Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Russia-Ukraine conflict'
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Davydov, Igor. "The Crimean Tatars and their influence on the 'triangle of conflict' Russia-Crimea-Ukraine." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/08Mar%5FDavydov.pdf.
Full textThesis Advisor(s): Tsypkin, Mikhail ; Moran, Daniel. "March 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 29, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-121). Also available in print.
MIELNICZUK, FABIANO PELLIN. "IDENTITY AS A SOURCE OF CONFLICT: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN UKRAINE AND RUSSIA IN THE POST-USSR." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=4983@1.
Full textO argumento principal da dissertação é que o processo de interação entre Ucrânia e Rússia no pós-URSS dá origem a identidade social de inimigo, a qual é a fonte dos conflitos de interesse entre os dois países. Para sustentar o argumento, propõe-se um modelo teórico com base na importância das idéias para a constituição dos interesses e na crença de que os interesses são determinados pelas identidades. Depois, demonstra-se porque a identidade entre os dois países é de inimigo. A Rússia não admite a independência da Ucrânia, a qual reage denunciando a mentalidade imperial russa. A Rússia aceita o papel atribuído ao manifestar sua pretensão sobre o território ucraniano. Em resposta, a Ucrânia assegura a posse de armas nucleares para se defender de uma possível agressão russa. No final do processo, a identidade de inimigo está construída. A reação dos dois países à expansão da OTAN é utilizada para ilustrar as conseqüências da inimizade. Como as identidades determinam os interesses, as relações entre Estados amigos envolvem interesses comuns, e entre inimigos, interesses divergentes. Assim, a percepção de ameaça é compartilhada entre amigos e, entre inimigos, o amigo de um se torna o inimigo de outro. Por isso a Ucrânia coopera com a OTAN em busca de proteção, enquanto a Rússia não aceita sua expansão. A fim de evitar que os conflitos entre Ucrânia e Rússia representem uma ameaça à segurança da Europa, é necessário que a identidade construída na interação entre eles seja transformada.
The main argument of this dissertation is that the interaction between the Ukraine and Russia generates a social identity of enmity, which is the source of the conflict of interests between the two countries. In order to defend the argument, a theoretical model is proposed based on the importance of ideas to the constitution of interests and on the belief that interests are determined by identities. The next task is to demonstrate why the relationship between the two countries is one of enmity. Russia does not admit the independence of Ukraine, which reacts accusing Russia of imperial mentality. Russia accepts this conferred role when it manifests its claim over the Ukrainian territory. As a result, Ukraine assures its possession of nuclear weapons to defend itself from a potential Russian aggression. By the end of the process, an enemy`s identity is already constructed. The reaction of both countries towards NATO`s expansion is used to illustrate the consequences of enmity. Because identities determine interests, the relationship between friend States involves common interests, whereas that between foes involves divergent interests. The perception of a threat is shared by friends. Between enemies, the friend of one becomes the enemy of the other. That is why Ukraine cooperates with NATO and Russia does not accept its expansion. In order to avoid that the conflicts between Ukraine and Russia become a threat to Europe`s security, it is necessary to change the identity constructed in through their interaction.
Bakke, Peter Christian. "Framing Ideologies in the 2013-2014 Ukrainian Crisis: How Opposing Movements use Culture to Characterize the Issues." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51805.
Full textMaster of Arts
Ene, Ivan. "Republic of Moldova and the transnistrian conflict the impact of NATO and the European Union enlargements on the dispute resolution process." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FEne.pdf.
Full textThesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-106). Also available online.
Bialecki, Melissa. ""They Believe the Dawn Will Come": Deploying Musical Narratives of Internal Others in Soviet and Post-Soviet Ukraine." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1493923081977843.
Full textKolli, Johanna. "Cyberkonflikten i Ukraina : Cyberattacker som instrument i tvingande diplomati." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-154147.
Full textSoukup, Michelle Marie. "STRUGGLES BETWEEN UKRAINIAN AND RUSSIAN IDENTITY: THE PEACE CONUNDRUM, THE ROLE OF THE ORTHODOX CHURCH, THE EAST VERSUS THE WEST AND THE INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-428019.
Full textMija, Valeriu. "A solution to Moldova's Transdniestrian conflict : regional complex interdependence /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMija.pdf.
Full textThesis advisor(s): Jeff Knopf, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-85). Also available online.
Marinuta, Vitalie Nicon. "Evolution of Transdniestrian conflict in the Republic of Moldova: prospects for its solution." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMarinuta.pdf.
Full textThesis advisor(s): Jessica Piombo, Anne Clunan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-124). Also available online.
Nilsson, Linnea. "Russia's exercise of power : A comparative case study of Russia's use of command power, soft power and smart power in Georgia and Ukraine." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85574.
Full textHašková, Barbara. "Assessment of the Effects of Sanctions on trade between the EU and Russia." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-201905.
Full textChernousov, Pavel. "Economic Sanctions and International Conflicts: The Case of Russia In Comparative Perspective." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34925.
Full textSitniece, Katrīna Marija. "The Power of Values in Determining Interstate Threat Perception." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445527.
Full textNygren, Isak. "The Gothic versus the Russian. The conflict between the Church of the Goths and the Russian Orthodox Church : A comparison between the Church of the Goths (and similar churches) and the Moscow Patriarchate." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för historia och samtidsstudier, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-26798.
Full textKao, Yun-ya, and 高韻雅. "EU’s Power, Role and Strategy of Mediation in Russia-Ukraine Gas Dispute and Russia-Georgia Conflict." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/78922392314833113095.
Full text東吳大學
政治學系
100
The paper is discussing about mediation power, role and strategy of EU, when it intervene into Russia-Ukraine gas dispute and Russia-Georgia conflict, the differences between them. To Use “Common Foreign and Security Policy” as a framework, power, role and strategy are variables to analysis of “common declarations”, “common positions”, “common strategies”, and “joint actions”. What are the key points make EU success and fail? Why are they special? EU was a stakeholder when it mediated Russia-Ukraine gas dispute, it was a dispute between Russia and its former republics and also a non-military task. As a premise of the same benefits, European Commission was standing for the whole EU to engage the dispute. On the other hand, in the Russia-Georgia conflict, although it was also a dispute between Russia and its former republics, EU didn’t have immediate crisis. Besides, EU members had different opinions among them, so only the President of European Council as a representative of EU to mediate the conflict. We can do the comparative from the two cases to know the relative relations of power, role and strategy of mediation by EU. EU is a supranational organization, the purpose of the article is to understand when it engaging in the mediation, compare to a single nation/ state, what are advantages and disadvantages of it? What are the specialities of EU?
Cummings, Victoria. "Effect of trade in strategically significant sectors on the likelihood of conflict." Thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/33054.
Full textLutsenko, Oleksandr. "Ruské hybridní aktivity na Ukrajine: anektování Krymu a válka na Donbase." Master's thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-448234.
Full textGreene, Owen J., K. Morris, and M. Paasiaro. "Advice on Portfolio Development in the Eastern Partnership region and Russia: implications of Ukraine conflicts." 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17096.
Full textSida requested the Helpdesk to review and analyse the direct and indirect implications of the conflict in Ukraine in 2014 for the portfolio of programmes supported by Sida in the Eastern Partnership Region (EaP) and in Russia; taking into account the Results Strategies for Sweden’s support to these regions and countries.
Tymchuk, Halyna. "NATO a evropská bezpečnost na východě: Dopad ukrajinsko-ruského konfliktu na NATO doktrínu a strategii Ukrajiny." Master's thesis, 2020. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-434693.
Full text游雅韻. "A study on the political implications of natural gas conflicts between russia and ukraine: the cases in 2006 and 2009." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/23421445263723512406.
Full text國立政治大學
俄羅斯研究所
98
In this study, I attempt to explain the political implications of natural gas conflicts between Russia and Ukraine at international and international level by means of geopolitical approach. Ukraine faces Black Sea and possesses central location in Euro-Asia continent. Russia has an initiative to intervene in European affairs if Ukraine is under its control. In a result, Ukraine is critical to Russia in its strategic layout. Meanwhile, after NATO Enlargement, Ukraine is the last defense boundary of Russia to ensure its geopolitical security. The policy of joining NATO under Yushchenko definitely brought Russia’s objections. It shows after Orange Revolution the discrepancy in foreign policy between Russia and Ukraine gave an incentive to natural gas conflicts. In the International system level, relying on gas imported from Russia at a low price led to relatively low-efficiency in Ukraine’s energy sections which strengthens the power of Russia’s energy diplomacy. Therefore, I believe the natural gas conflicts were aimed to put political pressure upon Ukraine. Although the interruptions brought about criticism from EC and caused great damage to the reputations of Russia and Ukraine, in the short term, it is unlikely to cease Russia-EC cooperation relationship in energy field. However, the status of Ukraine in energy transition could become less important due to the operations of alternative pipelines. In the state system level, most people in Eastern and Southern are in favor of pro-Russia parties or candidates and those in Western and Northern are in the opposite. There are five factors that led to its discrepancy: race, religion, language, economic, and history. The political unrest in Ukraine came from disagreements among elites and gas conflicts provided a pretext for them to attack their opponents. Additionally, this country was under political transformation. Because of these elements, Ukraine suffered from several political crises in the following three years since 2006. The new contract in 2009 provided a better transparency to Russia-Ukraine gas deal, but the problem of Ukraine’s gas debts was not yet dissolved. It suggests Russia is likely to put pressure upon Ukraine by means of energy diplomacy in the future.
Chen, Yu-Ching, and 陳右青. "Conflicts between Principles of Self-determination and the National Interest of Great Powers-the Policies of U.S. and Russia upon Ukraine and Scotland." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/60651719421564257694.
Full text國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
103
One of the universal values of the West is self-determination, which is a concept originated from Europe and the United Sates. However, this concept has not been realized in many parts of the world. Although various methods of appeal towards the demand for it has taken place, the right of self-determination still arouses controversies and remains as an uncertainty in the international society. Therefore, the realization of self-determination not only depends on the will of the international community, but it is also guided by power-driven attitudes, which are manifested in the behaviors of powerful nations. The fundamental factor that determines a country’s behaviors is national interest, which is the nature of international politics. Through literature analysis, historical studies, and comparison of study methods, this paper discusses the conflicts between principles of self-determination and interests of powerful nations. Analysis of two case studies concerning attitudes of the U.S. and Russia towards Ukraine and Scotland will be discussed. The results of analysis showed that there are noticeable differences between the self-determination attitudes of the U.S. and Russia towards Ukraine and Scotland. The U.S. showed support towards Ukraine but opposition towards Scotland. On the other hand, Russia showed opposition towards Ukraine but support towards Scotland. Although the U.S. and Russia have such different attitudes, they have the same intention: national interests. Clearly, national interests are the primary concerns of a country while self-determination principles come second.