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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Russia-Ukraine conflict'
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Davydov, Igor. "The Crimean Tatars and their influence on the 'triangle of conflict' Russia-Crimea-Ukraine." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FDavydov.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2008.Thesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Moran, Daniel. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 29, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-121). Also available in print.
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MIELNICZUK, FABIANO PELLIN. "IDENTITY AS A SOURCE OF CONFLICT: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN UKRAINE AND RUSSIA IN THE POST-USSR." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4983@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROO argumento principal da dissertação é que o processo de interação entre Ucrânia e Rússia no pós-URSS dá origem a identidade social de inimigo, a qual é a fonte dos conflitos de interesse entre os dois países. Para sustentar o argumento, propõe-se um modelo teórico com base na importância das idéias para a constituição dos interesses e na crença de que os interesses são determinados pelas identidades. Depois, demonstra-se porque a identidade entre os dois países é de inimigo. A Rússia não admite a independência da Ucrânia, a qual reage denunciando a mentalidade imperial russa. A Rússia aceita o papel atribuído ao manifestar sua pretensão sobre o território ucraniano. Em resposta, a Ucrânia assegura a posse de armas nucleares para se defender de uma possível agressão russa. No final do processo, a identidade de inimigo está construída. A reação dos dois países à expansão da OTAN é utilizada para ilustrar as conseqüências da inimizade. Como as identidades determinam os interesses, as relações entre Estados amigos envolvem interesses comuns, e entre inimigos, interesses divergentes. Assim, a percepção de ameaça é compartilhada entre amigos e, entre inimigos, o amigo de um se torna o inimigo de outro. Por isso a Ucrânia coopera com a OTAN em busca de proteção, enquanto a Rússia não aceita sua expansão. A fim de evitar que os conflitos entre Ucrânia e Rússia representem uma ameaça à segurança da Europa, é necessário que a identidade construída na interação entre eles seja transformada.
The main argument of this dissertation is that the interaction between the Ukraine and Russia generates a social identity of enmity, which is the source of the conflict of interests between the two countries. In order to defend the argument, a theoretical model is proposed based on the importance of ideas to the constitution of interests and on the belief that interests are determined by identities. The next task is to demonstrate why the relationship between the two countries is one of enmity. Russia does not admit the independence of Ukraine, which reacts accusing Russia of imperial mentality. Russia accepts this conferred role when it manifests its claim over the Ukrainian territory. As a result, Ukraine assures its possession of nuclear weapons to defend itself from a potential Russian aggression. By the end of the process, an enemy`s identity is already constructed. The reaction of both countries towards NATO`s expansion is used to illustrate the consequences of enmity. Because identities determine interests, the relationship between friend States involves common interests, whereas that between foes involves divergent interests. The perception of a threat is shared by friends. Between enemies, the friend of one becomes the enemy of the other. That is why Ukraine cooperates with NATO and Russia does not accept its expansion. In order to avoid that the conflicts between Ukraine and Russia become a threat to Europe`s security, it is necessary to change the identity constructed in through their interaction.
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Bakke, Peter Christian. "Framing Ideologies in the 2013-2014 Ukrainian Crisis: How Opposing Movements use Culture to Characterize the Issues." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51805.
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In November 2013, Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych suddenly reversed an ongoing process toward Ukrainian membership European Union in favor of strengthening economic ties with Russia. His action triggered mass demonstrations in Kiev's Maidan Square and eventually resulted in his removal from office. Yanukovych's opposition in the government solidified the regime change by assuming interim control of the government. Their supporters, composed mostly of ethnic Ukrainians from the Central and Western oblasts, became known as the Maidan movement. In response, separatist movements formed in the Southern and Eastern Ukrainian oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Crimea and Kharkiv. Following Russia's annexation of Crimea, separatist leaders in Donetsk and Luhansk united to form the self-proclaimed Novorossiya (New Russia) Union. This thesis used a grounded-theory approach to identify culturally charged framing devices within Maidan and Novorossiya Union discourse. This paper found that the framing devices of Maidan and Novorossiya invoked Ukrainian and Russian belief systems. Analysis of elite cultural discourse demonstrated that Russian and Ukrainian beliefs and attitudes manifested as thematic concepts, which identified problems, suggest solutions and motivate action. Thus, the frame existed within the culture of Ukrainian and Russian interpretive communities. Framing devices and labels used by Novorossiya and Maidan aligned positions regarding the future of Ukraine with such systems of beliefs.Master of Arts
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Ene, Ivan. "Republic of Moldova and the transnistrian conflict the impact of NATO and the European Union enlargements on the dispute resolution process." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FEne.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-106). Also available online.
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Bialecki, Melissa. ""They Believe the Dawn Will Come": Deploying Musical Narratives of Internal Others in Soviet and Post-Soviet Ukraine." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1493923081977843.
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Kolli, Johanna. "Cyberkonflikten i Ukraina : Cyberattacker som instrument i tvingande diplomati." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-154147.
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This paper aims to describe and explain the Russian use of cyberattacks in the Ukrainian conflict. Two major cyber events, BlackEnergy in 2015 and NotPetya in 2017, are analysed by the theoretical framework of coercive diplomacy developed by Daniel Byman and Matthew Waxman, as well as the theory of cyber coercion made by Daniel R. Flemming and Neil C. Rowe. This paper concludes that the Russian use of cyberattacks could be understood as an extension of their already widespread practice of coercive diplomacy as a foreign policy tool. The cyberattacks were developed to pressure the Ukrainian energy and economic sector, through destabilisation of the economic powerbase and the country as a whole. The cyber offenses are developed to push the Ukrainian politics from western influence back towards the Russian political orbit. This due to the political, economic, and power interests Russia finds in the post-soviet state of Ukraine.
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Soukup, Michelle Marie. "STRUGGLES BETWEEN UKRAINIAN AND RUSSIAN IDENTITY: THE PEACE CONUNDRUM, THE ROLE OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH, THE EAST VERSUS THE WEST AND THE INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-428019.
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The Russian-Ukrainian tensions have recently sparked greater debates on an international scale, particularly since the Russian attack on Ukrainian independence in 2014. For the purpose of being able to contribute to these, my thesis explores the underlying problems causing this most recent conflict in the modern history. The research will demonstrate that the freedom of religion and the freedom of the media are being held hostage for the political purposes, while causing a deeper social trauma in a form of polarization and identity crisis. The international actors, particularly the EU and NATO are examined along with their efforts, as the blame for the responsibility of the conflict is often put on them. The questions of sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of the nation are challenged in the chapter overseeing the legislative framework of the parties to the conflict. The methodology used for this research is the analysis of texts and reports with the aim to challenge the Western and Eastern prerogatives, respectively. The findings of the research show a clear and deep relation between the issues of identity, religion and language, while proving their undoubtable influence over the conflict and the struggle between Ukraine’s path forward, specifically choosing between the Western path towards modern democracy or Eastern return to traditional values. The results show that the connection between the national identity and the conflict is important and can bring us to further understand not just the roots of the conflict, but also the possible way out of it.
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Mija, Valeriu. "A solution to Moldova's Transdniestrian conflict : regional complex interdependence /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMija.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Jeff Knopf, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-85). Also available online.
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Marinuta, Vitalie Nicon. "Evolution of Transdniestrian conflict in the Republic of Moldova: prospects for its solution." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMarinuta.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Jessica Piombo, Anne Clunan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-124). Also available online.
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Nilsson, Linnea. "Russia's exercise of power : A comparative case study of Russia's use of command power, soft power and smart power in Georgia and Ukraine." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85574.
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Despite a vast research of Russia’s means of power, including its military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine, no comprehensive comparison of Russia’s exercise of power in Georgia and Ukraine has been accomplished, even though they are the most prominent cases of post-Soviet states that have been subjects for Russian military aggression. This study compares the forms of power Russia has been using to implement its foreign policy objectives in Ukraine and Georgia, in order to identify Russia’s power-related behavior and strategies, through an abductive qualitative approach with a comparative method. Russia’s means of power are analyzed through the glasses of the analytical framework of Joseph Nye’s concepts of command power, soft power and smart power. The findings suggest that Russia’s main foreign policy objectives, related to the post-Soviet space, are to prevent the establishment of a pro-Western orientation in the region, make its neighboring countries dependent on Russia, establish closer ties with its neighbors and incorporate them in the Eurasian Customs Union (ECU), but also to achieve military supremacy in the region. It is further apparent that Russia uses similar strategies and means of power in Georgia and Ukraine, both through military actions and economic pressures, that can be categorized under command power, but also through diplomatic means, other economic means, informational tools and co-optation. However, in order to achieve its foreign policy objectives most efficiently, Russia combines command power and soft power. This study can contribute to the research of other dominant countries and unequal relationships; and from the learnings of this study, early warning signs or scenarios with certain foreign policy moves can be detected in other dominant countries’ exercise of power towards less powerful states.
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Hašková, Barbara. "Assessment of the Effects of Sanctions on trade between the EU and Russia." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201905.
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This thesis concerns about the effectiveness of sanctions imposed between Russia and the EU in 2014. Firstly are conducted theoretical foundations of sanctions and their imposition from the EU as well as Russian contra-sanctions. Secondly, the analysis is based on the gravity model in trade in log-linear form and further develop out-of-sample estimations about trade potentials. Although trade potentials did not proved the expected decrease in exports from EU to Russia, the Input-Output analysis of impacts on exports of food products did so. Results yielded calculated impacts on GDP of various countries due to food embargo that are more or less comparable with the actual evolution of GDP and trade flows. Thirdly, the indirect effects of sanctions of third country effect and re-exports are observed from trade patterns. There has been recorded increased exports of food related products from the EU towards members of Euroasian Customs Union as well as increased imports from these countries to Russia. Finally, the results points out decreased economic activity of Russia due to depreciation of domestic currency, capital flight, decline in oil prices and also sanctions adding up to the problems the economy deals with. The economic impacts of sanctions are present in both parties. However, from the political view sanctions did not proved to be effective so far. Russian intervention in Ukraine territory is continuing.
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Chernousov, Pavel. "Economic Sanctions and International Conflicts: The Case of Russia In Comparative Perspective." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34925.
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The subject of my thesis is the following: “Economic sanctions and international conflicts: the case of Russia in comparative perspective.” I will demonstrate the impact the economic sanctions have had on a state’s foreign policy; whether they have succeeded in persuading or forcing an embargoed country to change its geopolitical actions. I believe there is a case that argues that economic sanctions can work provided that they are applied in a right manner against properly defined targets with a clear purpose.
My thesis will pursue a practical aim of providing direct and proven data based on empirical analysis to reinforce the theoretical base of the tool of economic sanctions. Apart from the research conducted on past case studies, the empirical research will concentrate on the Russian case. It will make use of think-tank reports, official documents and journalists’ investigations, in which the case for sanctions with regard to Russia is well-documented.
In order to understand the development of the tool of economic sanctions, this paper will also outline their main characteristics. A historical and comparative approach is best suited for this purpose, as it offers solid theoretical data to reinforce the main arguments of the study. This information provides a useful tool for building this research project in a conclusive and definitive way.
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Sitniece, Katrīna Marija. "The Power of Values in Determining Interstate Threat Perception." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445527.
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Interstate threat perception plays a vital role in peace and conflict, having the potential to lead to pre-emptive war. Despite the significance of the theme, little is known about the elements and mechanisms at play guiding threat perception at the state level. This study contributes to said gap by focusing on values as the driver of threat perception. The argument explores the regional constraints of threat perception, focusing on regional military interventions and their effects on the threat perception of the states within said region. Thus, the paper addresses the question of what role value congruence plays in interstate threat perception following a regional military intervention. The paper hypothesises that a higher perceived value congruence between the perceiving state and the intervening state lowers the degree of threat perception. Noting data limitations and isolation challenges, the study finds support for this hypothesis by exploring the case of 2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine and its effects on Belarus, Poland, and Sweden.
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Nygren, Isak. "The Gothic versus the Russian. The conflict between the Church of the Goths and the Russian Orthodox Church : A comparison between the Church of the Goths (and similar churches) and the Moscow Patriarchate." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-26798.
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This essay is mainly about the Church of the Goths and about the Russian Orthodox Church, and their conflict. The essay will be focusing about important persons in these two churches. This essay will be tracing back the roots of the Church of the Goths, since it is a church, that is unknown by most people in this world. My research will be making a distinction of the differences between the Church of the Goths and the Russian Orthodox Church. This essay will also be discussing the heritage of the Gothic people and the theories of the Goths.The methods in the essay, is academic sources, information from the Church of the Goths and from the Russian Orthodox Church. The results shows how the information was found, and now it is published for the first time about the Church of the Goths. This means the Church of the Goths has a stronger ground than first expected. The methods were comparing what the different sources says, and if it was possible to connect the Church of the Goths to the Metropolitanate of Gothia, and so on.
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Kao, Yun-ya, and 高韻雅. "EU’s Power, Role and Strategy of Mediation in Russia-Ukraine Gas Dispute and Russia-Georgia Conflict." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/78922392314833113095.
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碩士東吳大學
政治學系
100
The paper is discussing about mediation power, role and strategy of EU, when it intervene into Russia-Ukraine gas dispute and Russia-Georgia conflict, the differences between them. To Use “Common Foreign and Security Policy” as a framework, power, role and strategy are variables to analysis of “common declarations”, “common positions”, “common strategies”, and “joint actions”. What are the key points make EU success and fail? Why are they special? EU was a stakeholder when it mediated Russia-Ukraine gas dispute, it was a dispute between Russia and its former republics and also a non-military task. As a premise of the same benefits, European Commission was standing for the whole EU to engage the dispute. On the other hand, in the Russia-Georgia conflict, although it was also a dispute between Russia and its former republics, EU didn’t have immediate crisis. Besides, EU members had different opinions among them, so only the President of European Council as a representative of EU to mediate the conflict. We can do the comparative from the two cases to know the relative relations of power, role and strategy of mediation by EU. EU is a supranational organization, the purpose of the article is to understand when it engaging in the mediation, compare to a single nation/ state, what are advantages and disadvantages of it? What are the specialities of EU?
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Cummings, Victoria. "Effect of trade in strategically significant sectors on the likelihood of conflict." Thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/33054.
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In the modern, globalized economy countries are becoming increasingly intertwined economically and this growing interdependence will have an impact on how foreign policy is conceived. My thesis analyzes the relationship between strategically significant trade and conflict by analyzing dyadic trade data between Russia and 31 countries from 1993 to 2009, specifically identifying trade in fuels such as oil and natural gas as strategically important resource trade. This research aims to contribute to the discussion on whether high levels of trade in strategically significant resources decreases the likelihood of conflict and build on existing literature on the effects of trade on international relations. To test this claim, my model employed several control variables ranging from contiguity to trade dependence and used logistic regression to analyze the relationships between variables. Analysis showed that there is no statistically significant relationship between fuel trade and conflict in the sample used. Additionally my model found evidence to suggest that contiguity and NATO membership both have significant effects on the likelihood of conflict in the region studied.
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Lutsenko, Oleksandr. "Ruské hybridní aktivity na Ukrajine: anektování Krymu a válka na Donbase." Master's thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-448234.
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The aim of the work is to analyze the hybrid strategy of Russia against Ukraine. The thesis works with the notion of the socio-cultural concept of the Russian world in the context of a hybrid war. Information campaigns and narratives based on identity change can be used for military purposes. Propaganda and historical paradigms are used in planning hybrid operations. During the military operation in Crimea and the war in Donbass, certain parts of society are radicalized and used in the active part of the conflict.
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Greene, Owen J., K. Morris, and M. Paasiaro. "Advice on Portfolio Development in the Eastern Partnership region and Russia: implications of Ukraine conflicts." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17096.
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YesSida requested the Helpdesk to review and analyse the direct and indirect implications of the conflict in Ukraine in 2014 for the portfolio of programmes supported by Sida in the Eastern Partnership Region (EaP) and in Russia; taking into account the Results Strategies for Sweden’s support to these regions and countries.
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Tymchuk, Halyna. "NATO a evropská bezpečnost na východě: Dopad ukrajinsko-ruského konfliktu na NATO doktrínu a strategii Ukrajiny." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-434693.
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This diploma thesis will basically work with the concept of security, namely, the European secu- rity in recent years. Although Ukraine is not a NATO member, and Russia is NATO's distant neighbour, in this thesis I will prove that we should connect the events on Ukrainian border with European security. From the very onset of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, NATO was firm in its support of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. The Allies immediately condemned the illegal "legitimate annexation" of the Crimea to Russia in March 2014 and they have repeatedly stated that they would never recognize it as well. They also condemned deliberate destabilization in eastern Ukraine which was provoked by Russia with the use of its military intervention and militants' support. The crisis in Ukraine has proved to be a real turning point in Euro-Atlantic security since some senior Western politicians began to speak about changes in the guideline of European defense policy. Ukrainian crisis created new security situation in Europe and still requires attention, in- volvement and response from NATO. This crisis sharpened strategic misunderstanding between Russia and the West. It shows very clearly that Moscow and the West understand European security in...
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游雅韻. "A study on the political implications of natural gas conflicts between russia and ukraine: the cases in 2006 and 2009." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/23421445263723512406.
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碩士國立政治大學
俄羅斯研究所
98
In this study, I attempt to explain the political implications of natural gas conflicts between Russia and Ukraine at international and international level by means of geopolitical approach. Ukraine faces Black Sea and possesses central location in Euro-Asia continent. Russia has an initiative to intervene in European affairs if Ukraine is under its control. In a result, Ukraine is critical to Russia in its strategic layout. Meanwhile, after NATO Enlargement, Ukraine is the last defense boundary of Russia to ensure its geopolitical security. The policy of joining NATO under Yushchenko definitely brought Russia’s objections. It shows after Orange Revolution the discrepancy in foreign policy between Russia and Ukraine gave an incentive to natural gas conflicts. In the International system level, relying on gas imported from Russia at a low price led to relatively low-efficiency in Ukraine’s energy sections which strengthens the power of Russia’s energy diplomacy. Therefore, I believe the natural gas conflicts were aimed to put political pressure upon Ukraine. Although the interruptions brought about criticism from EC and caused great damage to the reputations of Russia and Ukraine, in the short term, it is unlikely to cease Russia-EC cooperation relationship in energy field. However, the status of Ukraine in energy transition could become less important due to the operations of alternative pipelines. In the state system level, most people in Eastern and Southern are in favor of pro-Russia parties or candidates and those in Western and Northern are in the opposite. There are five factors that led to its discrepancy: race, religion, language, economic, and history. The political unrest in Ukraine came from disagreements among elites and gas conflicts provided a pretext for them to attack their opponents. Additionally, this country was under political transformation. Because of these elements, Ukraine suffered from several political crises in the following three years since 2006. The new contract in 2009 provided a better transparency to Russia-Ukraine gas deal, but the problem of Ukraine’s gas debts was not yet dissolved. It suggests Russia is likely to put pressure upon Ukraine by means of energy diplomacy in the future.
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Chen, Yu-Ching, and 陳右青. "Conflicts between Principles of Self-determination and the National Interest of Great Powers-the Policies of U.S. and Russia upon Ukraine and Scotland." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/60651719421564257694.
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碩士國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
103
One of the universal values of the West is self-determination, which is a concept originated from Europe and the United Sates. However, this concept has not been realized in many parts of the world. Although various methods of appeal towards the demand for it has taken place, the right of self-determination still arouses controversies and remains as an uncertainty in the international society. Therefore, the realization of self-determination not only depends on the will of the international community, but it is also guided by power-driven attitudes, which are manifested in the behaviors of powerful nations. The fundamental factor that determines a country’s behaviors is national interest, which is the nature of international politics. Through literature analysis, historical studies, and comparison of study methods, this paper discusses the conflicts between principles of self-determination and interests of powerful nations. Analysis of two case studies concerning attitudes of the U.S. and Russia towards Ukraine and Scotland will be discussed. The results of analysis showed that there are noticeable differences between the self-determination attitudes of the U.S. and Russia towards Ukraine and Scotland. The U.S. showed support towards Ukraine but opposition towards Scotland. On the other hand, Russia showed opposition towards Ukraine but support towards Scotland. Although the U.S. and Russia have such different attitudes, they have the same intention: national interests. Clearly, national interests are the primary concerns of a country while self-determination principles come second.