Academic literature on the topic 'Russia—Ukraine relations'
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Journal articles on the topic "Russia—Ukraine relations"
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Menglong, Li, and He Qiuxuan. "A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF RUSSIA-U.S. RELATIONS AFTER THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE CONFLICT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHINESE SCHOLARS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 8, no. 1 (2024): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-1-49-59.
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Since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the complexity of the conflict between Russia and the West has become more and more serious, with far-reaching effects on global politics, economy and military affairs. As a direct and indirect participant in this conflict, Russia and the United States, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has an important impact on their relations. Chinese scholars are very concerned about the impact of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on the direction of Russia-U.S. relations, and discuss the post-cold war period, the reasons why the Ukraine issue affects the development of Russia-U.S. relations, and the prospects for the development of Russia-U.S. relations after the Russia-Ukraine conflict. It is believed that the structural contradictions existing in the post-cold war period in Russia-US relations, mainly manifested in the competition between Russia and the United States for the dominance of Russia's neighboring regions, the difference in the development path between Russia and the United States and the security dilemma; the geopolitical significance of Ukraine, the post-cold war period of Russia and Ukraine Cold War thinking continued to influence the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the Russian-US relations is of great significance; as well as the strategic goals of Russia and the United States, etc., the impact of the Russian-Ukraine conflict on the Russian-US relations after the conflict. The impact of Russia-Ukraine conflict on Russia-U.S. relations is analyzed and researched.
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Zhang, Yuwei. "Analyze Russia's Foreign Relations with Three Main Theories of International Relations." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 1 (July 6, 2022): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v1i.625.
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With the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Russia's foreign relations and diplomatic strategy have become the focus of academic research. However, previous studies on Russian diplomatic relations tend to start from a single theoretical perspective. Although this approach is detailed and in-depth enough, countries do not develop diplomatic strategies from a single perspective, so it is difficult to fully explain Russia's diplomatic motives from a single perspective. This paper will analyze Russia's foreign relations, and speculate the deep needs and diplomatic logic of The Russian authorities in the Russia-Ukraine crisis from the three mainstream theories. The analysis method this paper adopted was literature review, and all papers cited were from CNKI and Google Scholar. Through the analysis and comparison, it is obvious that Russia mainly maintains the neorealist diplomatic strategy in the conflict with Ukraine. Russia aims to maintain the neutral status of Ukraine and promote the establishment of an alliance to compete with the US-led NATO countries. From the perspective of the three major theories, this paper comprehensively analyzes Russia's foreign relations, which is conducive to providing a new analytical perspective for the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine. It can rationally view the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, and have a deeper understanding of the role and purpose of Russia in the conflict, so as to provide help for the settlement of the conflict.
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Doroshko, Mykola. "Russia versus Ukraine: a historical front." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 8, no. 2 (2023): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2022.8.2.141-153.
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«Memory wars» are an integral part of relations between Ukraine and Russia. The modern Russian-Ukrainian war is not only a war for Ukrainian territory, which the Russian Federation seeks to capture, but also a confrontation between the Ukrainian world, as an organic part of Europe, and the so-called "Russian world", which is based on the idea of imperial revenge. The author believes that the real essence of Ukrainian-Russian relations is the opposition of the Ukrainian world to the plans of Russia (Muscovy) to absorb Ukraine, which has been going on for several centuries.
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Perepelytsia, Hryhorii. "Why 20 Years of the Great Agreement did not Save Ukraine from Russian Military Aggression?" Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 641–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-38.
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The article analyses significance of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. The author outlines the statement of the President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko about the termination of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, analyses the reasons for delaying the breakdown of diplomatic relations with the aggressor country, and studies the trade-economic and financial reasons for such a delay. Fear of large-scale armed invasion in Ukraine, the existence of certain arrangements with negative consequences for the ownership of Ukrainian oligarchs in Russia and so on are distinguished among the reasons for the delay of denouncing this treaty. Therefore, Ukraine legally preserved strategic partnership relations with Russia and continued to develop trade and economic relations. The domestic policy of both states was characterized within the context of Russian-Ukrainian war; the main content of the analysis of the Great Agreement and its 20-year implementation period was revealed. Fundamental changes in relations between the West and Russia were formulated. The analysis of the interpretation of the main points and theses of the Agreement were carried out. After analyzing the Great Agreement the author considers it obvious that Ukraine and Russia have different conceptual views on the role of the Treaty in their development as well as in development of their interstate bilateral relations. The article analyses Russia’s ignoring of the main points and norms of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership and describes the reasons for radicalization of relations both in political and social dimensions that have been provoked by the Russian-Ukrainian war. The author concludes that Russia under cover of the Great Agreement, created all conditions necessary for committing its military aggression against Ukraine and gives examples of war crimes. Keywords: Great Agreement, Ukraine, Russian Federation, diplomatic relations, partnership, status.
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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "Ukrainian and Russian Relations: An Analysis of the Post-Donbas Crisis." Copernicus Political and Legal Studies 2, no. 3 (2023): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/cpls.2023305.
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The article aims to assess the relationship between Ukraine and Russia since the Donbas crisis. The regional rivalry between Ukraine and Russia has largely contributed to the instability of Eastern Europe. The article describes the concerns of the geopolitical game of influence between the West, led by the United States, and Russia. The article explores Ukraine’s eastern border conflict as a live myth-making process. The study used the empirical and theoretical literature to find the objectives of this research. This article outlines the objectives of the Donbas region crisis output, Ukraine and Russia relations, and the EU sanctions against Russia, comparing the expectations of the political, economic and cultural aspects. The new conflict between Ukraine and Russia validates a new kind of geopolitical adventurism and blurs both the territorial and imaginary borders of the Russian state. As a result, the Ukrainian eastern crisis in the Donbas region has highlighted the fragility of the Russian national identity and the incompleteness of the Russian administration.
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Jacuch, Andrzej. "Czech-Russian Relations. Russian Disinformation Campaign." Polish Political Science Yearbook 51 (December 31, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202250.
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After the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, the Czech Republic became fully aware of the threats posed by the Kremlin despite President Zeman has denied the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine and has criticised the EU sanctions against Russia. Czechia belongs to the group of countries through which Russia influences the EU, to gradually and deliberately erode its structures. Russia exerts a strong influence on the Czech Republic by non-military means, including disinformation and propaganda, the activities of secret services, and penetration of its economy and specifically its energy sector. The article aims to answer the question about the role of Russian disinformation and propaganda in the context of Russian influence in the Czech Republic. The role of Russian disinformation and propaganda and how Russia influences Czechia is extensively analysed. The main hypothesis is that Russia treats the Czech Republic as a key state for espionage and disinformation activities and as a zone of influence, undermining the sovereignty of the Czech Republic and the role of NATO and the EU.
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Assist. Lecurer. Husam Mohammed Khudhair and Assist Prof Dr Saleem Gata'a Ali. "The Russian-Ukrainian Relations after 2014." International and Political Journal, no. 56 (September 1, 2023): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i56.254.
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The Russian-Ukrainian relations have been undergoing an unprecedented change since February 2022 although these relations have not been perfect over the decades, since Ukraine’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and the subsequent Russian–Ukrainian disagreements about Russian gas and the process of its transportation to Europe through Ukrainian territory. The repercussions of this crisis have been mixed with the American–Western hostility to the Russian Federation, which has always feared for its national security from the expansion of the North Atlantic Alliance Organization (NATO) and its approaching to Russian territory. The West, led by the United States, is working hard to encircle Russia and isolate it from its regional and international surroundings. All this has influenced the escalation of the crisis between Russia and Ukraine, and the Russian special military operation in Ukraine has become a hybrid war led by Westerners and Americans against Russia on Ukrainian territory.
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Lampe, John R. "Ukraine and Russia, Nation and Empire." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 3 (2022): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.3.lam.281-296.
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The current conflict in Ukraine and the troubled course of its relations with Russia since declaring independence in 1991 has encouraged speculation and misinformation about the longer history of their relationship. These two new books by leading historian of Ukrainian and Russian history provide last chapters with informed accounts of relations since 1991. Their primary concerns and the bulk of their books are devoted to the much longer histories and complex relations from the Tsarist centuries through the Soviet period.
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Zinovyev, V. P., and E. F. Troitskiy. "MODERN RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND UKRAINE." Rusin, no. 42(4) (December 1, 2015): 205–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/42/14.
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Lukman, Muhammad Lutfi, and Mohamad Asyraf Mohamad Farique. "The Russia-Ukraine War and the Global Balance of Power." International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 5, no. 8 (2024): 492–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2024.82.
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This study examines the geopolitics and geoeconomics implications of the Russia-Ukraine war on the global balance of power. It investigates the impacts of the war on the global economy particularly the trade relations between emerging global powers and global demand for Russian, US and Chinese currencies. It also inspects NATO’s ability to fulfil its purpose in the light of the Russian invasion in Ukraine. The study finds that the Russia-Ukraine war demonstrates signs of the world's political changes towards the formation of a multipolar international system. A comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of the global balance of power can help to guide strategic response in safeguarding national interests amid global power competition. Kajian ini meneliti implikasi geopolitik dan geoekonomi perang Russia-Ukraine terhadap keseimbangan kuasa dunia. Ia menyelidik kesan-kesan perang ini terhadap ekonomi antarabangsa terutamanya hubungan perdagangan antara kuasa-kuasa dunia baharu serta permintaan global terhadap matawang Rusia, Amerika Syarikat dan China. Kajian ini juga menilai keupayaan NATO untuk memenuhi tujuannya tatkala Russia mencerobohi Ukraine. Kajian ini mendapati perang Rusia-Ukraine menunjukkan tanda-tanda perubahan politik dunia ke arah pembentukan sistem antarabangsa multipolar. Kefahaman yang menyeluruh mengenai dinamika keseimbangan kuasa global penting untuk memandu tindak balas strategik dalam menjaga kepentingan nasional di tengah-tengah persaingan kuasa dunia.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Russia—Ukraine relations"
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Oswald, Mace J. "Ukraine's relations with Russia competition or cooperation?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/02Dec%5FOswald.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Jeff Knopf, Mikhail Tsypkin. "December 2002." Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-120). Also available in print.
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McMahon, Margery A. "Changing relations : Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2457/.
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In the period of transition which followed the collapse of the USSR, the states of that region were forced to make many political and economic adjustments. A crucial part of the processes was the restructuring of relations among these formerly fraternal republics and as they became in 1991, independent states. For most states structuring relations with Russian became a priority since it is the largest and most dominant regional actor. Such relations are shaped by a number of factors including historical development, economic legacies and geopolitical concerns. These issues have impacted upon the evolving relationship between Russia and its Slav neighbours, Ukraine and Belarus. Drawing on a common background in terms of historical political, economic and cultural development, Russia's relations with these states developed to the point where they were formalized in a Russian Belarusian Community (1996) and a Russian Ukrainian Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation (1997). The impetus for Russia to renegotiate its relations with the states on its western borders was strengthened by the proposed eastward expansion of NATO. Belarus and Ukraine however benefited from this. Belarus was guaranteed cheap supplies of Russian natural resources, vital for its economy, even if this came at the cost of ceding a degree of sovereignty. Ukraine, still excluded from European political and economic organizations was recognized by Russia as an independent state with significant regional influence. Russia secured a buffer zone on its western borders. Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus are now qualitatively different. Ukraine has emerged as a potential ally and even future rival to Russia while Belarus has opted to become a Russian client state with, it appears, the ultimate goal of union with Russia.
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Tingle, David. "Bargaining practice and negotiation failure in Russia-Ukraine gas relations." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=119627.
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What causes 'gas wars' between Russia and Ukraine? Answering this question, this paper argues, requires that we synthesize two prominent theories of international relations (IR), the bargaining model of war and practice theory. It applies these theoretical frameworks to the 2008-2009 Russia-Ukraine gas crisis using qualitative case study methods. Bilateral gas relations can be usefully modeled as crisis bargaining interactions — up to a point. Both Russia and Ukraine deploy crisis bargaining practices to secure natural gas supply and pricing contracts with each other. These practices are not, however, primarily aimed at revealing credible signals of resolve, as standard bargaining models would suggest. Rather, Russia and Ukraine use them to maintain political control over the negotiation process and flexibility over a range of potential outcomes. This tacit understanding poses difficulties when preferences shift such that signaling resolve becomes more important than maintaining political control and flexibility. In these situations, such as late fall 2008, both parties continue to deploy crisis bargaining practices that 'make sense' as ways to engage in negotiation but no longer fit their strategic goals for the process. The taken-for-granted means of practicing gas politics don't fit with the strategic ends sought; the result is a costly gas war despite strong incentives on both sides of the table to locate a compromise short of conflict.<br>Quelles sont les causes des conflits gaziers russo-ukrainiens? Cet article soutient que, pour répondre à cette question, il faut synthétiser deux grandes théories des relations internationales (RI) : le modèle de négociation de guerre et la théorie de l'action. L'article applique ces cadres théoriques à la crise du gaz de 2008-2009 entre l'Ukraine et la Russie, en se basant sur des études de cas qualitatives. Les relations gazières bilatérales peuvent être modélisées comme des interactions de négociation de crise - jusqu'à un certain point. La Russie et l'Ukraine ont tous deux recours à des pratiques de négociation de crise pour assurer leur approvisionnement en gaz naturel et pour obtenir des contrats l'un avec l'autre. Cependant, ces pratiques n'ont pas comme objectif principal la révélation de signaux crédibles de détermination, comme laisseraient à croire les modèles de négociation habituels. Au contraire, la Russie et l'Ukraine utilisent ces pratiques pour maintenir un contrôle politique sur le processus de négociation et pour préserver leur flexibilité par rapport à une gamme de résultats possibles. Cette entente tacite pose des difficultés lorsque les préférences changent et que la signalisation de la détermination devient plus importante que le maintien du contrôle politique et de la flexibilité. Dans de telles situations, comme le démontrent les événements de l'automne 2008, les deux parties continuent à utiliser des pratiques de négociation de crise qui seraient rationnelles si l'objectif principal était la négociation, mais qui ne correspondent plus à leurs objectifs stratégiques pour le processus. Les moyens habituels de faire de la politique gazière ne correspondent plus aux buts stratégiques visés. Le résultat est un conflit gazier coûteux, malgré les incitations fortes qui existent des deux côtés de la table à trouver une solution autre que le conflit.
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Hudson, Victoria Ann. "A study of the civilisational aspects of Russian soft power in contemporary Ukraine." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5134/.
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This thesis contributes to an in-depth understanding of the concept of soft power, which according to Joseph Nye indicates the ability to achieve foreign policy goals through cultural attraction. For the purposes of this study of Russian cultural influence in Ukraine, soft power is rearticulated to highlight the ability to engage in mean-making and cultural-ideational leadership on the international stage. A critique of Nye justifies a reframing of soft power, which is supplied by drawing on the analytical power of post-Marxist hegemony and discourse theory. The methodology through which this concept is operationalised empirically emphasises outcomes over inputs, thus appraisals of soft power must account for whether the discourses promoted by mean-making initiatives resonate favourably with target audiences. Desk-based and field research supports an argument that Moscow acknowledges the need for soft power, understood here in terms of ‘sovereignty of spirit’. This civilisational approach is explored further, and the target narratives advanced by significant proponents of the discourse, namely the Russkiy Mir Foundation, the Russian Orthodox Church and foreign policy officials, are identified. Insights into the activities of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate to promote spiritually-infused discourses are provided, and new developments observed. Finally, the extent of Russian ‘civilisational’ soft power is estimated through surveys and focus groups gauging audience reception to the ideational narratives promoted.
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Wright, Laurie J. "Security concerns and the potential for stability in the Black Sea region, relations among Russia, Ukraine and Turkey." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22786.pdf.
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Puglisi, Rosaria. "Power to the pragmatists : the role of the economic elite in relations between Russia and Ukraine 1994-1998." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2025/.
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This work discusses the role of the economic elites of Russia and Ukraine in the development of relations between the two countries in the period between 1994-1998. A “Pragmatist approach” to bilateral relations, that emerged in Kyiv and in Moscow in the mid-1990s, and the doctrine of CIS integration are identified as the ideological underpinnings for the participation of the economic elites in the process of foreign policy-making. According to these approaches, economic elites in Russia and Ukraine share similar economic interests derived from the necessity to restore a post-Soviet common economic space. Convergent interests of the economic elites are assumed to be powerful incentives to increase bilateral co-operation and eventually foster economic and political reintegration between the two countries. In an analysis based on the study of domestic sources of foreign policy, the author contests these approaches. This work argues that, contrary to expectations, the consolidation of nation-based economic elites led to the emergence of conflicting rather than convergent interests. The redistribution of national wealth, following the demise of the Soviet structure of state-ownership, sparked a struggle between domestic and economic elites for the control of economic resources. The penetration of external economic actors was viewed, in this perspective, as a factor that might upset the delicate balance of power between domestic institutions and economic agents. A nationalist vocabulary, resulting from a century-long struggle for independence, was used in Ukraine to express a protectionist mood against Russian competitors. This research contributes to the debate on co-operation between states and the role that domestic factor play in encouraging or hindering such a process. In particular, this study supports the argument that recently established independent states are less prone to join co-operation schemes, especially when a process of redistribution of national resources follows the demise of the previous regime. The economic elites may be identified in this process as active participants or even promoters of nationalist movements.
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Healy, Joseph. "Central Europe in flux : Germany, Poland and Ukraine, 1918-1922." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2324/.
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This thesis is an examination of the relationship between the Ukrainian nationalists, led by Petliura (The Ukrainian People’s Republic) and both Germany and Poland in the period 1918-1922. Although the thesis addresses primarily the situation after World War I and the military collapse of Germany in Eastern Europe, I also examine the historical relationship between Germany and Ukraine, which came to the fore in the period of World War I, and especially following the treaties of Brest Litovsk. This period involved the German recognition of Ukrainian independence, and the German intervention in Ukrainian internal political and economic affairs.
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Betz, David J. "Politics of mimicry - politics of exclusion : comparing post-communist civil-military relations in Poland and Hungary, Russia and Ukraine, 1991-1999." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3891/.
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The dissertation looks at the transformation of civil-military relations in Poland and Hungary, Russia and Ukraine between the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in July 1991 and the enlargement of NATO in March 1999. It presents new qualitative data based on approximately 120 elite interviews conducted by the author of politicians, military officers, defence analysts, and journalists in the countries in the study. In general, the focus is on the civilian side of the civil-military equation. Specifically, the work assesses the state of civil-military relations on the basis of three interconnected indicators: the making of security policy and defence reform as a test of civilian control, the role of civilians in the ministry of defence, and the strength of agencies of civilian oversight. It is argued that the differences observed in the state of civil-military relations among the states in the study can be explained by the interaction of three main factors. In Poland and Hungary, the external incentives to establish democratic control of the armed forces reform were positive, while in Russia and Ukraine the impact of external actors - of which NATO was by far the most significant - was negative or ambiguous. The attitude of the political and military elite in Poland and Hungary was more open to the adoption of new norms of civil-military relations than was that of the elite in Russia and Ukraine. And in Poland and Hungary the state of the polity and economy presented a less significant internal constraint on reform. The central finding of the dissertation is that in Poland and Hungary reformers tried - with mixed success - to adopt the forms of democratic civil-military relations as part of their drive to integrate with Western politico-military structures without seeking to understand the logic behind them. The result was a "politics of mimicry", a process of imperfect copying of liberal-democratic norms of civil-military relations which, nonetheless, culminated in these countries being admitted to NATO in 1999. In Ukraine and Russia, by contrast, in a time of profound budgetary exigency, the armed forces were left to solve their own problems absent much civilian control except that exercised infrequently and arbitrarily by the head of state.
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Shivnani, Annushka. "The Perfect Storm: Failures of U.S. Foreign Policy and the Disintegration of U.S.-Russian Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1711.
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This paper examines the broader relationship between the United States and Russia since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, relations between the U.S. and Russia have seriously deteriorated. This thesis lists the four most important contributing factors: ineffective reforms of the 1990s, NATO’s continued expansion, escalation in Ukraine, and the failure to jointly address the Syrian conflict. It argues that one major consequence of the strained relationship is a stronger Russia-China partnership. If Washington continues to ignore Russia’s security and economic interests, relations are likely to further decline, harming U.S. objectives in the long term. In order to improve relations, this thesis recommends that the U.S. transform its existing NATO policy, reverse sanctions, and reorient U.S. foreign policy to focus less on Russia’s non-democratic system of government and more on geopolitical issues, such as coordinating measures with Moscow to stabilize Syria.
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Kravets, Nadiya. "Domestic sources of Ukraine's foreign policy : examining key cases of policy towards Russia, 1991-2009." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:65602e5c-0a42-4ff4-95d2-14b58e763187.
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Ukraine’s foreign policy has puzzled observers since the dissolution of the Soviet Union due to its unusual inconsistency. This inconsistency exhibited itself in contradictory decisions by the Ukrainian executive carried out within a short period of time, which signalled either greater cooperation with Russia and relative cooling of relations with the West, or integration into Western institutions and worsening of the relations with Moscow. This study aims to explain the inconsistency by examining the sources of Ukraine’s foreign policy through process-tracing in four policy cases: Ukraine’s renouncement of nuclear weapons (1991-1994), the status of the Black Sea Fleet (1991-1997), the Odesa-Brody pipeline (2002-2004), and the 2006-2009 gas disputes. Contrary to dominant interpretations of Ukraine’s foreign policy vacillation that emphasise the role of external influences, especially that of Russia and the West, this study concludes that Ukraine’s inconsistent foreign policy decisions are best explained by domestic factors – intra-executive divisions and the influence of vested interests on policy-making. The work relies on the use of primary sources including archival research, elite interviews, and Ukrainian and Russian newspaper reports.
Books on the topic "Russia—Ukraine relations"
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United States Institute of Peace Press., ed. Ukraine & Russia: A fraternal rivalry. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1999.
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United States Institute of Peace Press., ed. Ukraine & Russia: A fraternal rivalry. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1999.
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Lieven, Anatol. Ukraine & Russia: A fraternal rivalry. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1999.
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Lieven, Anatol. Ukraine & Russia: A fraternal rivalry. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1999.
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United States Institute of Peace Press., ed. Ukraine & Russia: A fraternal rivalry. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1999.
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United States Institute of Peace Press, ed. Ukraine & Russia: A fraternal rivalry. United States Institute of Peace Press, 1999.
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Blank, Stephen. Russia, Ukraine and European security. Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 1993.
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Bojcun, Marko. Russia, Ukraine and European integration. European University Institute, 2001.
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Bojcun, Marko. Russia, Ukraine and European integration. European University Institute, Department of History and Civilization, 2001.
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Eichler, Maya. Russia and Ukraine: Constructing national interests. Österreichisches Institut für Internationale Politik, 1999.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Russia—Ukraine relations"
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Hall, Gregory O. "Ukraine." In Examining US-China-Russia Foreign Relations. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367250737-9.
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Kirchberger, Sarah. "Russian-Chinese Military-Technological Cooperation and the Ukrainian Factor." In Russia-China Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_5.
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AbstractArms transfers are an important indicator of the level of strategic trust between countries. During the past 70 years, relations between China and the Soviet Union/Russia have gone through phases that were characterized by dramatically different levels of military-industrial cooperation. This paper explores how the fallout from the Crimea crisis of 2014 has impacted the Russian-Chinese arms trade relationship against the backdrop of a history where Russia aimed to restrict arms transfers to China. It argues that the sanctions imposed on China after the Tiananmen massacre in 1989 and on Russia since early 2014 have had the combined unintended consequence of incentivizing closer Russian-Chinese arms-industrial cooperation than had ever existed before. Western ambiguity toward Ukraine after 2014 furthermore provided China with opportunities to profit from openings in Ukraine’s arms-industrial complex. The chapter starts with a historical overview of the Russian-Chinese arms trade relationship before analyzing the impact of Russian and Ukrainian transfers on China’s military modernization before and after 2014. The final part discusses how changed incentives since 2014 have fostered unprecedented Sino-Russian arms-industrial cooperation. This could solidify the developing Chinese-Russian military relationship and eventually lead toward a more equal relationship in joint arms development.
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Busygina, Irina. "Ukraine." In Russia–EU Relations and the Common Neighborhood. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315443966-9.
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Kirchberger, Sarah, Svenja Sinjen, and Nils Wörmer. "Introduction: Analyzing the Shifts in Sino-Russian Strategic Cooperation Since 2014." In Russia-China Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_1.
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AbstractThe aim of this volume is to contribute to an ongoing discussion on the scope and meaning of Russian-Chinese cooperation since 2014, the year Russia invaded Ukraine and annexed Crimea. During the past few years, the number of research projects on Sino-Russian cooperation at Western think tanks has markedly increased, complementing a likewise increasing number of monographs and edited volumes that had begun to appear on related topics during the preceding years.
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Wientzek, Olaf. "Cooperation Between Russia and China in Multilateral Organizations: A Tactical or a Strategic Alliance?" In Russia-China Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_12.
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AbstractBoth China and Russia are heavyweights in multilateral Geneva. While their priorities and strategies are not identical, their interests are often aligned in many forums. Thus, close cooperation can be observed in several Geneva-based organizations. In some, such as the UN Human Rights Council, China and Russia form the backbone of an increasingly assertive “autocratic alliance.” Particularly China has attempted to establish a counter-narrative on questions of democracy, human rights, and international law. This article outlines some factors that increased the effect of Chinese-Russian cooperation, but also depicts its limits. Cooperation between Russia and China is often defensive rather than proactive and not (yet) based on a joint long-term strategy. However, it is a tactical alliance that is, and will likely remain, a major challenge for the proponents of a rules- and values-based multilateralism even though Russia’s war in Ukraine will further shift the balance in this alliance towards China. This article argues in favor of stronger engagement in UN forums by the West and outlines possibilities for how the growing influence of this tandem can be countered.
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Krause, Joachim. "The Way Forward: How Should Europe Deal with Russia and China?" In Russia-China Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_15.
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AbstractThe existence of an alliance between Russia and China seems to be changing the European security environment in a fundamental way. In light of historical experiences, one has to start with the assumption that any such alliance between authoritarian powers directed against Western democracies and free societies will increase the likelihood of major wars. In at least two European regions—the Black-Sea and the Baltic Sea area—merely the existence of such an alliance and the ensuing opportunity to overburden the U.S. military might increase the risk-level Russia was ready to accept. This might entail the danger of a high intensity war between Russia and NATO. It is high time for NATO to consider a more effective defence and deterrence posture in order to prevent Russian aggression against the Baltic states and to envision effective measures that would deter Russia from continuing to destroy Ukraine.
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Carlson, Brian G. "China-Russia Cooperation in Nuclear Deterrence." In Russia-China Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_8.
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AbstractNuclear issues have historically played an important role in the development of relations between Moscow and Beijing, acting as a source of both potential discord and emergent cooperation. From 1964, when China conducted its first nuclear test, until Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s tenure in the 1980s, nuclear relations between the Soviet Union and China were explicitly adversarial. The normalization of Sino-Soviet relations introduced an era of implicitly adversarial relations that lasted until the Ukraine crisis. During this phase, Russia’s concerns about China’s growing military power and its resulting determination to maintain nuclear deterrence of China remained apparent. Since the onset of the Ukraine crisis, Russia and China have built an increasingly close relationship, leading to a new phase of implicitly cooperative nuclear relations featuring coordinated efforts to maintain nuclear deterrence of the United States. The two countries jointly oppose US efforts to build missile defense systems and high-precision conventional weapons. They coordinate their positions on such issues as multilateral arms control and the post-INF strategic landscape. Russia is helping China to build a missile attack early warning system. Growing levels of defense cooperation raise the possibility of coordinated efforts to maintain nuclear deterrence of the United States in a crisis.
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Meyer zum Felde, Rainer. "What a Military Alliance Between Russia and China Would Mean for NATO." In Russia-China Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_13.
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AbstractAre Russia and China an emerging alliance or eternal rivals? And what would it mean for NATO? NATO reacted to the Russian aggression against Ukraine with a paradigm shift called “NATO Adaptation.” At the 2014 Wales Summit, it increased its responsiveness with the “Readiness Action Plan,” the 2016 Warsaw Summit strengthened its deterrence and defense posture, and the 2018 Brussels Summit re-designed NATO’s Command Structure toward collective defense. Although embedded in a “360-degree approach,” all key defense elements of NATO’s adaptation have been primarily focused on Russia, which was recognized from March 2014 on as potential threat to the territorial integrity of the Eastern European members. However, this changing of the paradigm was based entirely on the understanding that Russia alone poses a serious military threat to the alliance. There was never any consideration given to the question of what it would mean if Russia were supported by a like-minded great power such as China, nor to the question of what simultaneous aggressions—one by Russia in Europe and another by China in the Indo-Pacific—would mean for NATO. Hence, the answers to these questions are of high relevance to NATO’s further adaptation to the new geopolitical realities.
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Welfens, Paul J. J. "The West and Russia: Frozen Relations Between the UK and Russia for Decades." In Russia's Invasion of Ukraine. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-19138-1_3.
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Michta, Andrew A. "Options for Dealing with Russia and China: A US Perspective." In Russia-China Relations. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_14.
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AbstractAfter two decades of Global War on Terror, the US is confronted by two near-peer military competitors, Russia and China, which have aligned in their opposition to the US-led international order. Russia is determined to revise the post-Cold War settlement, while China aims to replace it altogether with one built around its economic power, its military, and increasingly its values and ideological tenets. The West’s post-Cold War assumptions that economic globalization would lead to democratization have been proven false, with a new round of great power competition in full view. With the United States military refocusing on great power competition in the Indo-Pacific, Washington needs Europe to rearm and provide real capabilities to deter Russia in the event of a kinetic conflict in Asia. For the NATO alliance, “burden transferring” should be the way forward, with Europe providing core military capabilities while the US maintains its nuclear umbrella and high-end enablers. This approach will ensure deterrence in Europe holds, while the United States confronts China in the Indo-Pacific. It is even more urgent today in light of Russia’s second invasion of Ukraine in 2022 that Europe rebuild its militaries.
Conference papers on the topic "Russia—Ukraine relations"
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Drieniková, Kristína, Ľubica Zubaľová, and Marianna Bučányová. "EU-Russia Trade Under Sanctions: An Analysis of Trade Dynamics and Intensity." In 25th International Joint Conference Central and Eastern Europe in the Changing Business Environment. Vydavateľstvo EKONÓM, 2025. https://doi.org/10.53465/ceecbe.2025.9788022552257.101-115.
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In recent years, there has been a marked escalation in tensions between Russia and Ukraine, culminating in an armed conflict. In response to this aggression, the international community has adopted a series of sanction measures as a form of protest. The European Union joined this effort, significantly affecting the development of bilateral relations not only from a political perspective but also in terms of trade. This has led to a substantial decline in the volume of mutual trade and a reduction in Russia's share of the EU's total trade. The aim of this paper is to highlight the development and changes in EU-Russia trade relations by analyzing EU trade with Russia and its intensity from 2004 to 2023.
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Lekashvili, Eka. "CHALLENGES OF GEORGA�S ENERGY POLICY IN THE PROCESS OF INTEGRATION WITHIN THE EUROPEAN UNION." In 24th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2024. STEF92 Technology, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5593/sgem2024v/4.2/s16.02.
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Georgia's positioning in the context of the European Union's foreign energy policy has become the subject of discussion in the context of the threats coming from the current Russia-Ukraine war. At the same time, determining the effectiveness of the country's energy policy is related to the seventh Sustainable Development Goal - affordable and safe energy. In 2016, Georgia signed the protocol of joining the Energy Community, which determines the conditions for the introduction of EU energy legislation in Georgia in order to deepen Georgia's energy integration with the EU. The purpose of the study is to offer recommendations for the formation of an effective energy policy of Georgia, taking into account the demand for integration with the EU. In terms of theoretical approach, the work is based on the views of the followers of the Neorealist School of international relations, where the issue of energy security dominates. In the research process, Georgian energy policy documents, projects, reports of national and international organizations on energy policy, as well as general directives of the European Union were studied, as they determine energy policy priorities, such as sustainable energy development, energy efficiency improvement and use of renewable energy sources. The research is based on using the political-economic analysis method. The research was conducted also using the method of bibliographic research and comparative analysis: the problems of Georgia's energy policy, their causes and consequences are analyzed; Recommendations for an effective policy of energy integration between Georgia and the European Union have been developed. The use of research foundlings will help to define differentiated tasks and activities for the development of energy development policy in Georgia.
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Juhás, Henrich. "Impact of the Trade Defence Measures on EU-Russia Foreign Trade Relations." In EDAMBA 2022: 25th International Scientific Conference for Doctoral Students and Post-Doctoral Scholars. University of Economics in Bratislava, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53465/edamba.2022.9788022550420.198-208.
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The EU trade defence measures against products from a given country depend on the potential injury that imports of these products would cause. The groups of goods from the Russian Federation, which are mainly subject to antidumping measures, are no exception. The aim of the article is to determine the impact of the EU trade defence measures implemented against Russian products on their foreign trade relations pointing out the effectiveness of these measures. The article will also deal with the new technique of antidumping measures implementation, to which the Russian Federation is subject, and the article also concludes the perspectives of trade defence instruments in the EU- Russia foreign trade relations in connection with the current military conflict between Russia and Ukraine.
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Uğur, Ömer. "The Eu's Influence on Eastern European Stability in the Context of Ukrainian Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01652.
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The Ukraine crisis that started with the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 appears to be a most important security crises of the post-Cold War security order. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not just threaten the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the EU's largest neighbour, but also it has led to a rivalry between the former Cold War enemies again and even it led to the start of a period that may cause to conflict between them. The EU's approach that established the Free Trade Area between the EU and Ukraine did not give any chance of talking to third country or organizations such as the Eurasian Union. Therefore, Russia worked hard to influence on Ukraine to abandon to sing the agreement and this happened to see Ukraine’s choice as a zero-sum game.
 In order to understand the effect of crisis on the EU and Russia, it have to be analysed the economic sanctions imposed by the EU against Russia to resolve the crisis through diplomatic and economic means. Thus, it is necessary to look at the economic relations between Russia and the EU and this data will be obtained in Eurostat.
 As a result, economic sanctions helped to move the conflict from the military to the diplomatic levels. Indeed, Russia has seen that European unity gave rise to a significant impact on its economy. Also, the EU realized that the sanctions is the most powerful tool in the hands of the EU in absence of military power.
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Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.
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After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009.
 This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute.
 Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.
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Forca, Bozidar. "GEOSTRATEGIC IMPLICATIONS OF THE RUSSIAN- UKRAINIAN CONFLICT." In SECURITY AND CRISIS MANAGEMENT - THEORY AND PRACTICE. RASEC, 2023. https://doi.org/10.70995/mcwb5938.
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In the history of international relations, there are evident processes in which certain events in them culminate in such a way that they are characterized as - nothing will be like before. Such a process in recent history is the Cold War, and the event is the demolition of the Berlin Wall in 1989. In combination with the tectonic disturbances created by the fall of the Berlin Wall and in the conditions in which the USA tried to establish a unipolar world order, there was a war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022, which expanded into a conflict between the collective West and Russia. It is heard again - nothing will be the same again. This paper is an attempt to predict the geostrategic implications of the Russian- Ukrainian conflict. The general hypothesis from which it was started is as follows: International relations are primarily state-centric, and the creation of a new world order determined by world powers is turning into a cluster arrangement of the world.. In confirming the hypothesis, well-known scientific methods were used, primarily comparative, content analysis, analogy and case studies. The general conclusion can be: The war between Russia and Ukraine, which has expanded into a conflict between the collective West and Russia, will result in a geostrategic realignment of states in the creation of a new cluster-type world order, and the possibility of the outbreak of the Third World War should not be ruled out.
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Zivotic, Ilija, and Darko Obradovic. "SPREAD OF THE RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA ON WESTERN BALKANS – CASE STUDY IN SERBIA." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.3.7.22.p15.
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Russian aggression on Ukraine increased spread of disinformation worldwide. Western Balkans and Serbia are also a long-term subject for Russian active measures. Those active measures have several priorities which are only intensifying in crises periods. Russian strategic task for Western Balkan is to prevent full western integrations. So far, Russia has succeeded to blockade Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro very successfully through their proxies on the field. Like during corona crisis, same patterns are deployed before and after beginning of the aggression on Ukraine. This work aims to identify, explain and counter main anti-western narratives in context of the Russian aggression. No doubts Russia is losing its international capacity but capacity for cover activities is still untouched on Western Balkans. In this scientific work authors will make a brief case study on Serbia and try to provide better understanding why Russian disinformation is so successful in Serbia. What are the main triggers? What can be done to prevent such subversive activities? Also, authors will trace and analyze the main advisories’ narratives from their deployment to their effects. Russian active measures have the potential to trigger inner and international conflicts in the Western Balkan region. They have already successfully divided the society. Meanwhile Serbia had a parliamentary election with results which are in direct connection with the war in Ukraine. Right wing parties achieved their record success in the last 10 years. Our article will try to find what can be done in a way to prevent Russian active measures. What is the role of media, state institutions and civil societies? This challenge will unfortunately be a security challenge in the future years, full western integration will not be a “silver bullet” for Russian activities. Russia is a global challenger that will exploit every possibility to endanger West. Non-integrated territories will be more vulnerable to became anti-western launch pad in the region. Keywords: active measures, security, politics, economy, disinformation, international relations, strategy
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Kharaishvili, Eter. "Impact of Confrontation on Agro-Food Production: Uncertainties and Expectations." In V National Scientific Conference. Grigol Robakidze University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55896/978-9941-8-5764-5/2023-36-55.
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The paper assesses confrontation as one of the main challenges of modernity affecting social relations, economic development, food security, political activities and other issues. Determining ways to reduce the negative impact of confrontation is considered an important condition for achieving the goals of sustainable development of agro-food production and food security. The article discusses the types of confrontation, analyzes the opinions of scientists, and substantiates that the shocks caused by the confrontation have a direct and indirect effect on production. Food security at the global level is assessed according to the levels of phases (IPC/CH), the number of people in food crisis is analyzed according to the causes of the crisis. It was revealed that the crisis caused by the conflict affects the majority of the population. In order to evaluate the impact of the war between Russia and Ukraine on agro-food production, the indicators of the production of several basic food products in Russia and Ukraine were studied and conclusions were drawn on the trends formed during the conflict. The article analyzes the indicators of the production of basic food products in Ukraine and Russia, their share in the global food production is estimated. Also, the export volume of basic food products from these countries is given and their share in the global food export volume is determined. The paper presents the export of agro-food products from Georgia to Ukraine and Russia, as well as the import of agro-food products from Ukraine and Russia to Georgia. The conclusion is made that the export-import indicators with Ukraine have decreased, while with Russia the mentioned indicators have increased. The paper provides conclusions on the consequences of the negative impact of the confrontation on agricultural production, recommendations on ways to overcome uncertainty caused by conflicts and define expectations are developed. Keywords: Confrontation, agro-food production, direct and indirect impact, uncertainty, expectation.
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Milikic, Dejan. "DIPLOMATIC ROLE OF THE UN IN SOLVING THE CRISIS IN UKRAINE AND GAZA." In SECURITY AND CRISIS MANAGEMENT - THEORY AND PRACTICE. RASEC, 2024. https://doi.org/10.70995/uyfw7091.
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The United Nations was formed after the Second World War, with the aim of preventing the recurrence of suffering caused by war conflicts and with the main task of preserving international peace and security. It was created as a successor to the League of Nations, which was judged to be ineffective. Although the mission of the United Nations was complicated in the first decades of its formation, due to Cold War relations, the Organization of the United Nations was a key diplomatic institution that influenced the provision of peace in the world. The beginning of a special military operation in Ukraine by the Russian Federation marks the beginning of a new tightening of relations between Russia Federation and USA. With the attack of Hamas on Israel and the beginning of the bombing of the Gaza Strip, another hot spot of war is opening, with the danger of drawing other countries into the conflict. Is the United Nations becoming ineffective for maintaining peace in the world? Through this paper, I will explain the place in the role of the United Nations in the light of the conflicts in Ukraine and Gaza and the possibilities of the United Nations to be a factor in the diplomatic resolution of the conflict.
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Smiljanov, Sande. "THE ASPECTS OF THE DIPLOMATIC PROTOCOL THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE RUSSO-UKRAINIAN CONFLICT." In 8th INTERNATIONAL FORUM “SAFETY FOR THE FUTURE”. RASEC, 2022. https://doi.org/10.70995/brmg5572.
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Europe is living its hardest moments since the end of the Second World war. Open conflict on the continent was considered to be impossible, not only by the security experts and the European heads of states, but also according NATO strategic documents. February 24th, 2022 changed it all – Russia launched a full scale invasion on Ukraine (designated as a special military operation by Russia), that threw the continent in chaos and disbelief. Although none of the European authorities believed that there is a possibility for substantial change in the European security architecture, there are some subtle signs that the situation will escalate, signs only visible in the eyes of the diplomatic protocol specialists. The paper focuses on the diplomatic protocol and its essence, the communication and public diplomacy theory and practice, and on an analyses of the most intriguing high level diplomatic events in this period that outline the relations between Russia and other states, from the perspective of the diplomatic protocol.
Reports on the topic "Russia—Ukraine relations"
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Vayez, Aaliyah. Evolving Multilateralism: BRICS, the EU and Responses to the Russia-Ukraine Conflict. APRI - Africa Policy Research Private Institute gUG (haftungsbeschränkt)., 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59184/sa.028.
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Amidst Russia's invasion of Ukraine, this paper delves into how multilateralism has evolved according to shifting global dynamics, as evidenced by BRICS-EU relations and their respective responses to the Russia-Ukraine war, and explores pathways for the future of multilateral cooperation.
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Lawrence, David. UK trade and the war in Ukraine. Royal Institute of International Affairs, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135379.
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- The UK is less exposed to the direct effects of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine than its European neighbours. However, the indirect and longer-term effects of the war on UK trade could still be significant. - Inflationary pressure worldwide will contribute to price rises in the UK, particularly for food and energy. The ongoing effects of both Brexit – which has caused cross-border supply frictions and worker shortages – and the COVID-19 pandemic – which led to pent-up domestic demand and further reduced the labour force – will only increase this upward pressure. - The war has prompted increased scrutiny of London’s role as a centre for kleptocratic wealth from Russia and elsewhere, and has lead the UK government to impose sanctions against Russian-linked individuals and companies. This could impact inward investment directly, through legal restrictions on business activities, or indirectly, by indicating that the UK is no longer open to trade with certain countries. - In the longer term, post-war Ukraine’s future status and trading relationship with the EU could affect the UK, as the process of defining Ukraine’s position with regard to the EU may encourage Brussels to revisit its relations with the UK or even to explore alternative models for other non-member countries on the EU’s periphery. - A renewed focus on European security could also encourage the UK and EU to improve trade, security and political ties. The need to enhance security closer to home may also cause the UK to rethink the ‘Indo-Pacific tilt’ outlined in the 2021 Integrated Review.
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Sergeyev, Mykola. Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11407.
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M. Sergeyev’s article “Ukrainian National Idea in the Modern Ukrainian Media Space” states that modern Ukrainian philosophical thought tries to get rid of the flaws and stereotypes of its one-sided orientation “to the East” and tries to establish a European orientation in the minds of Ukrainian citizens. The theoretical proof of the new worldview took place throughout the formation of the Ukrainian state from Little Russia to Ukraine and presents its actual struggle for independence. It is an integral concept that reflects the process of forming theories and views of prominent Ukrainian thinkers on the place and role of Ukrainians in the becoming and development of an independent Ukrainian state. As O. Zabuzhko emphasizes, “all Ukrainian philosophical, historical, sociological thought of the past and our centuries (including the diaspora) is permeated with the sacred idea of nationalism”. The author concludes that the logic of the historical development of the Ukrainian national idea reveals only one model of its socio-political future, which implies the need for Ukraine’s integration into the European and world community. This path requires the moral and political readiness of the entire Ukrainian society for its implementation and prevents the emergence of any other - alternative ideas. Solving this problem is complicated by the need to return to Ukraine the temporarily occupied territories of Crimea, Luhansk and Donetsk regions. Of course, this model will lead to significant political and economic tensions in society (the final severance of economic relations with Russia, the closure of non-competitive industries, the outflow of labor to the west). At the same time, the orientation of the Ukrainian national idea to the west will increase competition in all branches of production and will be a condition for further self-improvement of Ukrainian society.
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Arzheimer, Kai. Germany’s 2024 EP Elections: The Populist Challenge to the Progressive Coalition. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0071.
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The 2024 European parliamentary election in Germany marked a significant shift in the political landscape, with devastating results for the governing coalition of the Social Democrats (SPD), the Greens, and the Liberal Democrats (FDP). Chancellor Scholz’s SPD and the Greens experienced substantial losses, while the opposition Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) saw a modest increase in their vote share. The most notable gains were made by the populist radical-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the newly formed left-wing populist Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW), a breakaway from the Left (Die Linke), highlighting a growing demand for populist politics in Germany. The Left itself suffered heavy losses. Despite internal scandals and controversies that contributed to a considerable drop in support in pre-election polls, the AfD leveraged anti-immigration sentiments and economic concerns to gain substantial support. The BSW capitalized on left–authoritarian positions, emphasizing welfare and anti-immigration policies. Both parties also criticized Germany’s support for Ukraine and styled themselves as agents of ‘peace.’ The election results underscored the unpopularity of the ‘progressive coalition’ in Germany and reflected the impact of high inflation, energy security concerns and contentious climate policies on voter behaviour. Voter turnout was the highest since 1979, indicating heightened political engagement. Like in previous elections, populist parties were much more successful in the post-communist eastern states. While its impact on the European level is limited, the election sent shock waves through Germany, suggesting a shift in future policy directions, particularly concerning the green transformation and relations with Russia. Keywords: Alternative for Germany (AfD); Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW); Germany; Russia; Ukraine; east–west differences
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Wezeman, Pieter D., Justine Gadon, and Siemon T. Wezeman. Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2022. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/cpns8443.
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Imports of major arms by European states rose by 47 per cent between 2013–17 and 2018–22, while the global volume of international arms transfers fell by 5.1 per cent. There were decreases in arms transfers to Africa (–40 per cent), the Americas (–21 per cent), Asia and Oceania (–7.5 per cent) and the Middle East (–8.8 per cent) between the two periods. The five largest arms importers in 2018–22 were India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Australia and China. The five largest arms exporters were the United States, Russia, France, China and Germany. The war in Ukraine had only a limited impact on the total volume of arms transfers in 2018–22, but Ukraine did become a major importer of arms in 2022. In addition, most European states substantially increased their arms import orders and the war will have significant ramifications for future supplier–recipient arms trade relations globally. From 13 March 2023 the freely accessible SIPRI Arms Transfers Database includes updated data on transfers of major arms for 1950–2022, which replaces all previous data on arms transfers published by SIPRI. Based on the new data, this fact sheet presents global trends in arms exports and arms imports, and highlights selected issues related to transfers of major arms.
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Berdiqulov, Aziz. ECMI Minorities Blog. Russian Migrants in Central Asia – An ambiguous Reception. European Centre for Minority Issues, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/abpl3118.
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One of the consequences of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is the imposition of western economic sanctions on the country and further autocratization of its political system. Both factors have resulted in a significant outward migration of Russian citizens, with Central Asia being one of frequent destinations due to the geographic proximity and widespread use of Russian language. At the same time, for many Russians the region remains a terra incognita, perceived primarily through the presence of the Central Asian labour migrants. In this blog piece, ECMI Researcher Aziz Berdiqulov examines this recent phenomenon by discussing specifically the cases of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan as receiving countries, through the prism of different initiatives addressing the influx, social attitudes concerning the newcomers and reactions of the Russian minorities present there. Furthermore, the author tries to assess whether the new situation has the potential for changing the hitherto pattern of relations between Russians and Central Asians.
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Müftüler-Baç, Meltem, Gustavo Müller, Monika Sus, et al. Assessing the European Union's External Action Towards Its Strategic Partners and Formulating Policy Recommendations. EsadeGeo. Center for Global Economy and Geopolitics, 2024. https://doi.org/10.56269/202401/mmb.
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The European Union’s foreign policy aimed at building and sustaining effective multilateralism as a key strategic objective, as outlined in its 2003 European Security Strategy and later revised in the 2016 Global Strategy into effective global governance. The European Union’s foreign policy encompasses bilateral agreements with global players, identified as strategic partners, both with state actors and international organisations. There are multiple facets of the EU’s engagement with global strategic partners, some of which are defined within a legal framework, and some selected on a more ad hoc basis and in an informal manner. This working paper provides an assessment of the European Union’s engagement with its strategic partners, building on the previous research findings of the ENGAGE project. The EU’s external environment has altered significantly since the beginning of the project, with the unprecedented global pandemic, the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and the Israeli-Hamas war in October 2023. Whilst the EU’s relations with some strategic partners has led to the drafting of new agreements, its relations with certain strategic partners have deteriorated – Russia, which was previously defined as a partner, has become a strategic rival. The dynamic aspect and flexibility of the EU’s engagement with strategic partners is critical to enhance the effectiveness, coherence and sustainability of this foreign policy tool. This working paper aims to unpack the EU’s strategic partnerships and to assess whether they are effective, coherent and sustainable tools. The former toolbox for building a multilateral world order – strategic partnerships being one of these instruments – has proven unable to respond to rising power competition, populism and nationalism at the international level. Intensified complexity at the global level brings multilateralism at odds with the recent emphasis on nationalism and national interests. This contestation on the merits of multilateralism is a new complication for the EU’s strategic partnerships and their role in building a multilateral, rule-based international order driven by both values and material interests. As a result, strategic partnerships need a major update, with an in-depth review of existing agreements, harmonisation of Member State and EU institution positions, and increasing multilateral management of bilateral agreements.
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. Мова війни і «контрнаступальна» лексика у стислих медійних текстах. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2023.52-53.11742.
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The article examines the language of the russian-ukrainian war of the 21st century based on the materials of compressed media texts; the role of political narratives and psychological-emotional markers in the creation of new lexemes is clarified; the verbal expression of forecasts of ukrainian and foreign analysts regarding the course of hostilities on the territory of Ukraine is shown. Compressed media texts reflect the main meanings of the language of the russian-ukrainian war in relation to the surrounding world. First of all, the media vocabulary was supplemented with neologisms – aggressive and sad: “rashism”, “denazification”, “katsapstan”, “orks”, “rusnia”, “kremlins”, “parebrik”, “in the swamps”, “nuclear dictator”, “putinism”, “two hundred” and others. Numerals acquired new expressive and evaluative meanings: “200s” (dead), “300s” (wounded), “400s” (russian military personnel who filed reports for termination of the contract), “500s” (hopelessly drunk russian soldiers, alcoholics who are unable to perform combat tasks). The language of war intensified the slogans of the struggle for state independence and people’s freedom. The scope of the greeting “Glory to Ukraine! – Glory to Heroes!”. New official holidays have appeared in the history of Ukraine since 2014: “Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred” Day (February 20), “Ukrainian Volunteer Day” (March 14), “Defenders and Defenders of Ukraine Day” (October 14), “Volunteer Day” (5 December). As you know, the professional holiday of the military is the Day of the Armed Forces of Ukraine” (December 6). A special style is characteristic of media texts on military topics: “Iron Force of Ukraine” (Iron Force of Ukraine), “digitize the Army” (for effective simulation of military operations); “grain corridor” (export of Ukrainian grain to African and European countries); “don’t let Ukraine lose” (the position of the Allies at the first stage of the war), “Ukraine must win!” (the position of the Allies in the second stage of the war); “in the Russian-Ukrainian war, the thinking of the 19th century collided with the thinking of the 21st century”, “a politician is a person who understands time” (Grigori Yavlinskyy, Russian oppositionist); “aggressive neutrality” (about Turkey’s position); “in Russia”, “there, in the swamps” (in Russia), “weak, inadequate evil” (about Russia), “behind the fence”; “a great reset of the world order”; “technology of military creativity”; “they are not Russian and not Ukrainian, they are Soviet”, “people without mentality”, “in Ukraine and without Ukraine” (Vitaly Portnikov about a separate category of Russian-speaking citizens in Ukraine); “information bed of Ukraine” (about combat operations on the front line; “when a descendant asks me what I did in those terrifying moments, I will know what to answer. At the very least, I did not stand aside” (opinion of a Ukrainian fighter). Compressed in media texts is implemented in the headline, note, infographic, chronicle, digest, help, caption for photos, blitz poll, interview, short articles, caricature, visual text, commercial, etc. Researchers add “nominative-representative text (business card text, titles of sections, pages, names of presenters, etc.) to concise media texts for a functional and pragmatic purpose.” accent text (quote, key idea); text-navigator (content, news feed, indication of movement or time); chronotope”. A specific linguistic phenomenon known as “language compression” is widespread in media texts. Language compression is the art of minimization; attention is focused on the main, the most essential, everything secondary is filtered out. Compression uses words succinctly and sparingly to convey the meaning as much as possible. For example, the headline “Racism. What is the essence of the new ideology of the Russian occupiers?”. The note briefly explains the meaning of this concept and explains the difference from “nazism” and “fascism”. Key words: compressed media text, language compression, language of war, emotional markers, expressive neologisms, political journalism.
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Stelmakh, Marta. RUSSIA’S GENOCIDAL WAR AGAINST UKRAINE: THE QUESTION OF QUALIFICATION (BASED ON TIMOTHY SNYDER’S WORKS). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2024.54-55.12157.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyses the topic of the genocidal policy and actions of the Russian Federation on the territory of Ukraine in the works of Timothy Snyder. The subject of the research is the genocidal component of the Russian-Ukrainian war, as well as the reasons and evidence of the genocidal intentions of the Russian authorities in Timothy Snyder’s reasoning. The objective of the study is to establish the specifics of the elucidation of the reasons and evidence of the genocidal component in Russia’s policy against Ukraine in the scientist’s writings. The following methods were used in the process of scientific research: systematic, comparative, content analysis, historical, and their combination. The research highlights the main theses and ideas of the author regarding the facts of Russia’s expansionist position against Ukraine. Moreover, the study specifies the main theses of the author, which he uses to explain the reluctance of the world community to recognise the war in Ukraine as genocidal. In addition to this, the research states and describes nine features presented by Timothy Snyder to prove the intentions of the Russian Federation to exterminate Ukrainians as a nation. He also notes that the authorities of the terrorist country are doing everything to deprive the concepts of “Nazi” and “genocide” of any meaning, as well as make sure that the history of the Holocaust or the Second World War does not bring any lessons to future generations. The findings of our research are important for journalists and scholars who cover and examine the Russian-Ukrainian War and its historical context. In addition, they will aid our country in confronting the propaganda and lies spread by the Russian Federation, because Timothy Snyder explores the topic of Ukraine, as well as the longevity of Russian-Ukrainian relations in his works. Keywords: Russian-Ukrainian war; genocide; propaganda; Timothy Snyder.
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Constantin, Sergiu. ECMI Minorities Blog. Romanians and Moldovans in Ukraine and their kin states’ engagement before and after the war – towards a triadic partnership for effective minority protection? European Centre for Minority Issues, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/kjkj1212.
Full textAbstract:
Ukraine recognizes Romanian and Moldovan as distinct minority languages, even though the official language of the Republic of Moldova is Romanian. This distinction between Romanian and Moldovan is not merely a symbolic matter, it has practical, negative consequences for members of the minority communities concerned. Since the 1990s, Ukrainian-Romanian relations have been affected by mutual distrust rooted in historical resentments, stereotypes, and prejudice at the level of both political elites and the general public. Moldova and Ukraine have experienced ups and downs in their bilateral relations due to the complex geopolitical context and growing Russian interference. The ongoing Russian war against Ukraine has had a strong impact on Moldova and Romania as well as on their kin minority communities in Ukraine. This war marks a turning point in history. It has caused tectonic shifts in global affairs, in the Euro-Atlantic community, and in national politics and interstate relations. Ukraine, Romania, and Moldova can turn the ongoing crisis into an opportunity to reset their (dysfunctional) bilateral relations. It is high time for a paradigm shift towards a new, enhanced triadic partnership which is able to ensure an effective system of minority protection.