To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Russia—Ukraine relations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Russia—Ukraine relations'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 45 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Russia—Ukraine relations.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Oswald, Mace J. "Ukraine's relations with Russia competition or cooperation?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/02Dec%5FOswald.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Jeff Knopf, Mikhail Tsypkin. "December 2002." Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-120). Also available in print.
2
McMahon, Margery A. "Changing relations : Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2457/.
Full textAbstract:
In the period of transition which followed the collapse of the USSR, the states of that region were forced to make many political and economic adjustments. A crucial part of the processes was the restructuring of relations among these formerly fraternal republics and as they became in 1991, independent states. For most states structuring relations with Russian became a priority since it is the largest and most dominant regional actor. Such relations are shaped by a number of factors including historical development, economic legacies and geopolitical concerns. These issues have impacted upon the evolving relationship between Russia and its Slav neighbours, Ukraine and Belarus. Drawing on a common background in terms of historical political, economic and cultural development, Russia's relations with these states developed to the point where they were formalized in a Russian Belarusian Community (1996) and a Russian Ukrainian Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation (1997). The impetus for Russia to renegotiate its relations with the states on its western borders was strengthened by the proposed eastward expansion of NATO. Belarus and Ukraine however benefited from this. Belarus was guaranteed cheap supplies of Russian natural resources, vital for its economy, even if this came at the cost of ceding a degree of sovereignty. Ukraine, still excluded from European political and economic organizations was recognized by Russia as an independent state with significant regional influence. Russia secured a buffer zone on its western borders. Russia's relations with Ukraine and Belarus are now qualitatively different. Ukraine has emerged as a potential ally and even future rival to Russia while Belarus has opted to become a Russian client state with, it appears, the ultimate goal of union with Russia.
3
Tingle, David. "Bargaining practice and negotiation failure in Russia-Ukraine gas relations." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=119627.
Full textAbstract:
What causes 'gas wars' between Russia and Ukraine? Answering this question, this paper argues, requires that we synthesize two prominent theories of international relations (IR), the bargaining model of war and practice theory. It applies these theoretical frameworks to the 2008-2009 Russia-Ukraine gas crisis using qualitative case study methods. Bilateral gas relations can be usefully modeled as crisis bargaining interactions — up to a point. Both Russia and Ukraine deploy crisis bargaining practices to secure natural gas supply and pricing contracts with each other. These practices are not, however, primarily aimed at revealing credible signals of resolve, as standard bargaining models would suggest. Rather, Russia and Ukraine use them to maintain political control over the negotiation process and flexibility over a range of potential outcomes. This tacit understanding poses difficulties when preferences shift such that signaling resolve becomes more important than maintaining political control and flexibility. In these situations, such as late fall 2008, both parties continue to deploy crisis bargaining practices that 'make sense' as ways to engage in negotiation but no longer fit their strategic goals for the process. The taken-for-granted means of practicing gas politics don't fit with the strategic ends sought; the result is a costly gas war despite strong incentives on both sides of the table to locate a compromise short of conflict.<br>Quelles sont les causes des conflits gaziers russo-ukrainiens? Cet article soutient que, pour répondre à cette question, il faut synthétiser deux grandes théories des relations internationales (RI) : le modèle de négociation de guerre et la théorie de l'action. L'article applique ces cadres théoriques à la crise du gaz de 2008-2009 entre l'Ukraine et la Russie, en se basant sur des études de cas qualitatives. Les relations gazières bilatérales peuvent être modélisées comme des interactions de négociation de crise - jusqu'à un certain point. La Russie et l'Ukraine ont tous deux recours à des pratiques de négociation de crise pour assurer leur approvisionnement en gaz naturel et pour obtenir des contrats l'un avec l'autre. Cependant, ces pratiques n'ont pas comme objectif principal la révélation de signaux crédibles de détermination, comme laisseraient à croire les modèles de négociation habituels. Au contraire, la Russie et l'Ukraine utilisent ces pratiques pour maintenir un contrôle politique sur le processus de négociation et pour préserver leur flexibilité par rapport à une gamme de résultats possibles. Cette entente tacite pose des difficultés lorsque les préférences changent et que la signalisation de la détermination devient plus importante que le maintien du contrôle politique et de la flexibilité. Dans de telles situations, comme le démontrent les événements de l'automne 2008, les deux parties continuent à utiliser des pratiques de négociation de crise qui seraient rationnelles si l'objectif principal était la négociation, mais qui ne correspondent plus à leurs objectifs stratégiques pour le processus. Les moyens habituels de faire de la politique gazière ne correspondent plus aux buts stratégiques visés. Le résultat est un conflit gazier coûteux, malgré les incitations fortes qui existent des deux côtés de la table à trouver une solution autre que le conflit.
4
Hudson, Victoria Ann. "A study of the civilisational aspects of Russian soft power in contemporary Ukraine." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2014. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/5134/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis contributes to an in-depth understanding of the concept of soft power, which according to Joseph Nye indicates the ability to achieve foreign policy goals through cultural attraction. For the purposes of this study of Russian cultural influence in Ukraine, soft power is rearticulated to highlight the ability to engage in mean-making and cultural-ideational leadership on the international stage. A critique of Nye justifies a reframing of soft power, which is supplied by drawing on the analytical power of post-Marxist hegemony and discourse theory. The methodology through which this concept is operationalised empirically emphasises outcomes over inputs, thus appraisals of soft power must account for whether the discourses promoted by mean-making initiatives resonate favourably with target audiences. Desk-based and field research supports an argument that Moscow acknowledges the need for soft power, understood here in terms of ‘sovereignty of spirit’. This civilisational approach is explored further, and the target narratives advanced by significant proponents of the discourse, namely the Russkiy Mir Foundation, the Russian Orthodox Church and foreign policy officials, are identified. Insights into the activities of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate to promote spiritually-infused discourses are provided, and new developments observed. Finally, the extent of Russian ‘civilisational’ soft power is estimated through surveys and focus groups gauging audience reception to the ideational narratives promoted.
5
Wright, Laurie J. "Security concerns and the potential for stability in the Black Sea region, relations among Russia, Ukraine and Turkey." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22786.pdf.
Full text
6
Puglisi, Rosaria. "Power to the pragmatists : the role of the economic elite in relations between Russia and Ukraine 1994-1998." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2025/.
Full textAbstract:
This work discusses the role of the economic elites of Russia and Ukraine in the development of relations between the two countries in the period between 1994-1998. A “Pragmatist approach” to bilateral relations, that emerged in Kyiv and in Moscow in the mid-1990s, and the doctrine of CIS integration are identified as the ideological underpinnings for the participation of the economic elites in the process of foreign policy-making. According to these approaches, economic elites in Russia and Ukraine share similar economic interests derived from the necessity to restore a post-Soviet common economic space. Convergent interests of the economic elites are assumed to be powerful incentives to increase bilateral co-operation and eventually foster economic and political reintegration between the two countries. In an analysis based on the study of domestic sources of foreign policy, the author contests these approaches. This work argues that, contrary to expectations, the consolidation of nation-based economic elites led to the emergence of conflicting rather than convergent interests. The redistribution of national wealth, following the demise of the Soviet structure of state-ownership, sparked a struggle between domestic and economic elites for the control of economic resources. The penetration of external economic actors was viewed, in this perspective, as a factor that might upset the delicate balance of power between domestic institutions and economic agents. A nationalist vocabulary, resulting from a century-long struggle for independence, was used in Ukraine to express a protectionist mood against Russian competitors. This research contributes to the debate on co-operation between states and the role that domestic factor play in encouraging or hindering such a process. In particular, this study supports the argument that recently established independent states are less prone to join co-operation schemes, especially when a process of redistribution of national resources follows the demise of the previous regime. The economic elites may be identified in this process as active participants or even promoters of nationalist movements.
7
Healy, Joseph. "Central Europe in flux : Germany, Poland and Ukraine, 1918-1922." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2324/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an examination of the relationship between the Ukrainian nationalists, led by Petliura (The Ukrainian People’s Republic) and both Germany and Poland in the period 1918-1922. Although the thesis addresses primarily the situation after World War I and the military collapse of Germany in Eastern Europe, I also examine the historical relationship between Germany and Ukraine, which came to the fore in the period of World War I, and especially following the treaties of Brest Litovsk. This period involved the German recognition of Ukrainian independence, and the German intervention in Ukrainian internal political and economic affairs.
8
Betz, David J. "Politics of mimicry - politics of exclusion : comparing post-communist civil-military relations in Poland and Hungary, Russia and Ukraine, 1991-1999." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3891/.
Full textAbstract:
The dissertation looks at the transformation of civil-military relations in Poland and Hungary, Russia and Ukraine between the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact in July 1991 and the enlargement of NATO in March 1999. It presents new qualitative data based on approximately 120 elite interviews conducted by the author of politicians, military officers, defence analysts, and journalists in the countries in the study. In general, the focus is on the civilian side of the civil-military equation. Specifically, the work assesses the state of civil-military relations on the basis of three interconnected indicators: the making of security policy and defence reform as a test of civilian control, the role of civilians in the ministry of defence, and the strength of agencies of civilian oversight. It is argued that the differences observed in the state of civil-military relations among the states in the study can be explained by the interaction of three main factors. In Poland and Hungary, the external incentives to establish democratic control of the armed forces reform were positive, while in Russia and Ukraine the impact of external actors - of which NATO was by far the most significant - was negative or ambiguous. The attitude of the political and military elite in Poland and Hungary was more open to the adoption of new norms of civil-military relations than was that of the elite in Russia and Ukraine. And in Poland and Hungary the state of the polity and economy presented a less significant internal constraint on reform. The central finding of the dissertation is that in Poland and Hungary reformers tried - with mixed success - to adopt the forms of democratic civil-military relations as part of their drive to integrate with Western politico-military structures without seeking to understand the logic behind them. The result was a "politics of mimicry", a process of imperfect copying of liberal-democratic norms of civil-military relations which, nonetheless, culminated in these countries being admitted to NATO in 1999. In Ukraine and Russia, by contrast, in a time of profound budgetary exigency, the armed forces were left to solve their own problems absent much civilian control except that exercised infrequently and arbitrarily by the head of state.
9
Shivnani, Annushka. "The Perfect Storm: Failures of U.S. Foreign Policy and the Disintegration of U.S.-Russian Relations." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1711.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the broader relationship between the United States and Russia since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, relations between the U.S. and Russia have seriously deteriorated. This thesis lists the four most important contributing factors: ineffective reforms of the 1990s, NATO’s continued expansion, escalation in Ukraine, and the failure to jointly address the Syrian conflict. It argues that one major consequence of the strained relationship is a stronger Russia-China partnership. If Washington continues to ignore Russia’s security and economic interests, relations are likely to further decline, harming U.S. objectives in the long term. In order to improve relations, this thesis recommends that the U.S. transform its existing NATO policy, reverse sanctions, and reorient U.S. foreign policy to focus less on Russia’s non-democratic system of government and more on geopolitical issues, such as coordinating measures with Moscow to stabilize Syria.
10
Kravets, Nadiya. "Domestic sources of Ukraine's foreign policy : examining key cases of policy towards Russia, 1991-2009." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:65602e5c-0a42-4ff4-95d2-14b58e763187.
Full textAbstract:
Ukraine’s foreign policy has puzzled observers since the dissolution of the Soviet Union due to its unusual inconsistency. This inconsistency exhibited itself in contradictory decisions by the Ukrainian executive carried out within a short period of time, which signalled either greater cooperation with Russia and relative cooling of relations with the West, or integration into Western institutions and worsening of the relations with Moscow. This study aims to explain the inconsistency by examining the sources of Ukraine’s foreign policy through process-tracing in four policy cases: Ukraine’s renouncement of nuclear weapons (1991-1994), the status of the Black Sea Fleet (1991-1997), the Odesa-Brody pipeline (2002-2004), and the 2006-2009 gas disputes. Contrary to dominant interpretations of Ukraine’s foreign policy vacillation that emphasise the role of external influences, especially that of Russia and the West, this study concludes that Ukraine’s inconsistent foreign policy decisions are best explained by domestic factors – intra-executive divisions and the influence of vested interests on policy-making. The work relies on the use of primary sources including archival research, elite interviews, and Ukrainian and Russian newspaper reports.
11
MELONI, Gabriella. "Wider Europe : the influence of the EU on neighbouring countries : the case of Russia and Ucraine." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10467.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 7 December 2007<br>Examining Board: Prof. Adrienne Héritier, (EUI/RSCAS) ; Prof. Olga Potemkina, (Russian Academy of Science, Moscow) ; Prof. Gerda Falkner, (Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna) ; Prof. Marise Cremona, (EUI, Department of Law)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>The EU has engaged in the promotion of an unprecedented process of policy export which involves not only candidates to enlargement, but also a wide range of countries beyond the Union’s present and future expected (at least at the moment) borders. In this framework, Russia and Ukraine have been an important test-case for the European Union which asked them to 'endeavour to ensure' that their legislation will be 'gradually made compatible with that of the Community' already in the mid-90s. This dissertation is intended to explore the mechanisms which have allowed the EU to promote legislative approximation in these 2 countries across 3 policy areas which are at the core of the internal market and where I, thus, expected the pressure for Europeanisation to be higher: competition policy, company law and consumers’ protection. In particular, I tried to understand if and how far the EU has been able to induce Russia and Ukraine towards the desired outcome as a result of the engagement of the parties in strategic inter-action. Then, on the other hand, I tried to assess if and how far rule adoption has been motivated by internalized, socially constructed identities, values and norms. The analysis has shown that there are interesting cases of Europeanisation not only in Ukraine, but also in Russia, allowing me to highlight the limits deriving from the use of conditionality in the new neighborhood and the need to reconsider the mix between different Europeanisation strategies.
12
Visotzky, Alexander M. "Double-Edged Sword: Russia’s Use of Energy as Leverage in the Near Abroad." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1241633377.
Full text
13
Fortes, Denis Matoszko [UNESP]. "A Federação Russa e a crise ucraniana de 2013-2014: entre o jogo das potências e as disputas históricas no "exterior próximo"." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151751.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Denis Matoszko Fortes null (denismatoszko@gmail.com) on 2017-09-28T15:22:10Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
Dissertação - Denis Matoszko Fortes.pdf: 2311899 bytes, checksum: cea3e0592ac54039f67d975501809e2c (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-29T17:02:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
fortes_dm_me_mar.pdf: 2311899 bytes, checksum: cea3e0592ac54039f67d975501809e2c (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T17:02:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
fortes_dm_me_mar.pdf: 2311899 bytes, checksum: cea3e0592ac54039f67d975501809e2c (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2017-08-29<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>O presente trabalho propõe-se a investigar o papel exercido pela Federação Russa na crise ucraniana que teve início em novembro de 2013 e culminou no surgimento de movimentos separatistas; na ofensiva militar do governo ucraniano e de milícias ultranacionalistas contra as regiões do leste do país que passaram a exigir maior autonomia em relação à Kiev; e na independência da península da Crimeia, a qual foi posteriormente anexada pela Rússia. A fim de investigar a postura adotada pelo governo russo, observa-se a necessidade do estudo de questões que envolvem não somente Ucrânia e Rússia, mas também a relação deste país com as potências ocidentais no pós Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscou-se compreender como os problemas decorrentes do fim da URSS e a contínua expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) influenciaram as decisões da política externa russa no período. Ao longo da pesquisa procurou-se indicar elementos analíticos que possam contribuir para o estudo do tema e ultrapassem análises meramente conjunturais, a partir da constatação de que questões centrais que transbordaram a partir de 2013 – notadamente as divisões políticas e étnico-linguísticas no interior do Estado ucraniano, bem como a disputa pela tutela da Crimeia – já estavam presentes anteriormente, requerendo uma investigação atenta às variáveis geopolíticas e sócio-históricas.<br>This study seeks to investigate the role performed by the Russian Federation in the Ukrainian crisis that began in November 2013. This event resulted in the emergence of separatist movements and a military offensive led by the Ukrainian government and ultranationalist militias against the regions in the east of the country which demanded greater autonomy from Kiev, as well as the independence of the Crimean peninsula, latter annexed by Russia. In order to investigate the position adopted by the Russian government it is necessary to go beyond the issues regarding this country and Ukraine alone and also study the relationship between Russia and the Western powers in the post-Cold War period. In this sense, this work sought to investigate how the problems arising from the dissolution of the USSR and the continuous expansion of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) influenced the Russian foreign policy in the period. Throughout the research, we tried to point out analytical elements that go beyond merely conjunctural analysis, based on the finding that crucial questions which had arisen in the 2013 crisis – notably the political and ethnic-linguistic divisions within the Ukrainian State, as well as the dispute over the tutelage of Crimea – were previously present, requiring an attentive investigation into the geopolitical and socio-historical variables.
14
Fortes, Denis Matoszko. "A Federação Russa e a crise ucraniana de 2013-2014 : entre o jogo das potências e as disputas históricas no "exterior próximo" /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/151751.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz<br>Resumo: O presente trabalho propõe-se a investigar o papel exercido pela Federação Russa na crise ucraniana que teve início em novembro de 2013 e culminou no surgimento de movimentos separatistas; na ofensiva militar do governo ucraniano e de milícias ultranacionalistas contra as regiões do leste do país que passaram a exigir maior autonomia em relação à Kiev; e na independência da península da Crimeia, a qual foi posteriormente anexada pela Rússia. A fim de investigar a postura adotada pelo governo russo, observa-se a necessidade do estudo de questões que envolvem não somente Ucrânia e Rússia, mas também a relação deste país com as potências ocidentais no pós Guerra Fria. Neste sentido, buscou-se compreender como os problemas decorrentes do fim da URSS e a contínua expansão da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) influenciaram as decisões da política externa russa no período. Ao longo da pesquisa procurou-se indicar elementos analíticos que possam contribuir para o estudo do tema e ultrapassem análises meramente conjunturais, a partir da constatação de que questões centrais que transbordaram a partir de 2013 – notadamente as divisões políticas e étnico-linguísticas no interior do Estado ucraniano, bem como a disputa pela tutela da Crimeia – já estavam presentes anteriormente, requerendo uma investigação atenta às variáveis geopolíticas e sócio-históricas.<br>Mestre
15
Ratsiborynska, Vira. "Les enjeux de la politique européenne à l'égard de l'Ukraine (2003-2014)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG046.
Full textAbstract:
La Politique européenne de voisinage (PEV) a été conçue pour promouvoir la prospérité, la stabilité et la sécurité dans les régions voisines de l'UE. L'analyse de cette politique dans le cadre du développement des relations entre l'Ukraine et l'UE, ainsi que dans le contexte de l'évolution d'une dynamique intra-régionale du Partenariat oriental, a conduit à l'identification d'une série de lacunes de nature différente, concernant à la fois les failles institutionnelles de la PEV et les incertitudes pesant sur ses perspectives finales vis-à-vis de l'Ukraine. En outre, la PEV a montré la limite de ses capacités à faire face aux défis sécuritaires lors de la crise en Crimée. Elle a également démontré les limites de sa stratégie géopolitique dans le cadre des relations entre la Russie, l'Ukraine et l'UE, de même qu'elle a révélé son incapacité à prévenir les risques potentiels qu'entraînerait l'Accord d'association Ukraine-UE pour l'Ukraine<br>The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was originally designed to promote prosperity, stability and security in the European Union's neighbouring regions. The analysis of this policy within the framework of the relations between Ukraine and the EU and in the context of the evolution of the intraregional dynamics of the Eastern Partnership and of the external policy of the Union did however reveal a number of inherent flaws. In addition to the policy's deficiencies relating to both institutional failings and to the uncertainty regarding the final perspective of this process for Ukraine, the ENP also turned out to be insufficient when faced with the security challenges of the Crimean Crisis. It has demonstrated its limitations concerning the EU's geopolitical strategy within the framework of the relations between Russia, Ukraine and the EU and was shown to be unable to prevent potential risks arising from the European Union's Association Agreement with Ukraine
16
Boyeldieu, d'Auvigny Mathilde. "Entre rivalités avec les Etats-unis et la Chine, les enjeux de puissance de la Russie dans son espace régional (2000-2019)." Thesis, Paris, INALCO, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021INAL0007.
Full textAbstract:
La Russie et la Chine ont élaboré un partenariat stratégique articulé autour du rejet de l’hégémonie américaine. Clé de compréhension du triangle stratégique Russie-Chine-Etats-Unis, ce partenariat pèse désormais dans plusieurs dossiers internationaux et contrecarre la stratégie de Washington. Toutefois, la crise ukrainienne révèle des agendas régionaux concurrents qui interrogent quant à la solidité de l’entente russo-chinoise face aux Etats-Unis. L’Eurasie, « zone d’intérêt privilégié » au sein de laquelle la Russie entend conserver son influence pour des raisons géostratégiques et sécuritaires, suscite en effet un intérêt fort des Etats-Unis et de la Chine. Cherchant à contenir les velléités d’expansion russes, Washington y a développé une présence militaire forte qui s’appuie notamment sur le rejet de la présence russe dans de nombreux pays de l’espace post-soviétique. Pékin, qui profite d’un dynamisme économique sans précédent, est perçu comme un vecteur de développement et une alternative économico-politique à la Russie et déploie une stratégie qui affecte l’ensemble du continent eurasiatique. En Eurasie, le partenariat russo-chinois s’efface ainsi derrière les luttes d’influence et la Russie doit gérer de front, et de manière bien différente, la présence concurrentielle des Etats-Unis et de la Chine. Toutefois et en dépit de sa faiblesse comparative et des conséquences de la crise ukrainienne, la Russie conserve des atouts stratégiques et demeure une puissance régionale incontournable, qui s’efforce de s’adapter aux dynamiques géopolitiques du début du XXIe siècle<br>Russia and China have built a strategic partnership around the rejection of American global hegemony. Key for the understanding of the strategic triangle Russia-China-United States of America, this partnership now weighs in on numerous international issues, counteracting Washington’s strategy. However, the Ukrainian crisis revealed rival regional agendas that question the solidity of the sino-russian entente against US influence. Eurasia, a « sphere of privileged interest », within which Russia intends on maintaining its influence for geostrategic and security reasons, arouse a strong interest from the US and China. Concerned about Russia’s expansion, Washington has developed a military presence facilitated by the fear of a Russian invasion in the post-soviet area. China, enjoying an unprecedented economic dynamism, is perceived as a vehicle for development and an economical and political alternative to Russia’s presence, and has formulated a strategy affecting all of the Eurasian continent. In Eurasia, the sino-russian partnership is fading behind regional rivalry and Russia has to simultaneously handle, in a very different way, the US and China’s presence. However, and despite its comparative weakness and the consequences of the Ukrainian crisis, Russia holds strategic advantages and is still an essential regional power, that tries to adapt its strategy to the geopolitical dynamics at the beginning of the 21st century
17
McGeady, Thomas Daniel. "Outsourced Combatants: The Russian State and the Vostok Battalion." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76743.
Full textAbstract:
Shortly after the February 2014 Euromaidan revolution which ousted pro-Russian Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, Russia orchestrated a rapid and mostly bloodless annexation of the Crimea. Following the removal of Ukrainian authority from the peninsula, the Kremlin focused simultaneously on legitimizing the annexation via an electoral reform in Crimea and fermenting political unrest in the Donbas. As violence broke out in the Donbas, anti-Ukrainian government militias were formed by defecting Ukrainian security forces members, local volunteers, and volunteers from Russia. The Kremlin provided extensive support for these militias which sometimes even came in the form of direct military intervention by conventional Russian forces. However, the use of state-sponsored militias by Russia is not a new phenomenon. Since the end of the Cold War, the Russian Federation has been relying on militias to help stabilize local security environments, and more recently, achieve foreign security policy objectives in the Near Abroad. By tracking the history of Vostok (East) Battalion during its two distinctly different iterations, first as a militia for the Yamadayev family which operated primarily in Chechnya as well as briefly in South Ossetia and Lebanon and then as separatist formation in Eastern Ukraine, my thesis seeks to examine why Russia uses militias. Using the theoretical frameworks of principle-agent relations and organizational hierarchy, my thesis examines post-Soviet military reforms to contextualize the Kremlin's rationale for utilizing militia groups as well as analyzing the costs and benefits Moscow ultimately incurs when it leverages militias as force projection assets domestically and in the Near Abroad.<br>Master of Arts
18
Svanefalk, Niclas. "Avoiding geopolitical self-destruction in the 21st century: How pragmatic idealism accounts for Sweden's neutrality in regards to its actions following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23718.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis intended to examine how the actions of Sweden, following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea, fit within the international relations theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism, focusing on the actions of Sweden's foreign policy that impacted its neutrality policy. This thesis is built upon the pragmatic idealism theoretical perspective of international relations, and attempted to address how this perspective accounted for, or failed to account for the actions of Sweden in the face of the escalating Russian threat. The analysis herein is grounded in case study methodology. First, the thesis examined how Sweden-Russia relations evolved in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Second, the thesis examined how Sweden-NATO relations changed after the 2014-15 annexation of Crimea by Russia. In both cases, the paper analysed how the evolution of these relationships affected Sweden's neutrality, and how the evolution was consistent or not consistent with the “pragmatic” and “idealist” dimensions of the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism. The culmination of this paper drew an inference of the applicability of the perspective of pragmatic idealism to Sweden's application of neutrality to international relations. It concluded that Sweden's neutrality both prior to and following the invasion, as well as its subsequent actions, were in line with the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism.
19
Rankin, Colleen A. "International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337888570.
Full text
20
Mija, Valeriu. "A solution to Moldova's Transdniestrian conflict : regional complex interdependence /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FMija.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Jeff Knopf, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-85). Also available online.
21
Козир, Юлія Анатоліївна, Юлия Анатольевна Козырь та Yuliia Anatoliivna Kozyr. "Наукова думка в Росії щодо мас-медійного висвітлення сучасних українсько-російських відносин". Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2016. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/49139.
Full textAbstract:
Стаття містить огляд опублікованих у Росії наукових праць про висвітлення в мас-медіа воєнного конфлікту між Україною й Росією. Розглядаються праці, видані з 2014 року включно.<br>The paper contains a review of research papers published in Russia since 2014, aimed to analyze the mass media coverage of the war conflict between Ukraine and Russia.
22
Rontoyanni, Clelia Helena. "Russia's policies towards Belarus and Ukraine : towards integration or disintegration?" Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390698.
Full text
23
Lavoie, Chantal. "Les relations commerciales entre la Russie et l'Ukraine : la recherche d'une souveraineté économique, 1990-1997." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/17757.
Full text
24
Armandon, Emmanuelle. "La Crimée entre Russie et Ukraine : un conflit qui n'a pas eu lieu (1991-2008)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009IEPP0009.
Full textAbstract:
Au lendemain de la chute de l’URSS, la crise sécessionniste, les tensions interethniques et les rivalités russo-ukrainiennes qui affectent la péninsule de Crimée rendent la région particulièrement propice à l’éclatement d’affrontements armés. A travers l’étude du mouvement sécessionniste apparu dans la région au début des années 1990, cette recherche analyse l’imbroglio criméen, ses dimensions à la fois régionale, intraétatique et interétatique, et, ce faisant, les menaces que la "question de Crimée" faisait peser sur la stabilité du nouvel Etat ukrainien et sur ses relations avec la Russie. L’objet de la thèse est une tentative d’explication des mécanismes qui ont permis au pire des scénarios de ne pas se concrétiser. S’interrogeant sur les efforts de médiation de l’OSCE et de l’ONU, les points forts et les limites du concept de "diplomatie préventive" mis en œuvre dans la région, elle vise à montrer comment l’Ukraine et la Russie ont été, au côté des organisations internationales, des acteurs complémentaires dans la prévention d’un conflit armé en Crimée. Le cadre temporel choisi pour la thèse, relativement large et proche de la situation actuelle, permet de mettre en lumière le caractère durable des compromis élaborés par l’Ukraine et la Russie à la fin des années 1990<br>The collapse of the Soviet Union has had heavy impacts on the Crimean peninsula : secessionist crisis, interethnic tensions and Russian-Ukrainian rivalries have made the region prone to armed conflict escalation. Through analysis of the Crimean secessionist movement emerged in the region in the early 1990s, this research sheds light on the Crimean imbroglio, its dimensions at once regional, intrastate and interstate, and reveals how the “crimean issue” deeply affected the stability of the new Ukrainian State and its relations with Russia. This thesis attempts to explain the mechanisms that prevented the worst-case scenario in the region. By assessing the mediation efforts of the OSCE and the UN, the strengths and limitations of the concept of “preventive diplomacy” implemented in the region, it also demonstrates how Ukraine and Russia, alongside international organizations, have been complementary actors in the prevention of armed conflict in Crimea. The time frame chosen for this work, relatively large and close to the current situation, provides a focus on the durability of the compromises elaborated by Ukraine and Russia in the late 1990s
25
Eyl-Mazzega, Marc-Antoine. "L'Ukraine, entre la Russie et l'Union européenne : acteurs, règles et organisation des échanges gaziers." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010IEPP0069.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse porte sur les politiques gazières de l’Ukraine entre 1998 et 2009. Elle évalue l’ampleur des problèmes et défis gaziers auxquels est confronté le pays et cherche à comprendre pourquoi, depuis son indépendance en 1991, l’Ukraine n’est pas venue à bout des vulnérabilités engendrées par sa très forte consommation de gaz et sa dépendance aux importations russes. La démarche méthodologique combine la sociologie des organisations, l’économie politique et le concept de l’Européanisation. L’approche est centrée sur les acteurs (contraintes, intérêts), leur pouvoir, leurs négociations et les conflits et accords auxquels elles donnent lieu. L’analyse s’attache ensuite à identifier le système des politiques gazières, c’est-à-dire les règles qui ordonnent et structurent les choix des acteurs, en s’appuyant notamment sur le concept de néo-patrimonialisme. Le concept de l’européanisation permet d’analyser l’impact de la dépendance au chemin, le rôle des facteurs domestiques ainsi que celui de l’Union Européenne (UE). Différents cas d’études servent de fondement empirique à l’analyse, sur la base d’ouvrages spécialisés, d’articles de presse ou d’entretiens avec experts et acteurs du secteur gazier. L’analyse montre que les dirigeants et leur entourage fixent seuls les règles qui régissent le marché gazier. L’intérêt général est délaissé au profit de la corruption et des relations de patronage. En résulte une insécurité énergétique, le blocage des réformes tandis que le rôle de la Russie est prépondérant. L’européanisation est un échec du fait du blocage des forces de veto intérieures et de l’insuffisance de la crédibilité, de la détermination et du pouvoir de l’UE<br>The subject matter of this dissertation is Ukraine's gas policies between 1998 and 2009. It assesses the nature and the scope of challenges the country has been facing in this sector. A key issue is about determining why, since its independence, this country has not been able to overcome the vulnerabilities which come from its very high gas consumption and dependence from Russian imports. The methodological approach is based on the sociology of organizations, the political economy and the concept of Europeanization. The analysis concentrates on actors (identities, interests and constraints), their power and negotiations, and their outcomes in terms of conflicts and agreements. It examines the system in which these policies take places, that is the underlying rules which shape actors' decisions, such as neo-patrimonialism, for example. The concept of Europeanization helps to assess the influence of path dependency, the role of domestic factors as well as of the European Union (EU) as a driver of transformation. Various case studies form the empirical background and support for the analysis, based on the available literature, press articles or the author's interviews with experts and actors of the gas sector. This analysis highlights the extent to which the country's leaders and their close associates set the gas market's rules. The national interests are neglected while corruption and patrimonialism determine actors' decisions. This leads to a high energy insecurity and the stalling of reforms, while Russia's role is predominant. The Europeanization process has failed due to the domestic obstacles to changes as well as EU's lacking credibility, determinacy and power
26
Kadlecová, Veronika. "Propaganda in International Relations: A Case Study of the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-202088.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis identifies and further examines the role of propaganda in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, more specifically in the period around the annexation of the Crimean peninsula by the Russian Federation in March 2014. Critical discourse analysis is employed in order to analyse selected speeches of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, and the President of the United States of America, Barack Obama, relevant to the topic and in the period under investigation. The first chapter introduces a theoretical framework on propaganda in international relations, its definition, history and research. The methodology is described in detail in the second chapter. The historical context of the conflict is provided at the beginning of the empirical part of the thesis closely followed by a detailed analysis of the selected speeches. The findings support the prediction that there is a presence of propaganda identified within the speeches of both political leaders, thus in the conflict itself, and offer valuable insights into the hidden meanings and possible motives behind its use. The study advances our understanding of the phenomenon and helps us to expose and confront propaganda further.
27
Sitniece, Katrīna Marija. "The Power of Values in Determining Interstate Threat Perception." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445527.
Full textAbstract:
Interstate threat perception plays a vital role in peace and conflict, having the potential to lead to pre-emptive war. Despite the significance of the theme, little is known about the elements and mechanisms at play guiding threat perception at the state level. This study contributes to said gap by focusing on values as the driver of threat perception. The argument explores the regional constraints of threat perception, focusing on regional military interventions and their effects on the threat perception of the states within said region. Thus, the paper addresses the question of what role value congruence plays in interstate threat perception following a regional military intervention. The paper hypothesises that a higher perceived value congruence between the perceiving state and the intervening state lowers the degree of threat perception. Noting data limitations and isolation challenges, the study finds support for this hypothesis by exploring the case of 2014 Russian intervention in Ukraine and its effects on Belarus, Poland, and Sweden.
28
Kashirin, Alexander Urievich 1963. "Protestant minorities in the Soviet Ukraine, 1945--1991." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10956.
Full textAbstract:
xiv, 934 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>The dissertation focuses on Protestants in the Soviet Ukraine from the end of the Second World War to the collapse of the USSR. It has two major aims. The first is to elucidate the evolution of Soviet policy toward Protestant denominations, using archival evidence that was not available to previous students of this subject. The second is to reconstruct the internal life of Protestant congregations as marginalized social groups. The dissertation is thus a case study both of religious persecution under state-sponsored atheism and of the efforts of individual believers and their communities to survive without compromising their religious principles.
The opportunity to function legally came at a cost to Protestant communities in Ukraine and elsewhere in the USSR. In the 1940s-1980s, Protestant communities lived within a tight encirclement of numerous governmental restrictions designed to contain and, ultimately, reduce all manifestations of religiosity in the republic both quantitatively and qualitatively. The Soviet state specifically focused on interrupting the generational continuity of religious tradition by driving a wedge between believing parents and their children. Aware of these technologies of containment and their purpose, Protestants devised a variety of survival strategies that allowed them, when possible, to circumvent the stifling effects of containment and ensure the preservation and transmission of religious traditions to the next generation. The dissertation investigates how the Soviet government exploited the state institutions and ecclesiastic structures in its effort to transform communities of believers into malleable societies of timid and nominal Christians and how the diverse Protestant communities responded to this challenge.
Faced with serious ethical choices--to collaborate with the government or resist its persistent interference in the internal affairs of their communities-- many Ukrainian Evangelicals joined the vocal opposition movement that contributed to an increased international pressure on the Soviet government and subsequent evolution of the Soviet policy from confrontation to co-existence with religion. The dissertation examines both theoretical and practical aspects of the Soviet secularization project and advances a number of arguments that help account for religion's survival in the Soviet Union during the 1940-1980s.<br>Committee in charge: Julie Hessler, Chairperson, History;
R Alan Kimball, Member, History;
Jack Maddex, Member, History;
William Husband, Member, Not from U of O
Caleb Southworth, Outside Member, Sociology
29
Pawliw, Kim. "La position de la Fédération de Russie dans les événements survenus en Crimée, 2013-2014 : contextes géopolitiques et justifications d'ordre politique, historique et culturel." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/29868.
Full textAbstract:
En 2013-2014, l’Ukraine s’est vue tiraillée entre deux options : un rapprochement envers l’Union européenne par la signature d’un accord d’association ou un rapprochement envers la Fédération de Russie par l’acceptation de diverses aides financières. Suite aux manifestations proeuropéennes de l’Euromaïdan et au départ du président ukrainien prorusse, le Conseil suprême de la Crimée a tenu un référendum d’autodétermination afin d’acquérir son indépendance de l’Ukraine et de se faire incorporer à la Fédération de Russie. L’Organisation des Nations Unies n’a pas reconnu cette incorporation, la qualifiant d’illégitime. Dans ce contexte, les dirigeants russes ont tenté de justifier leurs actions en Crimée. L’objectif premier de la recherche était de caractériser et d’analyser la rhétorique des principaux acteurs russes cherchant à légitimer l’incorporation de la Crimée à la structure politique et administrative de la Fédération de Russie suite à la déclaration d’indépendance de la péninsule. La méthode utilisée, soit l’analyse de contenu, a permis d’identifier deux types de rhétoriques caractérisant les justifications des dirigeants russes et de leurs alliés : une rhétorique légale et une rhétorique identitaire. Les processus de construction de ces rhétoriques ont été analysés en identifiant les contextes, les acteurs et les idéologies qui ont contribué à leur formation. La rhétorique légale a fait référence à l’interprétation du droit international, notamment des principes d’autodétermination des peuples et d’intégrité territoriale des États, tandis que la rhétorique identitaire a fait référence à une interprétation de l’histoire russe cherchant à démontrer les liens unitaires entre d’une part la Fédération de Russie et l’Ukraine et, d’autre part, la Fédération de Russie et la Crimée. Afin d’approfondir l’analyse, la recherche a répertorié la manière dont ces rhétoriques se sont incarnées dans la réalité à travers diverses actions, qu’il s’agisse de sessions à l’ONU ou d’événements patrimoniaux, comme l’érection de monuments.<br>In 2013-2014, Ukraine was torn between two options: rapprochement with the European Union by signing an association agreement or rapprochement with the Russian Federation by accepting financial aid. After the pro-European protests known as the Euromaidan, and the departure of the pro- Russian president, the Supreme Council of Crimea held a referendum on self-determination in order to gain independence from Ukraine and to be incorporated into the Russian Federation. The United Nations did not recognize the incorporation and qualified it as illegitimate. In this context, the Russian leaders tried to characterize their action in Crimea as legitimate. The primary objective of this research is to characterize and analyze the rhetoric of the main Russian actors who presented Crimea’s incorporation into the political and administrative structure of the Russian Federation, following the declaration of the peninsula’s independence, as legitimate. Using content analysis in carrying out the research, two types of rhetoric adopted by the Russian leadership were identified: a legal rhetoric and an identity rhetoric. The construction process of both were analyzed in the course of the research through the identification of contexts, actors and ideologies that contributed to their development. The research learned that the legal rhetoric concerned the interpretation of international law, especially the principles of self-determination and territorial integrity of States. Whereas the identity rhetoric concerned the interpretation of Russia’s history in order to demonstrate the existence of unity between the Russian Federation and Ukraine and between the Russian Federation and Crimea. To gain additional information on both, the research also observed how they were expressed in specific situations, such as during UN sessions or during heritage events, for example the erection of monuments.
30
Görts, Harald. "Förändrad hotbild och identitetsbyggande med hjälp av Ryssland? : En fallstudie om EU utifrån fyra medlemsländers förändrade hotbild efter annekteringen av Krim och det efterföljande kriget i Ukraina." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-6593.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis purpose is to examine the development of the European Union’s threat perception and identetity construction in regards to Russia. It uses a qualitive text analysis to study the national security strategies formulated by the memberstates Sweden, Germany, Italy and Poland and how these countries view of Russia is formulated. Furthermore it compares the change from before the annexation of Crimea and the Ukraine crisis and how this influenced the possibly change in perception of Russia. The study finds that the Russian action in Crimea and Ukraine has changed the threat perception in Sweden, Germany and Poland but that Russia is not mentioned in the Italy papers. Hence the identity construction is similar in the countries north of the Alps but Italy does not contrast its identety to Russia. From this the study concludes that the Russian threat is not enough to construct an European identity throughout Europe but there are patterns within the Union, which might indicate how the European project might continue.
31
Marineau, Sophie. "L'usage des sanctions économiques et diplomatiques dans la gestion des crises internationales : études des cas d'Afghanistan (1979) et d'Ukraine (2014)." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/27745.
Full textAbstract:
Le 27 février 2014, des troupes non identifiées envahissent la péninsule de Crimée au sud de l'Ukraine, puis l'Est de l'Ukraine. À la suite d'un référendum contesté, la Crimée est annexée à la Fédération de Russie, alors que la guerre civile fait rage dans les territoires de l'Est du pays. Rapidement, les États-Unis et l'Union européenne prennent des mesures diplomatiques envers la Russie. Après plus de cinq mois de conflit et plusieurs incidents, les Occidentaux optent finalement pour des mesures économiques devant avoir un impact considérable sur l'économie russe. L'objectif poursuivi est ainsi d'amener la Russie à négocier une situation viable pour l'Ukraine. Comme dans tout autre régime de sanctions, la question de l'efficacité se pose. Est-ce que les mesures économiques prises par l'Union européenne sont suffisantes pour initier un changement de politique étrangère en Russie? Après plus de trois ans sous sanctions, l'économie russe a subi d'importants dommages. Ce n'est toutefois pas la première fois que la Russie se retrouve sous sanctions. En 1979, alors que l'URSS – son prédécesseur – envahi l'Afghanistan dans le contexte de la Guerre froide, les États-Unis et plusieurs États de l'Europe de l'Ouest imposent de sévères sanctions à l'URSS. Dès lors, que peut-on tirer de l'analyse de ce régime de sanctions afin de mieux comprendre la réaction actuelle de la Russie ?
32
Roux, Servan-Schreiber Camille. "Les mutations post-soviétiques des pays de l'isthme mer Baltique-mer Noire : marges d'empires, confins du Vieux Continent ou puissances régionales?" Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040084.
Full textAbstract:
Le basculement continu de l'isthme mer Baltique - mer Noire entre zone de contact et zone de conflit a longtemps cantonné cet espace dans une existence de " zone fracassée ". Pendant des siècles, enjeu de l'antagonisme russo-polonais, l'isthme n'a été qu'une limite floue constamment changeante. Depuis la fin de la Guerre Froide, ces territoires ne veulent plus être un " cordon sanitaire " entre l'Est et l'Ouest. Le désir d'affirmation nationale et de reconnaissance internationale a commencé par un rejet de l'influence russo-soviétique. Les deux principales forces motrices dans le remodelage de ces territoires depuis 1991 ont été d'une part la problématique identitaire, qui constitue l'un des aspects du processus de transition, et d'autre part l'acquis communautaire (UE / OSCE), dans un contexte marqué par la désoviétisation. L'évolution stratégique de ces pays ne peut se comprendre sans une analyse des liens complexes tissés entre les perceptions, les identités et les questions de sécurité. C'est au niveau subrégional que la dynamique de reconfiguration a été la plus importante, dessinant une carte des nouvelles interdépendances (énergétiques, circulatoires, économiques et migratoires). Le grand ensemble allant de la mer Baltique à la mer Noire tel qu'il existait dans le Grand-Duché de Lituanie n'a pas refait surface, du fait de la scission de cet espace entre deux groupes de territoires appartenant à des ensembles géopolitiques différents : au Nord, les trois Etats baltes ont rejoint l'UE et l'OTAN, alors que l'Ukraine et la Biélorussie appartiennent à la CEI et sont considérés comme des " voisins " de l'UE. L'isthme présente ainsi une caractéristique intéressante en géographie politique, puisqu'on observe à la fois mitoyenneté et juxtaposition de deux blocs. Il reste une zone charnière et un pont entre deux mondes : l'Union Européenne et la Communauté des Etats Indépendants<br>The continuous swing of the Baltic Sea – Black Sea isthmus between contact zone and conflict zone has constrained this area into a “crush zone” existence. For centuries, caught in the middle of the Russian-Polish antagonism, the isthmus remained an ambiguous frontier always in flux. Since the end of the Cold War however, these territories no longer wish to be a “sanitary cord” between East and West. The desire for national affirmation and international recognition began with a rejection of the Russo-Soviet influence. The two essential forces contributing to the reshaping of these territories since 1991 were identity building on the one hand, and the community build-up on the other hand (EU/OSCE), all in the context dominated by desovietisation. The strategic evolution of these countries can only be understood with an analysis of the complex links between perceptions, identities and security issues. The dynamic of reshuffling is most critically located at the sub-regional level, drawing a new map of inter-dependencies (energetic, transport, economic and migratory). The great territory stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea as it existed in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania has not re-emerged, due to the split of this territory into two groups belonging to distinct geopolitical structures: in the North the three Baltic states have joined the EU and NATO, whereas Ukraine and Belarus belong to the CIS and are only considered as EU “neighbours”. The isthmus contains intriguing geopolitical characteristics, containing the neighbouring and overlapping of two major political blocs. It remains a critical juncture and bridge between two worlds: the European Union and the Community of Independent States
33
Roberts, Anthea Elizabeth. "Is International Law International?" Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124611.
Full textAbstract:
International lawyers are familiar with the question:
“Is international law law?” But this thesis instead asks the
question: “Is international law international?” Using a
variety of methods, this work sheds light on some of the ways in
which international law as a transnational legal field is
constructed by international law academics, and is conceptualized
in international law textbooks, in the five permanent members of
the Security Council: the People’s Republic of China, the
French Republic, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and the United States of
America. It explores how different national communities of
international lawyers construct and pass on their understandings
of “international law” in ways that belie the field’s claim
to universality, perpetuating certain forms of difference and
dominance. By adopting a comparative approach, it aims to make
international lawyers more aware of the frames that shape their
own understandings of and approaches to the field, as well as how
these might be similar to or different from the frames adopted by
those coming from other states, regions or geopolitical
groupings. It also examines how some of these patterns might be
disrupted as a result of shifts in geopolitical power, such as
the movement from unipolar power toward greater multipolarity and
the growing confrontations between Western liberal democratic
states (like the United States, the United Kingdom, and France)
and non-Western authoritarian states (like China and Russia).
34
Lomia, Ekaterine. "The United States-Russia Relations Before and After Russia's Intervention in Georgia and Ukraine." Master's thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/105927.
Full text
35
Lomia, Ekaterine. "The United States-Russia Relations Before and After Russia's Intervention in Georgia and Ukraine." Dissertação, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/105927.
Full text
36
Frix, Noëlie. "NATO, Russia and the Ukraine Crisis." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7912/C22M1N.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)<br>This paper seeks to answer the theoretical question: Do international organizations (IOs) bring peace and stability to international relations? The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) serves as a case study which can help answer this query. Initially, it is important to explore what realist and liberal scholars broadly argue on the matter of IOs, peace and stability. NATO as an organization is then examined, followed by the case study of the role it played in the Ukraine crisis.
Many international organizations exist today which deal with a wide variety of issues. The League of Nations, though it failed to fulfill its mandate of maintaining worldwide peace, can be considered the first modern international organization and served as the model for its successor, the United Nations. Realists—who argue that states are the principal actor in international relations (IR) and that they are self-interested and mainly concerned with security and power—look upon IOs skeptically. Liberals, though, believe in cooperation among states and promote the proliferation of international organizations, extolling their virtues.
The heated debate between these two ideologies is evident in the case of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) eastward expansion. NATO was originally designed to curb the Soviet threat and protect Western Europe from communist expansion. When the Cold War ended and NATO’s original mandate had therefore expired, liberals championed the continued existence and expansion of the organization. Realists, on the other hand, warned of negative repercussions, as they foresaw that eastward expansion of the alliance would be perceived as a threat by Russia.
The 2014 Ukraine crisis provides a good case study which can help determine whether liberals or realists were right. Liberals have claimed that Russian aggression in the region justifies NATO expansion. Realists, however, have argued that it is the very fact of actual and prospective NATO expansion which has caused this aggression in the first place.
37
Shih, Li-Chuan, and 施力權. "The Study of The Crimea’s Place in Ukraine-Russia Relations and Ukraine’s Home and Foreign Policy(1991~2009)." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/12291841594330326935.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>淡江大學<br>俄羅斯研究所碩士班<br>98<br>Abstract：
The relations between Ukraine and Russia have always been quite complicated with many thorny issues for both sides. Ukraine until 1991 had neither political independence nor clear national identity and was not considered an important factor in the political strategy of the USSR. But after the collapse of the Soviet Union Ukraine suddenly gained strategically crucial position between Europe and Russia. As a result, Ukraine’s foreign policy was heavily influenced by various external factors.
The main goal of Ukraine’s policy became the strengthening of her sovereignty and territorial integrity. The status of Crimea has quickly become the main issue in the political tug-of-war between Russia and Ukraine. Crimea has been literally handed over by Russia to Ukraine (at that time both autonomous republics in the USSR) in 1954 as a gift commemorating 300th anniversary of their “eternal friendship”. This event immediately sparked the controversy after 1991. Within Crimea, whose absolute majority of population is Russian, a separatist movement emerged. Another issue was the Russian naval base in Sevastopol. The NATO’s eastward expansion and president Yushchenko’s willingness to join the block further aggravated situation. The Russian population of Crimea strongly protested against anti-Russian politics of Yushchenko.
The author analyzes the historical evolution of Ukraine’s policy in relation to Crimea. Crimean local development, including the nature of the autonomous Crimean republic is also studied in detail. This research leads to the conclusion that pro-western policy of Yushchenko’s government and the latter’s attempt to secure a firm control over Crimea has failed and the whole setting of Ukraine’s politics must be “reloaded”. This in fact is happening after latest parliamentary and presidential elections. Ukraine’s trend of foreign policy especially will be noticeable in the future.
38
Daley, Stephen. "The 2006 Russia-Ukraine Natural Gas Dispute: A mechanisms based approach." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/4602.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis addresses the factors which lead the Russian government to increase natural gas prices for Ukraine in 2006. Through the use of methodological individualism, an explanation which links system, state, and individual levels of analysis is constructed. The system level variables concerned include global energy prices and the increasing importance of Turkmen natural gas to Russia and other regional gas consumers. State level variables, include changes in Russia’s patrimonial society (changing source of rents, increased authoritarianism); and increasing state control over Russia’s natural gas industry. Changes in these conditioning factors influence individuals’ beliefs about their preferred source of rents, and the nature of their rent seeking and distributing. The resulting actions bring about variations in Russia’s natural gas price for Ukraine. This framework is tested over three time periods (1995-1999, 2000-2004, 2004-2008) selected based on the nature of the conditioning variables over those years. Evidence from these case studies suggests that the above mentioned factors played a large role in the Russian government’s decision. Further, it is concluded that methodological individualism offers a way to bring together system, state, and individual levels of analysis when explaining this event, and perhaps other events in international politics.
39
Sidorenko, Tatiana. "The impact of Ukrainian crisis on Russia's relations with CIS countries." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-335948.
Full textAbstract:
The Master's Thesis focuses on the impact of the Ukraine political crisis of 2013 - 2014 on Russia's relations with the CIS countries. The crisis was triggered by Ukrainian government when it suspended plans of closer ties with the European Union, and has since spurred escalating tensions between Russia and Western powers. The tense situation in Ukraine and Russia's policies is one of the central affairs in international relations today and this makes this topic especially actual. The Thesis examines impact of Ukrainian events of 2013-2014 on the Eurasian integration led by Russia. Integration projects in the post-Soviet space are a high priority for Russia and a tool, how the country articulates its interests in the region. The work provides a look at the development of Russia's foreign policy since the dissolution of the Soviet Union and considers factors and ideological aspects that affected it. Selected integration projects and Russia's policies towards the Eurasian integration are described. The final part is devoted to the origins of Ukrainian crisis and Russia's attitude to it. Current, as well as potential impact of Ukrainian crisis on Russia's relations with the CIS states is derived from the analysis. KEYWORDS Russian Federation, Russian Foreign Policy, Ukraine, Commonwealth of...
40
Krisch, Karin Stephanie. "The doctrine of the responsibility to protect and self-determination in the context of Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13983.
Full text
41
Lai, Yi-Ting, and 賴沂廷. "The Oscillation of Small States When Confronting A Stronger Neighbor with Sovereignty Demand - The Cases of Taiwan Strait and Ukraine-Russia Relations." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/7d2nbg.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>國立臺灣大學<br>政治學研究所<br>104<br>The oscillation of states’ behaviors has long been treated in the academic field of IR as a descriptive term rather than a theoretical concept. Many researchers are aware of the phenomenon of states’ oscillation but still choose to believe that small states confronting a stronger neighbor would accurately recognize the pertinent conditions and decisively take a strategic posture between the so-called balancing and bandwagoning. However, conditions which a small state faces are not necessarily as clear as crystal. There are some gray areas where conditions are obscure, and small states are unable to identify a preferable choice. From the viewpoint of this thesis, only when the concept of oscillation and gray areas are integrated into the existing theories can we better understand and explain the responding behaviors of small states towards a strong neighboring country.
According to the “Progression of Strategic Postures” theory, small states’ response towards the strong neighbor with sovereignty demand can all be classified into twelve progression scenarios. The level of external threat posed by the strong neighbor and the level of physical resources possessed by the small state would jointly decide the progression scenario which the small state is in. In short, the higher the external threat is, the more extreme the responding options will be; conversely, the lower the external threat is, the more moderate the responding options will be. In addition, the level of foreign supports will decide which the small state will do between continuously taking confrontation-based options, continuously taking concession-based options and wavering among the afore-mentioned two options. Lastly, the level of economic development will decide the small state’s fragility of international intervention.
The Ukraine case, which starts in 1991, and the Taiwan case, which starts in 1979, belong to two different progression scenarios. Russia still held sovereignty ambition towards Ukraine after the Soviet Union had been dissolved, but Russia was bounded by its weaker national power and could only pose low-level threat to Ukraine. The West, on the other hand, had not given the green light to Ukraine’s EU and NATO membership before 2014. It caused the economically disadvantaged Ukraine unable to get away from the Passive Oscillation Period of Lower Threat. Taiwan has long been under low-level threat since the PRC adopted the strategy of Peaceful Unification and under medium-level support since the USA terminated Sino-American Mutual Defense Treaty. The economically prosperous Taiwan was thus forced to enter the Autonomous Progression Period of Low Threat. As the mainland China keeps growing economically at speed, Taiwan could lose the advantage of economical development and be forced to enter the Neutral Progression Period of Low Threat. At that point, the USA and the PRC will be more likely to intervene in Taiwan’s internal political process, Taiwan’s oscillation frequency will start to rise, and Taiwan’s political stability will drop.
42
Huang, Ming-min, and 黃明敏. "Russian diplomatic relations toward Ukraine(1991-2000)." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/46212346299126674431.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>淡江大學<br>俄羅斯研究所<br>91<br>The hurried manner and unplanned agreement to create the CIS in December 1991 served to create disagreements and different interpretations of the role and functions of the CIS between its two key members, Ukraine and Russia. The signing of the Russian- Ukraine interstate treaty and finalization of the Black Sea agreement in May 1997 signaled the second and final stage of the disintegration of the USSR.
The Soviet legacy within Ukraine is therefore paradoxical. In terms of national identity, it includes both modernization and profound distortion. Because the collapse of the Soviet Union was accomplished peacefully, there was no chance to completely erase the past and the ancient regime or to start with a clean state. Ukraine in 1991 depended on the Soviet Union not only for the establishment of its borders but also for its entire government system.
From 1991-1999, Ukrainian leaders learned that Ukraine mattered to the West primarily in terms of the West’s relationship with Russia and that as a small power situated next to a great one, its options were limited. Ukraine would achieve its goals not if those goals were justified, but if Ukraine could successfully bargain for them with other states, thus formed the Ukrainian-Russian-U.S. triangle relations during this period.
Russia and Ukraine have worked and fought for the reason of their own national interests, and the U.S. for fear that Russia’s concern about Ukraine and the “near abroad” strategy could sabotage it’s global strategy, it cooperates with NATO and EU to restrain Russia. Therefore, the frame work to understand those interactions and the developments between them, became the motive to give a further research to this topic.
43
Іванов, О. В. "Репрезентація зовнішньополітичних орієнтацій населення в публічній комунікації владних еліт: дисертація". Thesis, 2012. http://ekmair.ukma.edu.ua/handle/123456789/1904.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis presents characteristics and dynamics of representation of publics’ foreign policy orientations in the content of public communication of the power elite.
Theories of social, political and media-representations, empirical studies of political communication and orientations are analysed. Functional approach to media communications defined as the most suitable for the empirical study of political representation. Representation is conceptualised as fundamental communication mechanism of the political sphere, which reproduces social actors’ orientations. Representation in foreign relations is studied as a communicative interaction of external and internal elites and mass publics mediated by the media and public opinion polls.
Functional model of communicative representation explains the stability of the Ukrainian public system in the foreign policy dimension (Ukraine-Russia relations case) through the functionality of foreign policy determined by elites, social tension and conflict of orientations in the transformation period. Politicians’ communication generalised through strategies: the hidden (nomenclatura-styled), ambivalent, confrontational, defensive, offensive, flexible (dynamic) and hard (stable).
The applicability of communicative action theory for the study of transforming society revealed. Existing in Ukraine preconditions and empirical limitations for implementation of ideal-type deliberative democratic decision making in foreign relations sphere derived. Normatively regulated problems are publicly discussed, alternative solutions are formulated and estimated. However, in foreign policy sphere elites and mass publics lack in basic values that would be a prerequisite for effective polylogue. Respective orientations of voters and politicians do not change significantly, communication does not lead to unambiguous decisions. Modern system of social interaction in Ukraine hampers the development of foreign policy, but also potentially improve it by the rotation of differently oriented elites.
A computer algorithm for structural and morphological analysis of large amounts of text data (Ukrainian and Russian messages on official web-sites) created. Text corpuses are transformed into the semantic network of an issue, combined with all of the attributes which an analyst may be interested in (time, place, author, potential audience, etc.). For the analysis of large number (hundreds) of surveys with different sample size and different wording of questions employed the technique of thematic clustering of questions with the use of content analysis. Foreign policy orientation indexes calculated as the generalization of answers to specific questions by summing percentage of support of statements which represent different geopolitical vectors and smoothing the resulting sums within the time series with LOWESS (locally weighted scatterplot smoothing). For the first time large-scale comparative analysis of foreign policy orientations of Ukraine and Russia populations allowed to identify common trends in attitudes that are prerequisites for multi-vector Ukrainian foreign policy.
For the analysis of communication at the international level created indexes of synchrony (thematic similarity of communication flows — cross-correlation function of time series of encoded messages), symmetry (the relative quantities of thematically related messages between states representatives in the same periods of time), initiativeness (using two-way causality test for between-states communication data) and consolidation of political actors (statistical significance of differences between the standardized frequency of thematically related messages). Using these analytical instruments we found the lack of initiative in Ukrainian foreign communication caused by power elites disunity in the sphere of foreign policy.
For the first time quantitative methods used to study the dynamics of communication processes of representation: analysis of time series and Granger causality test allowed confirming the stability of communication strategies of Ukrainian politicians. The sample of web documents constructed with the use their meaningful (relevant content) and structural (relative influence, allocation in the file structure of the web media) characteristics.
Methodological tools and analytical findings resulted from this study can be a starting point for further in-depth analysis of the socio-political processes in Ukraine and other transition states.<br>У дисертації виявлені характеристики репрезентації зовнішньополітичних орієнтацій населення у змісті публічної комунікації владної еліти. Створено функціональну модель репрезентації, яка пояснює стабільність зовнішньої політики на прикладі україно-російських відносин через функціональність суспільного напруження і конфліктів орієнтацій в перехідний період та елітність формування зовнішньої політики. Репрезентація концептуалізується як засадничий механізм відтворення орієнтацій соціальних суб’єктів у політичній сфері. Розкрито евристичний потенціал теорії комунікативної дії для дослідження транзитивного суспільства. Розроблено комп’ютерний алгоритм аналізу великих обсягів текстів.
44
WU, Fei-chun, and 吳斐竣. "Ukrainian-Russian Relations in Post-Soviet Era: Focus on the Transition of the National Identity in Ukraine." Thesis, 2002. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21609611149410181115.
Full textAbstract:
碩士<br>國立政治大學<br>俄羅斯研究所<br>91<br>This thesis focuses on the origin and the transition of the concept “sovereignty”. The hypothesis is foreign policy in each different country should be formed by evolving concepts in each different society. On the one hand, national identity, which influenced by internal and external factors, is an ever-changing concept. On the other hand, identity is influenced by the manipulation of a polity’s collective memory. The interaction among mainstream social narratives, the domestic issues and foreign policy-making plays a crucial role. The relationship between Ukraine and Russia, which could be traced to 8th century, is overlapped in their common history. The overlap of the imagined communities not only hinders national integration of the Ukraine, but also political development of CIS. The research framework of this thesis includes: during the soviet and post-soviet era, how Ukraine political leaders interact with Moscow authorities and general people in the Ukraine. Two sub-types- balancing and bandwagoning-are introduced to trace back to 19th century while the Ukraine nation was developed. The ambivalent identity also limits the stability in contemporary Ukraine. Finally, national identity has an extraordinary important role in East European politics, for the political institutions in the East European countries are weak, and the social coherence still remains in the huge diversity of the image of nationhood
45
Breault, Yann. "Processus de redéfinition identitaire et reconfiguration des rapports interétatiques chez les Slaves de l'Est." Thèse, 2010. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/4074/1/D2169.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Le présent travail s'intéresse aux processus de redéfinition identitaire et de reconfiguration des rapports interétatiques se manifestant au sein du groupe d'États-nations slavo-oriental depuis le démantèlement de l'URSS. Fondamentalement, son objectif est double. Il s'agit d'abord de vérifier l'hypothèse d'un groupe d'États-nations slavo-oriental distinct, ayant des propriétés particulières dont les effets s'observent sur les processus de redéfinition identitaire et de reconfiguration des rapports interétatiques entre la Russie, l'Ukraine et le Belarus. Il s'agit ensuite de trouver la clef interprétative permettant de comprendre la dynamique ou la logique interne des interactions qui s'observent au sein d'un tel groupe, à la fois frontalier de l'Europe et de l'Asie. Bien qu'il s'agisse, en réalité, d'une sorte d'anthropologie de la diplomatie postsoviétique, ce travail s'inscrit entièrement dans le champ disciplinaire des Relations internationales. Les discours des hommes politiques influents, les documents juridiques qu'ils ont fait adopter ainsi que les commentaires et les réactions qu'ils ont suscités auprès des experts et des masses forment le terrain empirique à l'étude. Reformulée dans le langage théorique de l'approche constructiviste cette thèse aspire, dans un premier temps, à mettre en relief la macrostructure (à la fois matérielle et idéelle) constitutive d'un sous-système commun aux trois (et seulement aux trois) États-nations successeurs de l'URSS à majorité slavo-orientale et orthodoxe. À cet égard, la présente étude vient confirmer que l'histoire militaire, économique, juridique, religieuse et linguistique génère une structure intersubjective commune et particulière aux Slaves de l'Est. Celle-ci se manifeste par cette croyance, constamment débattue, d'appartenir à une seule et même famille, dont le fondement est à la fois ethnolinguistique et historique. Son existence génère une tension dialectique permanente et unique entre, d'une part, le sentiment de fraternité ethnolinguistique et religieuse et, d'autre part, les rivalités liées au partage de l'héritage d'un passé commun, lequel s'étend de la Rous à l'URSS. En second lieu, ce travail propose d'identifier les microstructures (matérielles et idéelles) explicatives des particularités de chacune des unités étatiques-nationales du sous-système. Ce travail démontre, par le biais d'une analyse des facteurs militaire, économique, juridique, religieux et linguistique susceptibles d'affecter la politique étrangère de chacun des États-nations à l'étude, que les comparaisons jouent un rôle constitutif des personnalités postsoviétiques de la Russie, de l'Ukraine et du Belarus. Cette thèse fait ainsi valoir que les dirigeants tentent de définir leur État-nation d'une façon qui soit tant gratifiante que viable, mais que ce processus n'est pas linéaire et prévisible. Le développement de la personnalité simultanément étatique et nationale constitue plutôt un mécanisme d'apprentissage par essais-erreurs dans lequel chacun, à sa manière, se compare aux autres unités du sous-système. Puisqu'elle oscille entre l'optimisme d'une confédération pacifique et le pessimisme d'une prédation vorace entre ses unités, il appert que la macrostructure sous-systémique à l'étude ne saurait être classée dans l'un des idéaux-types « hobbesien », « lockéen » ou « kantien », tels que décrits par Alexander Wendt. Afin d'expliquer et de mieux comprendre ces passages rapides entre les épisodes de collaboration et les épisodes de confrontation, la présente thèse explore un autre idéal-type de structure intersubjective dont la forme, particulièrement instable, serait de type « familiale ». En dernière analyse, afin d'évaluer la valeur heuristique du prisme interprétatif que serait la métaphore de la famille, ce travail examine les séquences d'interaction triangulaire entre les États-nations slavo-orientaux au cours des années 1990-2010. Sans prétendre pouvoir surmonter la difficulté consistant à identifier des critères stricts et précis de falsifiabilité (caractéristique de tout modèle théorique parcimonieux), cette thèse fait valoir les mérites d'un cadre analytique comparatif et longitudinal fondé sur la métaphore de la famille et permettant à la fois d'expliquer et de comprendre les rapports politiques postsoviétiques chez les Slaves de l'Est. Par cette analyse sous-systémique, l'étude permet d'approfondir le débat sur les mérites et les limites de l'approche constructiviste en Relations internationales.
______________________________________________________________________________
MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : relations internationales, constructivisme, analyse comparative, Russie, Ukraine, Belarus