It aimed at decreasing trade barriers, making reforms and engaging Ukraine in international production networks by foreign investment inflows. But the EU and Ukraine did not foresee the severe economic, political and military reaction of Russia, which is a barrier to efficient implementation of the Association Agreement. Decrease in exports to Russia and other CIS countries has not been offset by better access to the EU market. Severe reaction of Russia is politically motivated and is not substantiated economically. All the conflicting parties faced losses from the economic war. Ukraine and Russia were the most affected countries, while Western countries faced minor losses. Restoring cooperation and integration is not possible without changes in foreign policy of Russia or / and other parties.
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Kremnev, Petr P. "ARMED CONFLICT IN THE SOUTH-EAST OF UKRAINE: LEGAL QUALIFI-CATIONS AND CONSEQUENCES." RUDN Journal of Law 23, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 394–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2019-23-3-394-412.

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Unconstitutional change of power in Ukraine as a result of the "Maidan revolution" in February 2014, with the subsequent power grab by Ukrainian radicals of local authorities under nationalist slogans, led to the establishment of control over parts of the territory of Donetsk and Lugansk regions by Donbass militias, and then to the ongoing fighting between the armed formations of the latter with units of the regular armed forces of Ukraine. The purpose of this publication is to establish the form of the armed conflict and its legal consequences from the standpoint of current international law, which has not yet found proper legal analysis and coverage in either domestic or foreign (including Ukrainian) legal doctrinе. In official statements and legislative acts of Ukraine, this conflict is declared as a "state of war with Russia", "aggression of Russia", and the Ukrainian doctrine of international law almost unanimously declares the need to apply to the conflict the norms of international humanitarian law and qualifies it as an international armed conflict. In this publication, on the basis of the analysis of existing international legal norms and legal doctrine, the qualification of existing forms of armed conflicts is carried out: war, international armed conflict, non-international armed conflict, internationalized armed conflict. This examines the legal consequences (or otherwise the obligations of the parties to the conflict) that are caused by each form of such armed conflict, that is concealed and ignored by the Ukrainian side. On the basis of the theoretical and legal analysis of the UN Charter, the relevant provisions of the Geneva conventions on the protection of victims of war of 1949 and Additional protocols I and II of 1977, the author qualifies the situation in the South-East of Ukraine as a non-international armed conflict and the obligation to comply with applicable legal norms by all parties to the conflict. At the same time, the author comes to the conclusion about the insolvency of the claims about the applicability of the rules governing other mentioned forms of armed conflicts.
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Bacys, Tomas. "Portraying the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict on the German Facebook Social Network." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 13 (December 20, 2019): 8–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2019.1.

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The article reviews the concept of information war, the functioning of social media and their impact. The newest information war technologies are being used to form the image of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine in Facebook social network and German-speaking community. It examines the methods and objectives influencing and manipulating consumers. The article reveals how the conflict between Russia and Ukraine in Germany’s Facebook social space is represented. The analysis of Facebook pages resulted in an analysis of visual content abundantly found regarding the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Russia-Ukraine conflict"

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Davydov, Igor. "The Crimean Tatars and their influence on the 'triangle of conflict' Russia-Crimea-Ukraine." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FDavydov.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008.
Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Moran, Daniel. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 29, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-121). Also available in print.
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MIELNICZUK, FABIANO PELLIN. "IDENTITY AS A SOURCE OF CONFLICT: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN UKRAINE AND RUSSIA IN THE POST-USSR." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4983@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
O argumento principal da dissertação é que o processo de interação entre Ucrânia e Rússia no pós-URSS dá origem a identidade social de inimigo, a qual é a fonte dos conflitos de interesse entre os dois países. Para sustentar o argumento, propõe-se um modelo teórico com base na importância das idéias para a constituição dos interesses e na crença de que os interesses são determinados pelas identidades. Depois, demonstra-se porque a identidade entre os dois países é de inimigo. A Rússia não admite a independência da Ucrânia, a qual reage denunciando a mentalidade imperial russa. A Rússia aceita o papel atribuído ao manifestar sua pretensão sobre o território ucraniano. Em resposta, a Ucrânia assegura a posse de armas nucleares para se defender de uma possível agressão russa. No final do processo, a identidade de inimigo está construída. A reação dos dois países à expansão da OTAN é utilizada para ilustrar as conseqüências da inimizade. Como as identidades determinam os interesses, as relações entre Estados amigos envolvem interesses comuns, e entre inimigos, interesses divergentes. Assim, a percepção de ameaça é compartilhada entre amigos e, entre inimigos, o amigo de um se torna o inimigo de outro. Por isso a Ucrânia coopera com a OTAN em busca de proteção, enquanto a Rússia não aceita sua expansão. A fim de evitar que os conflitos entre Ucrânia e Rússia representem uma ameaça à segurança da Europa, é necessário que a identidade construída na interação entre eles seja transformada.
The main argument of this dissertation is that the interaction between the Ukraine and Russia generates a social identity of enmity, which is the source of the conflict of interests between the two countries. In order to defend the argument, a theoretical model is proposed based on the importance of ideas to the constitution of interests and on the belief that interests are determined by identities. The next task is to demonstrate why the relationship between the two countries is one of enmity. Russia does not admit the independence of Ukraine, which reacts accusing Russia of imperial mentality. Russia accepts this conferred role when it manifests its claim over the Ukrainian territory. As a result, Ukraine assures its possession of nuclear weapons to defend itself from a potential Russian aggression. By the end of the process, an enemy`s identity is already constructed. The reaction of both countries towards NATO`s expansion is used to illustrate the consequences of enmity. Because identities determine interests, the relationship between friend States involves common interests, whereas that between foes involves divergent interests. The perception of a threat is shared by friends. Between enemies, the friend of one becomes the enemy of the other. That is why Ukraine cooperates with NATO and Russia does not accept its expansion. In order to avoid that the conflicts between Ukraine and Russia become a threat to Europe`s security, it is necessary to change the identity constructed in through their interaction.
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Bakke, Peter Christian. "Framing Ideologies in the 2013-2014 Ukrainian Crisis: How Opposing Movements use Culture to Characterize the Issues." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51805.

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In November 2013, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych suddenly reversed an ongoing process toward Ukrainian membership European Union in favor of strengthening economic ties with Russia. His action triggered mass demonstrations in Kiev's Maidan Square and eventually resulted in his removal from office. Yanukovych's opposition in the government solidified the regime change by assuming interim control of the government. Their supporters, composed mostly of ethnic Ukrainians from the Central and Western oblasts, became known as the Maidan movement. In response, separatist movements formed in the Southern and Eastern Ukrainian oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Crimea and Kharkiv. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea, separatist leaders in Donetsk and Luhansk united to form the self-proclaimed Novorossiya (New Russia) Union. This thesis used a grounded-theory approach to identify culturally charged framing devices within Maidan and Novorossiya Union discourse. This paper found that the framing devices of Maidan and Novorossiya invoked Ukrainian and Russian belief systems. Analysis of elite cultural discourse demonstrated that Russian and Ukrainian beliefs and attitudes manifested as thematic concepts, which identified problems, suggest solutions and motivate action. Thus, the frame existed within the culture of Ukrainian and Russian interpretive communities. Framing devices and labels used by Novorossiya and Maidan aligned positions regarding the future of Ukraine with such systems of beliefs.
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Ene, Ivan. "Republic of Moldova and the transnistrian conflict the impact of NATO and the European Union enlargements on the dispute resolution process." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FEne.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-106). Also available online.
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Bialecki, Melissa. ""They Believe the Dawn Will Come": Deploying Musical Narratives of Internal Others in Soviet and Post-Soviet Ukraine." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1493923081977843.

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Kolli, Johanna. "Cyberkonflikten i Ukraina : Cyberattacker som instrument i tvingande diplomati." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-154147.

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This paper aims to describe and explain the Russian use of cyberattacks in the Ukrainian conflict. Two major cyber events, BlackEnergy in 2015 and NotPetya in 2017, are analysed by the theoretical framework of coercive diplomacy developed by Daniel Byman and Matthew Waxman, as well as the theory of cyber coercion made by Daniel R. Flemming and Neil C. Rowe. This paper concludes that the Russian use of cyberattacks could be understood as an extension of their already widespread practice of coercive diplomacy as a foreign policy tool. The cyberattacks were developed to pressure the Ukrainian energy and economic sector, through destabilisation of the economic powerbase and the country as a whole. The cyber offenses are developed to push the Ukrainian politics from western influence back towards the Russian political orbit. This due to the political, economic, and power interests Russia finds in the post-soviet state of Ukraine.
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Soukup, Michelle Marie. "STRUGGLES BETWEEN UKRAINIAN AND RUSSIAN IDENTITY: THE PEACE CONUNDRUM, THE ROLE OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH, THE EAST VERSUS THE WEST AND THE INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-428019.

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The Russian-Ukrainian tensions have recently sparked greater debates on an international scale, particularly since the Russian attack on Ukrainian independence in 2014. For the purpose of being able to contribute to these, my thesis explores the underlying problems causing this most recent conflict in the modern history. The research will demonstrate that the freedom of religion and the freedom of the media are being held hostage for the political purposes, while causing a deeper social trauma in a form of polarization and identity crisis. The international actors, particularly the EU and NATO are examined along with their efforts, as the blame for the responsibility of the conflict is often put on them. The questions of sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of the nation are challenged in the chapter overseeing the legislative framework of the parties to the conflict. The methodology used for this research is the analysis of texts and reports with the aim to challenge the Western and Eastern prerogatives, respectively. The findings of the research show a clear and deep relation between the issues of identity, religion and language, while proving their undoubtable influence over the conflict and the struggle between Ukraine’s path forward, specifically choosing between the Western path towards modern democracy or Eastern return to traditional values. The results show that the connection between the national identity and the conflict is important and can bring us to further understand not just the roots of the conflict, but also the possible way out of it.
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Mija, Valeriu. "A solution to Moldova's Transdniestrian conflict : regional complex interdependence /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMija.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Jeff Knopf, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-85). Also available online.
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Marinuta, Vitalie Nicon. "Evolution of Transdniestrian conflict in the Republic of Moldova: prospects for its solution." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMarinuta.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Jessica Piombo, Anne Clunan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-124). Also available online.
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Nilsson, Linnea. "Russia's exercise of power : A comparative case study of Russia's use of command power, soft power and smart power in Georgia and Ukraine." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85574.

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Despite a vast research of Russia’s means of power, including its military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine, no comprehensive comparison of Russia’s exercise of power in Georgia and Ukraine has been accomplished, even though they are the most prominent cases of post-Soviet states that have been subjects for Russian military aggression. This study compares the forms of power Russia has been using to implement its foreign policy objectives in Ukraine and Georgia, in order to identify Russia’s power-related behavior and strategies, through an abductive qualitative approach with a comparative method. Russia’s means of power are analyzed through the glasses of the analytical framework of Joseph Nye’s concepts of command power, soft power and smart power. The findings suggest that Russia’s main foreign policy objectives, related to the post-Soviet space, are to prevent the establishment of a pro-Western orientation in the region, make its neighboring countries dependent on Russia, establish closer ties with its neighbors and incorporate them in the Eurasian Customs Union (ECU), but also to achieve military supremacy in the region. It is further apparent that Russia uses similar strategies and means of power in Georgia and Ukraine, both through military actions and economic pressures, that can be categorized under command power, but also through diplomatic means, other economic means, informational tools and co-optation. However, in order to achieve its foreign policy objectives most efficiently, Russia combines command power and soft power. This study can contribute to the research of other dominant countries and unequal relationships; and from the learnings of this study, early warning signs or scenarios with certain foreign policy moves can be detected in other dominant countries’ exercise of power towards less powerful states.
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Books on the topic "Russia-Ukraine conflict"

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Kuzio, Taras. Russia--Crimea--Ukraine: Triangle of conflict. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism, 1994.

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Kuzio, Taras. Russia, Crimea, Ukraine: Triangle of conflict. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict & Terrorism, 1994.

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Kuzio, Taras. Russia--Crimea--Ukraine: Triangle of conflict. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Tertrrorism, 1994.

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G, I︠A︡sin E., and Samuel P. Huntington Memorial Symposium on Culture, Cultural Change and Economic Development (2010 : Moscow, Russia), eds. Culture matters in Russia--and everywhere: Backdrop for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2015.

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West-Russia relations in light of the Ukraine crisis. Roma: Edizioni Nuova cultura, 2015.

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Aggression against Ukraine: Territory, responsibility, and international law. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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The Western front of the Eastern church: Uniate and Orthodox conflict in eighteenth-century Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009.

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Karatʹ karateleĭ: Khroniki russkoĭ vesny. Moskva: Knizhnyĭ mir, 2015.

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Bitva za Krym: Ot protivostoi︠a︡nii︠a︡ do vozvrashchenii︠a︡ v Rossii︠u︡. Moskva: Veche, 2014.

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Shirokorad, A. B. Bitva za Krym: Roman-khronika. Moskva: AST, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Russia-Ukraine conflict"

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Gardner, Hall. "Genesis of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict." In Crimea, Global Rivalry, and the Vengeance of History, 29–41. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137528179_3.

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Gardner, Hall. "Soviet Collapse and the Russia-Ukraine Conflict." In Crimea, Global Rivalry, and the Vengeance of History, 43–57. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137528179_4.

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Krawchuk, Andrii. "War and Religious Discourse in the Russia–Ukraine Conflict." In The (De)Legitimization of Violence in Sacred and Human Contexts, 159–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51125-8_10.

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Fix, Liana. "The Russia-Ukraine Conflict 2014: Germany as a Leading Power." In Germany’s Role in European Russia Policy, 119–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68226-2_5.

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Barbieri, Jaroslava. "The Dark Side of Decentralization Reform in Ukraine: Deterring or Facilitating Russia-Sponsored Separatism?" In Decentralization, Regional Diversity, and Conflict, 211–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-41765-9_8.

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Frolova, Anastasia. "Foreign Fighters in the Framework of International Armed Conflict Between Russia and Ukraine." In The Use of Force against Ukraine and International Law, 237–59. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-222-4_11.

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DeBardeleben, Joan. "Crisis response, path dependence, and the joint decision trap: the EU's eastern and Russia policies after the Ukraine crisis." In Cooperation and Conflict between Europe and Russia, 100–121. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003202349-7.

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Sharples, Jack D. "Russia-Ukraine Gas Conflicts." In Encyclopedia of Mineral and Energy Policy, 1–6. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-40871-7_119-1.

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Ghosh, Bimal. "Conflicts in Eastern Europe: Exodus from Ukraine and Russia." In Refugee and Mixed Migration Flows, 155–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75274-7_9.

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"The Sources of Conflict over Ukraine." In Ukraine and Russia, 1–26. Cambridge University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108657044.002.

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Conference papers on the topic "Russia-Ukraine conflict"

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Jiang, Xiaojia, Lei Yang, Chaolu Ma, Mingfei Wu, Feng Liu, Yuhui Wei, and Xiaoli Xu. "Using Conflict Analysis Method to Analyze Crimea Crisis Between Russia and Ukraine." In 2015 International conference on Engineering Management, Engineering Education and Information Technology. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/emeeit-15.2015.63.

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2

Uğur, Ömer. "The Eu's Influence on Eastern European Stability in the Context of Ukrainian Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01652.

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The Ukraine crisis that started with the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 appears to be a most important security crises of the post-Cold War security order. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not just threaten the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the EU's largest neighbour, but also it has led to a rivalry between the former Cold War enemies again and even it led to the start of a period that may cause to conflict between them. The EU's approach that established the Free Trade Area between the EU and Ukraine did not give any chance of talking to third country or organizations such as the Eurasian Union. Therefore, Russia worked hard to influence on Ukraine to abandon to sing the agreement and this happened to see Ukraine’s choice as a zero-sum game. In order to understand the effect of crisis on the EU and Russia, it have to be analysed the economic sanctions imposed by the EU against Russia to resolve the crisis through diplomatic and economic means. Thus, it is necessary to look at the economic relations between Russia and the EU and this data will be obtained in Eurostat. As a result, economic sanctions helped to move the conflict from the military to the diplomatic levels. Indeed, Russia has seen that European unity gave rise to a significant impact on its economy. Also, the EU realized that the sanctions is the most powerful tool in the hands of the EU in absence of military power.
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3

Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.

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After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009. This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute. Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.
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Ryadinskaya, Evgeniia. "Analysis of the peculiarities of the adaptation potential of the population living in the conditions of the armed conflict in the southeast of Ukraine." In Personal resourse of human agency at work in changing Russia. ScientificWorld, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30888/978-5-6041451-4-2.2.36.

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5

Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.

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This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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