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1

Kuzio, Taras. Russia--Crimea--Ukraine: Triangle of conflict. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism, 1994.

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Kuzio, Taras. Russia, Crimea, Ukraine: Triangle of conflict. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict & Terrorism, 1994.

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3

Kuzio, Taras. Russia--Crimea--Ukraine: Triangle of conflict. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Tertrrorism, 1994.

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4

G, I︠A︡sin E., and Samuel P. Huntington Memorial Symposium on Culture, Cultural Change and Economic Development (2010 : Moscow, Russia), eds. Culture matters in Russia--and everywhere: Backdrop for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2015.

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5

West-Russia relations in light of the Ukraine crisis. Roma: Edizioni Nuova cultura, 2015.

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6

Aggression against Ukraine: Territory, responsibility, and international law. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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7

The Western front of the Eastern church: Uniate and Orthodox conflict in eighteenth-century Poland, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2009.

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8

Karatʹ karateleĭ: Khroniki russkoĭ vesny. Moskva: Knizhnyĭ mir, 2015.

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9

Bitva za Krym: Ot protivostoi︠a︡nii︠a︡ do vozvrashchenii︠a︡ v Rossii︠u︡. Moskva: Veche, 2014.

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10

Shirokorad, A. B. Bitva za Krym: Roman-khronika. Moskva: AST, 2005.

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11

"Krymskoe pravo", ili, I︠U︡ridicheskie osnovanii︠a︡ vossoedinenii︠a︡ Kryma s Rossieĭ. Moskva: Zert︠s︡alo-M, 2015.

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12

Terrorizm i antiterroristicheskai︠a︡ dei︠a︡telʹnostʹ na i︠u︡ge Rossii: Uchebnoe posobie. Moskva: Sot︠s︡.-gumanitarnye znanii︠a︡, 2011.

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13

Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Second Congress, first session, the conflict in Yugoslavia, October 31, 1991. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1992.

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14

United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, European perspective on Bosnian conflict, February 22, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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15

Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, European perspective on Bosnian conflict, February 22, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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16

United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, the Yugoslav conflict, potential for spillover in the Balkans, July 21, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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17

Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, the Yugoslav conflict, potential for spillover in the Balkans, July 21, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.

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18

Etounga-Manguelle, Daniel, Marita Carballo de Cilley, Oleg Chirkunov, William Easterly, and Valery Chirkov. Culture Matters in Russia-And Everywhere: Backdrop for the Russia-Ukraine Conflict. Lexington Books/Fortress Academic, 2016.

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19

Return of the Cold War: Russia, the West and Ukraine. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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20

Johns, Michael, and J. L. Black. Return of the Cold War: Ukraine, the West and Russia. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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21

Yekelchyk, Serhy. Conflict in Ukraine: What Everyone Needs to Know. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2015.

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22

The conflict in Ukraine: What everyone needs to know. 2015.

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23

Menon, Rajan, and Eugene B. Rumer. Conflict in Ukraine: The Unwinding of the Post-Cold War Order. MIT Press, 2015.

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24

Menon, Rajan, Deborah Chasman, and Eugene B. Rumer. Conflict in Ukraine: The Unwinding of the Post-Cold War Order. MIT Press, 2015.

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25

Menon, Rajan, and Eugene B. Rumer. Conflict in Ukraine: The Unwinding of the Post-Cold War Order. MIT Press, 2018.

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26

Menon, Rajan, Deborah Chasman, and Eugene B. Rumer. Conflict in Ukraine: The Unwinding of the Post--Cold War Order. MIT Press, 2015.

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27

SPPS Series Editor: Andreas Umland (Editor), ed. Ukraine - Crimea - Russia: Triangle of Conflict (Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society 47). ibidem-Verlag, www.ibidem-verlag.de/spps.html, 2007.

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28

Yekelchyk, Serhy. Ukraine. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780197532102.001.0001.

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Conventional wisdom dictates that Ukraine’s political crises can be traced to the linguistic differences and divided political loyalties that have long fractured the country. However, this theory obscures the true significance of Ukraine’s recent civic revolution and the conflict’s crucial international dimension. The 2013-14 Ukrainian revolution presented authoritarian powers in Russia with both a democratic and a geopolitical challenge. In reality, political conflict in Ukraine is reflective of global discord, stemming from differing views on state power, civil society, and democracy. Ukraine’s sudden prominence in American politics has compounded an already-widespread misunderstanding of what is actually happening in the nation. In the American media, Ukraine has come to signify an inherently corrupt place, rather than a real country struggling in the face of great challenges. Ukraine: What Everyone Needs to Know® is an updated edition of Serhy Yekelchyk’s 2015 publication, The Conflict in Ukraine. It addresses Ukraine’s relations with the West, particularly the United States, from the perspective of Ukrainians. The book explains how independent Ukraine fell victim to crony capitalism, how its people rebelled twice in the last two decades in the name of democracy and against corruption, and why Russia reacted so aggressively to the strivings of Ukrainians. Additionally, it looks at what we know about alleged Ukrainian interference in the 2016 US presidential election, the factors behind the stunning electoral victory of the political novice Volodymyr Zelensky, and the ways in which the events leading to the impeachment proceedings against President Donald Trump have changed the Russia-Ukraine-US relationship. This volume is essential reading for anyone who wants to understand the forces that have shaped contemporary politics in this increasingly important part of Europe, as well as the international background of the impeachment proceedings in the US
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29

Rumer, Eugene B., 1958- author, ed. Conflict in Ukraine: The unwinding of the post-Cold War order. The MIT Press, 2015.

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30

Hahn, Gordon M. Ukraine over the edge: Russia, the West and the "new Cold War". 2018.

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31

Bolt, Paul J., and Sharyl N. Cross. Russia, China, and Contemporary International Conflicts. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198719519.003.0004.

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Chapter 4 examines Russian and Chinese responses to the two major contemporary regional conflicts in Eurasia and the Middle East that are reshaping the international security environment and involving wide regional and global participation: Ukraine (2014–16), and Syria (2011–16). The cases of Ukraine and Syria demonstrate the capacity for Russia and China to serve as a counterbalancing influence to the United States and its allies in decisively influencing regional conflict situations challenging the norms and values of the liberal democratic order. Russia’s resurgence, China’s rise, and the burgeoning Sino–Russian strategic partnership suggest that the two countries possess the capacity to exert significant influence in provoking, managing, and resolving conflict situations not only in bordering areas, but on the wider global stage.
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32

author, Pomeranz William E., Merry E. Wayne author, and Trudolyubov Maxim author, eds. Roots of Russia's war in Ukraine. University Press Group Ltd, 2016.

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33

Tipaldou, Sofia. The extreme right fringe of Russian nationalism and the Ukraine conflict: The National Socialist Initiative. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0009.

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This chapter examines the dynamics of the extreme fringe of Russian nationalism and the new challenges posed by the events in Ukraine. It presents the main ideological positions of the nationalists who flirt with totalitarianism and sheds light on the internal dynamics of the contemporary Russian nationalist scene, following the trajectory of activist Dmitrii Bobrov from his participation in Russian National Unity to the founding of his own organisations Shultz-88 and the National (People’s) Socialist Initiative (NSI). The latter worked in a network with the Movement against Illegal Migration (DPNI) and the Slavic Union. However, the war in Ukraine divided the nationalist movement into supporters and opponents of the Russian Spring/Novorossiia and of Vladimir Putin. NSI support for the Russian Spring contributed to the breakdown of the Russkie, the broadest ethno-nationalist coalition in Russia up to that point.
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34

Kurkov, Andreĭ. Ukraine diaries: Dispatches from Kiev. imusti, 2014.

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35

Ukraine crisis: What it means for the West. Yale University Press, 2014.

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36

Toal, Gerard. Near Abroad. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190253301.001.0001.

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Before Russia invaded Ukraine, it invaded Georgia. Both states are part of Russia's "near abroad" - newly independent states that were once part of the Soviet Union and are now Russia's neighbors. While the Russia-Georgia war of 2008 faded from the headlines in the wake of the global recession, the geopolitical contest that created it did not. Six years later, the spectre of a revanchist Russia returned when Putin's forces invaded and annexed the Crimean peninsula, once part of Russia but an internationally recognized part of Ukraine since the Soviet collapse. Crimea's annexation and follow on conflict in eastern Ukraine have generated the greatest geopolitical crisis on the European continent since the end of the Cold War. In Near Abroad, the eminent political geographer Gerard Toal moves beyond the polemical rhetoric that surrounds Russia's interventions in Georgia and Ukraine to study the underlying territorial conflicts and geopolitical struggles. Central to understanding are legacies of the Soviet Union collapse: unresolved territorial issues, weak states and a conflicted geopolitical culture in Russia over the new territorial order. The West's desire to expand NATO contributed to a growing geopolitical contest in Russia's near abroad. This found expression in a 2008 NATO proclamation that Georgia and Ukraine will become members of NATO, a "red line" issue for Russia. The road to invasion and war in Georgia and Ukraine, thereafter, is explained in Near Abroad. Geopolitics is often thought of as a game of chess. Near Abroad provides an account of real life geopolitics, one that emphasizes changing spatial relationships, geopolitical cultures and the power of media images. Rather than being a cold game of deliberation, geopolitics is often driven by emotions and ambitions, by desires for freedom and greatness, by clashing personalities and reckless acts. Not only a penetrating analysis of Russia's relationships with its regional neighbors, Near Abroad also offers an analysis of how US geopolitical culture frequently fails to fully understand Russia and the geopolitical archipelago of dependencies in its near abroad.
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37

Uroki ukrainskogo: Ot Maĭdana do Vostoka. AST, Tvorceskoe kooperativnoe ob'edinenie, 2015.

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38

Herpen, Marcel van. Putin's wars: The rise of Russia's new imperialism. Rowman & Littlefield, 2015.

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39

Pynnöniemi, Katri, ed. Nexus of Patriotism and Militarism in Russia: A Quest for Internal Cohesion. Helsinki University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33134/hup-9.

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This edited volume explores patriotism and the growing role of militarism in today’s Russia. During the last 20-year period, there has been a consistent effort in Russia to consolidate the nation and to foster a sense of unity and common purpose. To this end, Russian authorities have activated various channels, from educational programmes and youth organizations to media and popular culture. With the conflict in Ukraine, the manipulation of public sentiments – feeling of pride and perception of threat – has become more systemic. The traditional view of Russia being Other for Europe has been replaced with a narrative of enmity. The West is portrayed as a threat to Russia’s historical-cultural originality while Russia represents itself as a country encircled by enemies. On the other hand, these state-led projects mixing patriotism and militarism are perceived sceptically by the Russian society, especially the younger generations. This volume provides new insights into the evolution of enemy images in Russia and the ways in which societal actors perceive official projections of patriotism and militarism in the Russian society. The contributors of the volume include several experts on Russian studies, contemporary history, political science, sociology, and media studies.
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40

Bachmann, Klaus, and Igor Lyubashenko. The Maidan Uprising, separatism and foreign intervention: Ukraine's complex transition. 2014.

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41

Knott, Eleanor. Identity in Crimea before annexation: A bottom-up perspective. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474433853.003.0013.

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Using the approach of everyday nationalism, this chapter examines the lived experience of Russian identity and nationalism beyond Russia’s borders using the case of Crimea. This is a region where the majority of residents have been assumed to identify as ethnically Russian and where Russian identity is typically used to explain Russia’s 2014 annexation of the peninsula. First, the chapter examines how being Russian was articulated, experienced, negotiated, subverted, and opposed to – or combined with – being Ukrainian and/or Crimean. It then explores the evidence (or the lack of such) of support for territorial reconfiguration of Crimea’s relationship with Ukraine and Russia. The chapter argues that, prior to 2014, rather than seeing Crimea as a region of separatism, preferences for political-territorial affiliation should be recognised as constructed through a path-dependent framing where status quo and a ‘bad peace’ were preferred to a ‘good conflict’
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42

Crimea, Global Rivalry, and the Vengeance of History. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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43

Western Mainstream Media and the Ukraine Crisis: A Study in Conflict Propaganda. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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44

Bolt, Paul J., and Sharyl N. Cross. The Sino–Russian Military–Security Relationship. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198719519.003.0003.

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China and Russia see numerous external and internal challenges that threaten their security, including Russia’s standoff with NATO over Ukraine and China’s territorial disputes in the South China Sea, and both states are increasing the capabilities of their military forces. In this environment, China and Russia have established a secure border that enables them to focus elsewhere. Russian arms sales to China are important, and the two sides engage in joint military exercises, both bilaterally and in conjunction with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. They further cooperate on regional issues and space. However, China and Russia have not formed a military alliance, and the memory of past conflicts and the growing power of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) vis-à-vis the Russian military place limits on security cooperation.
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45

Richter, Wolfgang. The European Peace and Security Order at Risk. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198828945.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the regional order of Europe after the end of the Cold War by discussing its actors, interests, institutions, norms, and principles to determine if the peace and security “between Vancouver and Vladivostok” is at stake. Hence, the global influence of the continental order is put into its historical and institutional context. The maintenance of this order has become increasingly difficult as the extensions of both the EU and NATO to the East, the failed assertiveness of the OSCE, and the conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine have shown. The main risks lay in the fragile relations between Russia and the West and it remains open if the current negative trend will be reversed. However, the chapter suggests the strengthening of the OSCE, a new NATO–Russia accord and more cooperation in global security challenges as feasible countermeasures.
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46

Herpen, Marcel van. Putin's propaganda machine: Soft power and Russian foreign policy. Rowman & Littlefield, 2016.

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47

Bolt, Paul J., and Sharyl N. Cross. China, Russia, and Twenty-First Century Global Geopolitics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198719519.001.0001.

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This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the Chinese–Russian bilateral relationship, grounded in a historical perspective, and discusses the implications of the partnership between these two major powers for world order and global geopolitics. The volume compares the national worldviews, priorities, and strategic visions for the Chinese and Russian leadership, examining several aspects of the relationship in detail. The energy trade is the most important component of economic ties, although both sides desire to broaden trade and investments. In the military realm, Russia sells advanced arms to China, and the two countries engage in regular joint exercises. Diplomatically, these two Eurasian powers take similar approaches to conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, and also cooperate on non-traditional security issues, including preventing colored revolutions, cyber management, and terrorism. These issue areas illustrate four themes. Russia and China have common interests that cement their partnership, including security, protecting authoritarian institutions, and reshaping aspects of the global order. They are key players challenging the United States and the Western liberal order, influencing not only regional issues, but also international norms and institutions. Nevertheless, Western nations remain important for China and Russia. Both seek better relations with the West, but on the basis of “mutual respect” and “equality.” Lastly, Russia and China have frictions in their relationship, and not all of their interests overlap. While the relationship has grown, particularly since 2014, China and Russia are partners but not allies.
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