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Journal articles on the topic 'Russia—Ukraine relations'
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1
Menglong, Li, and He Qiuxuan. "A STUDY OF THE IMPACT OF RUSSIA-U.S. RELATIONS AFTER THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE CONFLICT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF CHINESE SCHOLARS." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 8, no. 1 (2024): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-1-49-59.
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Since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, the complexity of the conflict between Russia and the West has become more and more serious, with far-reaching effects on global politics, economy and military affairs. As a direct and indirect participant in this conflict, Russia and the United States, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has an important impact on their relations. Chinese scholars are very concerned about the impact of the Russia-Ukraine conflict on the direction of Russia-U.S. relations, and discuss the post-cold war period, the reasons why the Ukraine issue affects the development of Russia-U.S. relations, and the prospects for the development of Russia-U.S. relations after the Russia-Ukraine conflict. It is believed that the structural contradictions existing in the post-cold war period in Russia-US relations, mainly manifested in the competition between Russia and the United States for the dominance of Russia's neighboring regions, the difference in the development path between Russia and the United States and the security dilemma; the geopolitical significance of Ukraine, the post-cold war period of Russia and Ukraine Cold War thinking continued to influence the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the Russian-US relations is of great significance; as well as the strategic goals of Russia and the United States, etc., the impact of the Russian-Ukraine conflict on the Russian-US relations after the conflict. The impact of Russia-Ukraine conflict on Russia-U.S. relations is analyzed and researched.
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Zhang, Yuwei. "Analyze Russia's Foreign Relations with Three Main Theories of International Relations." Journal of Education, Humanities and Social Sciences 1 (July 6, 2022): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ehss.v1i.625.
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With the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Russia's foreign relations and diplomatic strategy have become the focus of academic research. However, previous studies on Russian diplomatic relations tend to start from a single theoretical perspective. Although this approach is detailed and in-depth enough, countries do not develop diplomatic strategies from a single perspective, so it is difficult to fully explain Russia's diplomatic motives from a single perspective. This paper will analyze Russia's foreign relations, and speculate the deep needs and diplomatic logic of The Russian authorities in the Russia-Ukraine crisis from the three mainstream theories. The analysis method this paper adopted was literature review, and all papers cited were from CNKI and Google Scholar. Through the analysis and comparison, it is obvious that Russia mainly maintains the neorealist diplomatic strategy in the conflict with Ukraine. Russia aims to maintain the neutral status of Ukraine and promote the establishment of an alliance to compete with the US-led NATO countries. From the perspective of the three major theories, this paper comprehensively analyzes Russia's foreign relations, which is conducive to providing a new analytical perspective for the Conflict between Russia and Ukraine. It can rationally view the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, and have a deeper understanding of the role and purpose of Russia in the conflict, so as to provide help for the settlement of the conflict.
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Doroshko, Mykola. "Russia versus Ukraine: a historical front." Wschód Europy. Studia humanistyczno-społeczne 8, no. 2 (2023): 141–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/we.2022.8.2.141-153.
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«Memory wars» are an integral part of relations between Ukraine and Russia. The modern Russian-Ukrainian war is not only a war for Ukrainian territory, which the Russian Federation seeks to capture, but also a confrontation between the Ukrainian world, as an organic part of Europe, and the so-called "Russian world", which is based on the idea of imperial revenge. The author believes that the real essence of Ukrainian-Russian relations is the opposition of the Ukrainian world to the plans of Russia (Muscovy) to absorb Ukraine, which has been going on for several centuries.
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Perepelytsia, Hryhorii. "Why 20 Years of the Great Agreement did not Save Ukraine from Russian Military Aggression?" Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 641–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-38.
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The article analyses significance of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation. The author outlines the statement of the President of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko about the termination of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation, analyses the reasons for delaying the breakdown of diplomatic relations with the aggressor country, and studies the trade-economic and financial reasons for such a delay. Fear of large-scale armed invasion in Ukraine, the existence of certain arrangements with negative consequences for the ownership of Ukrainian oligarchs in Russia and so on are distinguished among the reasons for the delay of denouncing this treaty. Therefore, Ukraine legally preserved strategic partnership relations with Russia and continued to develop trade and economic relations. The domestic policy of both states was characterized within the context of Russian-Ukrainian war; the main content of the analysis of the Great Agreement and its 20-year implementation period was revealed. Fundamental changes in relations between the West and Russia were formulated. The analysis of the interpretation of the main points and theses of the Agreement were carried out. After analyzing the Great Agreement the author considers it obvious that Ukraine and Russia have different conceptual views on the role of the Treaty in their development as well as in development of their interstate bilateral relations. The article analyses Russia’s ignoring of the main points and norms of the Agreement on Friendship, Cooperation and Partnership and describes the reasons for radicalization of relations both in political and social dimensions that have been provoked by the Russian-Ukrainian war. The author concludes that Russia under cover of the Great Agreement, created all conditions necessary for committing its military aggression against Ukraine and gives examples of war crimes. Keywords: Great Agreement, Ukraine, Russian Federation, diplomatic relations, partnership, status.
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Bharti, Mukesh Shankar. "Ukrainian and Russian Relations: An Analysis of the Post-Donbas Crisis." Copernicus Political and Legal Studies 2, no. 3 (2023): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/cpls.2023305.
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The article aims to assess the relationship between Ukraine and Russia since the Donbas crisis. The regional rivalry between Ukraine and Russia has largely contributed to the instability of Eastern Europe. The article describes the concerns of the geopolitical game of influence between the West, led by the United States, and Russia. The article explores Ukraine’s eastern border conflict as a live myth-making process. The study used the empirical and theoretical literature to find the objectives of this research. This article outlines the objectives of the Donbas region crisis output, Ukraine and Russia relations, and the EU sanctions against Russia, comparing the expectations of the political, economic and cultural aspects. The new conflict between Ukraine and Russia validates a new kind of geopolitical adventurism and blurs both the territorial and imaginary borders of the Russian state. As a result, the Ukrainian eastern crisis in the Donbas region has highlighted the fragility of the Russian national identity and the incompleteness of the Russian administration.
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Jacuch, Andrzej. "Czech-Russian Relations. Russian Disinformation Campaign." Polish Political Science Yearbook 51 (December 31, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202250.
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After the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, the Czech Republic became fully aware of the threats posed by the Kremlin despite President Zeman has denied the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine and has criticised the EU sanctions against Russia. Czechia belongs to the group of countries through which Russia influences the EU, to gradually and deliberately erode its structures. Russia exerts a strong influence on the Czech Republic by non-military means, including disinformation and propaganda, the activities of secret services, and penetration of its economy and specifically its energy sector. The article aims to answer the question about the role of Russian disinformation and propaganda in the context of Russian influence in the Czech Republic. The role of Russian disinformation and propaganda and how Russia influences Czechia is extensively analysed. The main hypothesis is that Russia treats the Czech Republic as a key state for espionage and disinformation activities and as a zone of influence, undermining the sovereignty of the Czech Republic and the role of NATO and the EU.
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Assist. Lecurer. Husam Mohammed Khudhair and Assist Prof Dr Saleem Gata'a Ali. "The Russian-Ukrainian Relations after 2014." International and Political Journal, no. 56 (September 1, 2023): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31272/ipj.i56.254.
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The Russian-Ukrainian relations have been undergoing an unprecedented change since February 2022 although these relations have not been perfect over the decades, since Ukraine’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, and the subsequent Russian–Ukrainian disagreements about Russian gas and the process of its transportation to Europe through Ukrainian territory. The repercussions of this crisis have been mixed with the American–Western hostility to the Russian Federation, which has always feared for its national security from the expansion of the North Atlantic Alliance Organization (NATO) and its approaching to Russian territory. The West, led by the United States, is working hard to encircle Russia and isolate it from its regional and international surroundings. All this has influenced the escalation of the crisis between Russia and Ukraine, and the Russian special military operation in Ukraine has become a hybrid war led by Westerners and Americans against Russia on Ukrainian territory.
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Lampe, John R. "Ukraine and Russia, Nation and Empire." Tokovi istorije 30, no. 3 (2022): 281–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2022.3.lam.281-296.
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The current conflict in Ukraine and the troubled course of its relations with Russia since declaring independence in 1991 has encouraged speculation and misinformation about the longer history of their relationship. These two new books by leading historian of Ukrainian and Russian history provide last chapters with informed accounts of relations since 1991. Their primary concerns and the bulk of their books are devoted to the much longer histories and complex relations from the Tsarist centuries through the Soviet period.
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Zinovyev, V. P., and E. F. Troitskiy. "MODERN RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND UKRAINE." Rusin, no. 42(4) (December 1, 2015): 205–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/42/14.
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Lukman, Muhammad Lutfi, and Mohamad Asyraf Mohamad Farique. "The Russia-Ukraine War and the Global Balance of Power." International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 5, no. 8 (2024): 492–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2024.82.
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This study examines the geopolitics and geoeconomics implications of the Russia-Ukraine war on the global balance of power. It investigates the impacts of the war on the global economy particularly the trade relations between emerging global powers and global demand for Russian, US and Chinese currencies. It also inspects NATO’s ability to fulfil its purpose in the light of the Russian invasion in Ukraine. The study finds that the Russia-Ukraine war demonstrates signs of the world's political changes towards the formation of a multipolar international system. A comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of the global balance of power can help to guide strategic response in safeguarding national interests amid global power competition. Kajian ini meneliti implikasi geopolitik dan geoekonomi perang Russia-Ukraine terhadap keseimbangan kuasa dunia. Ia menyelidik kesan-kesan perang ini terhadap ekonomi antarabangsa terutamanya hubungan perdagangan antara kuasa-kuasa dunia baharu serta permintaan global terhadap matawang Rusia, Amerika Syarikat dan China. Kajian ini juga menilai keupayaan NATO untuk memenuhi tujuannya tatkala Russia mencerobohi Ukraine. Kajian ini mendapati perang Rusia-Ukraine menunjukkan tanda-tanda perubahan politik dunia ke arah pembentukan sistem antarabangsa multipolar. Kefahaman yang menyeluruh mengenai dinamika keseimbangan kuasa global penting untuk memandu tindak balas strategik dalam menjaga kepentingan nasional di tengah-tengah persaingan kuasa dunia.
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Katchanovski, Ivan. "The Maidan Massacre Trial and Investigation Revelations: Implications for the Ukraine-Russia War and Relations." Russian Politics 8, no. 2 (2023): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00802005.
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Abstract This study analyzes revelations from the trial and investigation in Ukraine concerning the mass killing that took place in Kyiv on 20 February 2014. This Maidan massacre of protesters and police led to the overthrow of the Yanukovych government and ultimately to the Russian annexation of Crimea, the civil war and Russian military interventions in Donbas, and the Ukraine-Russia and West-Russia conflicts which Russia escalated by illegally invading Ukraine in 2022. The absolute majority of wounded Maidan protesters, nearly 100 prosecution and defense witnesses, synchronized videos, and medical and ballistic examinations by government experts pointed unequivocally to the fact that the Maidan protesters were massacred by snipers located in Maidan-controlled buildings. To date, however, due to the political sensitivity of these findings and cover-up, no one has been convicted for this massacre. The article discusses the implications of these revelations for the Ukraine-Russia war and the future of Russian-Ukrainian relations.
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Viakhireva, Natalia. "Russia and Canada in the Arctic against the backdrop of the Ukraine crisis." Russia and America in the 21st Century, S2 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760027887-2.
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The article analyzes Russian-Canadian relations in the Arctic in the period from 2014 to 2022. Cooperation in the Arctic and the North was considered a priority area of Russian-Canadian relations in 2014-2021. However, it was repeatedly noted that despite the significant potential for interaction, there are risks due to growing negative trends in other spheres of bilateral relations and against the background of a general crisis in relations between Russia and the West. These concerns have met the reality. In the period of the Russian Presidency of the Arctic Council (2021-2023), political changes beyond the Arctic agenda took place, and marked a turning point for the Arctic Council, international cooperation in the Arctic, Russian-Canadian relations in the region. Against the background of the deepening of the Ukrainian crisis, the Arctic Council has suspended its full-scale activities, many formats of multilateral cooperation with the participation of Russia were ceased. The results of previous years of investment and economic interaction between Russia and Canada were “cancelled”, the rethinking the security issues in the Arctic region is in process. These trends influence the future nature of Russia-Canada relations in the Arctic.
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Chmyreva, Vera. "International presence in Ukraine in the context of the triangle "Ukraine-Turkey-Russia"." Мировая политика, no. 1 (January 2022): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8671.2022.1.37419.
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The subject of the study is the peculiarities of Ukraine's foreign policy development at the present stage in the context of the triangle "Ukraine-Turkey-Russia". The paper shows that Ukraine is currently a zone of growing international presence: the involvement of a wide range of participants in the region in the person of international state and non-state actors, the actual internationalization of the Ukrainian transport and logistics system and port infrastructure, strengthening state sovereignty and increasing the country's defense capability through the implementation of extensive programs of financial support from Western partners – evidence systemic and long-term processes that directly affect the interests of the Russian Federation. The role of the Turkish factor in Ukraine is studied through the prism of Turkish-Ukrainian relations and Ukrainian Euro-Atlantic integration. The balance of Turkey's relations with Ukraine and Russia is shown. The analysis of the possibilities of Turkish mediation in de-escalation of relations between Russia-Ukraine and Russia-NATO is given. The relevance of the research topic is determined by the current tense international situation and military-political escalation in the region. The source base of the work includes normative-legislative acts, sources of normative-reporting and informational nature, journalistic sources. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the involvement of the corpus of the latest sources, the original perspective of the study and the theoretical and methodological approach. As a result of the analysis and on the basis of up-to-date factual information, the author concludes that despite Kiev's active support for the territorial integrity of Ukraine and the growth of military-technical cooperation between the countries, Turkey is not interested in the Ukrainian-Russian confrontation. Military escalation will create risks for the Turkish Republic of direct involvement in conflict relations between NATO and the Russian Federation and will deprive it of the opportunity to become an "independent center" of political influence in the region. At the same time, it is emphasized that Turkish mediation and the internationalization of the Ukrainian issue can contribute to de-escalating tensions and strengthening the foreign policy positions of the Russian Federation.
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Підберезних, І.Є. "Аналіз подій на Сході та Півдні України: ретроспективний аналіз історичних та соціально-психологічних детермінант пострадянських відносин". Академічні візії, № 1 (25 листопада 2021): 49–60. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.5795253.
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The formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy identity takes place in parallel with the formation of its international subjectivity as a basis for its further socialization in the international community, which, in turn, is based on internal processes of state-building and nation-building. Quite naturally, the processes of formation of Ukraine's international subjectivity are closely connected with the need to change the nature of relations with Russia, which were not only built on the principle of "center-periphery", but also characterized by close socio-cultural ties complicated by tragic periods of common history and politics domination by both the Russian Empire and Soviet Russia. The article is devoted to the analysis of the events in eastern and southern Ukraine during 1991-2015 in view of Russia's influence on socio-political processes in post-Soviet Ukraine through the prism of steps of Ukraine's international subjectivity, which are constant factors in bilateral relations with Russia. Historically, the study of events in eastern and southern Ukraine in the article is divided into the following periods: the initial establishment of relations between Ukraine and Russia (1991-1992); the gas conflict and the resolution of the Black Sea Fleet (1992–2004); The Orange Revolution and its aftermath (2005-2012); political crisis in Ukraine (2013-2014); the beginning of the armed conflict in the South-East of Ukraine and the Crimean crisis (2014-2015). It is shown that Russia's inability to recognize Ukraine as a full-fledged international entity at the substantive level, the desire to restore and consolidate relations under the "center-periphery" scheme forms a negative attitude towards the rapprochement of the international subjectivity of Ukraine. At the same time, distancing oneself from relations with Russia to guarantee Ukraine's preservation of its political sovereignty is the basis of its foreign policy identity and determines the process of its further formation and filling with concrete "social" content. And the events in Ukraine not only provoked the strongest confrontation between the two largest states in the post-Soviet space and exposed a number of problems within the entire international security system.
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Yoak, Evan. "Classical Realism and Ukraine: Constructing the Causes." European Journal of Law and Political Science 2, no. 2 (2023): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejpolitics.2023.2.2.73.
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In February 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine once again, this time starting a conflict of a scale not seen in Europe since WWII. The classical realism model of international relations provides insight into Russia’s actions, while a social constructivist perspective can further refine that insight. Historically, the initial positive post-Soviet relations between Russia and the former Soviet states gave way to more fraught relations as Russia expected to maintain those states as a border security bulwark. The West failed to integrate Russia into a post-Cold War security structure, while at the same time, Russia took aggressive actions against neighbours such as Chechnya and Georgia, inciting states in the region to look to the West and NATO. Russian actions, properly understood, represent the archetypal realist state attempting to improve security, but they can also be understood in terms of the socially constructed identities of the nation and of Vladimir Putin himself and their quest for “great powerness” (derzhavnost). Likewise, the West’s response represents a realist method to reduce the power of an adversary, but the magnitude and unity of the response also suggest that more is at stake than mere security: the backlash comes from the affront to the European norm against wars of aggression. It is likely that the conflict will last for quite some time, though the chances of nuclear war, while scary, are slim in light of Russian nuclear doctrine and how they employ nuclear rhetoric.
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Volkov, S. V. "Japan in the Russia - U.S. Relations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 35–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-35-42.
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The article examines the impact of the crisis in Russia - U. S. relations in connection with the events surrounding Ukraine on the world system and its key component - the Asia-Pacific region where Japan plays a crucial role. The author assumes that the international relations have no common understanding of the rules of engagement between the USA, the Group of Seven, Russia and the BRICS countries. As a result, the leading countries of the world are guided by conflicting scenarios. The article deals with the American scenario in relation to China and the Russian Federation and the Russian one in relation to polycentric and the U. S. - centered world orders. The most important element of the American scenario in relation to Beijing is Japan. This country is central to Washington's policy to contain China. Tokyo is headed for the rapid rejection of pacifist principles of its foreign policy. Russian scenario for the international system is in an active course to establishing a polycentric world order. United States' scenario against Russia in this regard is a containment strategy of Moscow. The central component of this strategy, as it can be assumed, is a violation of the strategic balance in US - Russian relations. However, Ukraine has become a major springboard to contain Russia. Instead of establishing equal Russian - American relations United States and their allies (under American pression) have chosen a policy of isolating Moscow, but such actions are blocking the Russian - Japanese rapprochement beneficial both for Tokyo and Kremlin, which is interested in deepening its ties with Japan in order to diversify its relations with Asia-Pacific area. The author concludes that the long-term interests of Russia and Japan dictate both sides to move closer, but the policy of the U.S. administration towards Russia on the Ukranian question blocks this possibility.
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Pohan, Alif Bintang Hasiholan, and Siti Muslikhati. "HUBUNGAN AMERIKA SERIKAT DAN TURKI DALAM PERANG RUSIA-UKRAINA TAHUN 2022." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (JISIP) 12, no. 1 (2023): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33366/jisip.v12i1.2776.
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The alliance between the United States and Turkey that has been formed since the Cold War era does not necessarily guarantee harmonious bilateral relations between the two countries. The conflict that occurred between Russia and Ukraine in 2022 put Turkey in a double position which influenced how the United States reacted to that country. This research was carried out with the aim of exploring relations between the United States and Turkey during the period of the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022 in more detail, especially on the aspects of defense and economic cooperation. In this study, a qualitative research method is employed, analyzing several relevant journals and literature using the theories of balance of power and offensive-defensive realism which are aligned with the research topic. In the context of the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022, bilateral relations between the United States and Turkey will experience increased cooperation in various fields, especially security, defense and economy. This cooperative effort has the main objective of preventing Russian aggression, strengthening the Turkish military as a NATO ally, fighting terrorism, and promoting peace and stability in the Turkish Region.Aliansi antara Amerika Serikat (AS) dan Turki yang telah terbentuk sejak era Perang Dingin tidak serta merta menjamin hubungan bilateral yang harmonis di antara kedua negara tersebut. Konflik yang terjadi antara Rusia-Ukraina tahun 2022 lalu menempatkan Turki pada posisi ganda yang memengaruhi bagaimana reaksi AS terhadap negara tersebut. Penelitian ini dilangsungkan dengan tujuan untuk mengeksplorasi hubungan antara AS dan Turki selama periode perang Rusia-Ukraina pada tahun 2022 secara lebih rinci terutama pada aspek kerja sama pertahanan dan ekonomi. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan menganalisis beberapa jurnal dan literatur yang relevan dengan menggunakan teori realisme dengan paradigma balance of power dan offensive-defensive realism yang sesuai dengan topik penelitian. Dalam konteks perang Rusia-Ukraina pada tahun 2022, hubungan bilateral antara AS dan Turki mengalami peningkatan kerja sama di berbagai bidang, terutama keamanan, pertahanan, dan ekonomi. Upaya kerja sama ini memiliki tujuan utama dalam mencegah agresi Rusia, memperkuat militer Turki sebagai sekutu NATO, melawan terorisme, serta mempromosikan perdamaian dan stabilitas di Kawasan Turki.
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Xuetao, Bai, and Gu Han. "Development of Chinese-Russian Trade and Economic Relations in the Context of the Russian-Ukrainian Crisis: Current State and Suggestions." Transbaikal State University Journal 30, no. 1 (2024): 138–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2024-30-1-138-145.
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Since February 24, 2022, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has fully intensified. Since the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the West has imposed comprehensive sanctions on Russia. The economic relations between Russia and the West began to break down, Russia subsequently broke away from the International Settlement system (SWIFT), the ruble currency depreciated severely, and the logistics links became more complicated. The economic sanctions of Western countries have put Russia’s economy and finances under great pressure in the short term. In order to counter Western sanctions, Russia has begun to continuously strengthen its relations with China, especially in the field of economic and trade cooperation. As the world’s second largest economy, China has the world’s largest consumer market, which is of great significance to help Russia get rid of the “sanctions crisis”. By drawing on and analyzing relevant online news, the latest data provided by the General Administration of Customs of China, etc., this article introduces the current situation of China-Russia economic and trade development under the influence of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, analyzes the factors affecting the development of China-Russia economic and trade, looks forward to the prospects of China-Russia economic and trade development, and explores how China should appropriately deal with the issues of China-Russia economic and trade relations. The authors believe that in the context of the new era of comprehensive strategic cooperation and partnership between China and Russia, China should pay attention to the following aspects in the process of promoting the development of China-Russia economic and trade relations: formulate multiple sets of emergency plans and adopt appropriate financial and monetary policies; develop Russian economic and trade relations while taking into account economic and trade relations with other countries; strengthen the construction of infrastructure at China-Russia border crossings to better serve the “Belt and Road” initiative, etc.; Strive to maintain China’s image and correctly guide the Chinese people’s public opinion on the Russia-Ukraine conflict.
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Ajdačić, D. "WE AND OTHERS (UKRAINIAN AND RUSSIAN) IN THE ALTERNATIVE HISTORIES OF WRITER OF WESTERN UKRAINE VASILY KOZHELIANKO." Comparative studies of Slavic languages and literatures. In memory of Academician Leonid Bulakhovsky, no. 35 (2019): 162–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2075-437x.2019.35.17.
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The topic of Ukrainian-Russian relations is very important in the alternative history novels of the Ukrainian writer Vasily Kozhelianko (1957-2008). Alternative histories novels «Parade in Moscow» (1997), «Kotigoroshko» (2000), «Terorium» (2001), «False-Nostradamus» (2001) novels appeared in an independent Ukraine when there was no longer a Soviet censorship. In alternative historical prose, heroes can be embedded in the history of an active person or as fictional characters who carry the ethno-stereotypical lines of their community and have ethnostereotypes about other peoples. Ethnic stereotypes of Ukrainians and Russians and stereotypes of Ukraina and Russia can be mythologised. Relations between a stronger and weaker, older and younger, colonizing country and colonized country are presented as a conflict between Strong Russia and a weak Ukraine, but also a strong Ukraine of weak Russia. Russian Empire in the of Kozhelianko’s alternative histories novels presented negatively. The author relies on the theoretical position on the alternative history of Mikhail Nazarenko, Adam Mazurkiewicz and uses critical texts of Antonіna Anistratenko, Natalіa Maksheeva and Taras Marusyk. The prose of Vasily Kozhelianko can be interpreted from the standpoint of post-colonial theory In the alternativ history novels of Vasily Kozhelyanka, were presented two models of reaction to the russification of Ukrainians – the paving of the imperia and the “ressentiment”.
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Modebadze, Valeri. "How the war in Ukraine affects Russian economy and Sino-Russian relations." National security and the future 23, no. 3 (2022): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/nstf.23.3.1.
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The aim of this research was to find out if the war in Ukraine affects the Russian society and Sino- Russian relations and if Beijing is capable of saving the Russian economy from destruction. With regards to research methods, a document analysis method was used to obtain valid information about the socio-economic consequences of the war. A wide range of documents and scholarly articles were analyzed in order to obtain reliable and objective information. The research revealed that the war has devastating effect on Russia’s economy and could cause aggravation of socio-economic problems in the future. Russia could become an isolated and impoverished country. The war has also negative effect on Sino-Russian relations. Despite having close ties with Russia, Beijing refuses to support Russia during these difficult times and does not offer financial, economic and military assistance to Kremlin. Indeed, China’s ability to save Russia from economic disaster is limited.
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Ryabinin, Yevgeny. "Russia’s Exogenous Factor in the Donbass Conflict." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.6.
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The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres.
 It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament.
 Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.
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Ma, Dingwei. "Ukrainian Reforms Impact Foreign Relations." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 21 (February 15, 2023): 315–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v21i.3514.
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Ukraine and Russia’s military conflicthave put Ukraine's past reforms under the spotlight. Foreign and domestic policy reforms made after the nation’s independence in 1991 are believed to have triggered Russia’s military operation. It was aimed to maintainRussian strategic and economic presence in the region. Ukraine acts as a proxy for western nations such as the United States in this conflict. In the past decade, Ukraine has steered economic developments away from the Russian circle of influence under the aid of the US and EU against Russian benefits. This fight already started when Ukraine began its reforms under guidance from western nations. Over time, Ukraine and its reforms have leaned far to the west, making war inevitable with Russia. This article will analyze the reforms that led to the current war. With the international relations theories of neo-liberalism, constructivism, and realism, it is the goal of this article to analyze how Ukrainian reforms led to the current conflict.
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Barabasz, Adam, and Bogdan Koszel. "Unwanted partner? Germany and Ukraine (1991-2022)." Current Issues of Mass Communication, no. 36 (2024): 66–78. https://doi.org/10.17721/cimc.2024.36.66-78.
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The authors’ analysis focuses on Germany’s engagement in the processes of democratic transformations, the establishment of a free-market economy, bringing Ukraine closer to the European Union, and efforts to achieve peace in the Russia-Ukraine War. Despite Ukrainian government declarations of bilateral cooperation willingness with Germany, chancellors prioritized cooperation with Russia, unquestioningly acknowledging Ukraine’s affiliation with the Russian Federation’s sphere of influence. The temporary occupation of Crimea by Russia and the war in Donbas compelled Germany to participate in EU sanctions and seek compromise solutions in the Russian-Ukrainian War. However, this had no significance in maintaining correct relations with Moscow in any dimension.
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Sanaky, Mochammad Syafruddin Rezky, Ika Dewi Sartika Saimima, and Vicky Vicky. "Russia-Ukraine Disputes based on International Law." Jurnal Keamanan Nasional 8, no. 2 (2024): 328–40. https://doi.org/10.31599/z1py9677.
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The recent escalation of tensions between Russia and Ukraine has caught the world’s attention. Tensions are characterized by the leadership of hundreds of thousands of Russian troops on Ukraine’s borders and the response of many NATO members, including the United States, to Russian pressure. NATO threats against Russia have played a role in increasing tensions on the Russia-Ukraine border. This article analyzes the nature of Russian-Ukrainian relations, the background to rising tensions between the two countries, and the international reaction to the situation. The international community must continue to seek peaceful solutions to avoid the threat of another world war. The ongoing conflict will ultimately harm many parties not only in European countries but also in other regions.
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Brusylovska, Olga. "The Russian invasion of Ukraine 2022: Discussions and Perceptions inside Academia." Warsaw East European Review XII, no. 1 (2022): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.61097/22992421/weerxii/2022/7-17.
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Four issues are most actively discussed in Western literature: the aims of Russian foreign politics (occupy all of Ukraine); the legal basis for supporting Ukraine (what the West could do for Ukraine without worsening relations with Russia); the instruments for supporting Ukraine (sanctions are a key policy tool); and the scenarios for the future. The scenario for Russia means that Russia has become a global business pariah. The scenario for Ukraine is connected not only with the convincing response of the Ukrainian army to the Russian invasion, but also with changes in terms of language, national symbols, patriotic rhetoric, and self-esteem. The scenario for the USA and NATO includes revising and widening their military spending. The scenario for the EU means the emergence of a new concept of the EU’s foreign politics and transition from ‘strategic partnership’ to ‘strategic confrontation’ with Russia.
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Siotor, Jakub. "Ukraina a tranzyt rosyjskiego gazu do Unii Europejskiej. Stan obecny oraz perspektywy na przyszłość." Wschodnioznawstwo 14 (2020): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20827695wsc.20.011.13339.
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Ukraine and Russian gas transit to the European Union. Current situation and perspectives for the future Ukraine is the most important transit state of Russian gas to the European Union. The annexation of Crimea in 2014 caused the military conflict what affects mutual business relations between those two countries until today. It was one of the reasons that made Gazprom start thinking of new gas transition installation omitting Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to show current role of the Ukraine in Russian gas transit to the European Union. The first part of the article describes current situation of the gas sector in Ukraine and historical review of relations with Russia concerning gas trade. The second part shows current ways of Russian gas distribution to the EU and the perspectives connected with new gas pipelines projects – Nord Stream 2 and Turkish Stream. The third part focuses on giving an answer to the question: weather the Ukraine still is to be the Russian gas transit state in the second decade of the 21st century? The study is based on scientific and press articles as well as on information given at official websites of the following institutions: European Union, government of Ukraine, government of Russia, NGOs from Ukraine, Russia and EU states. The article is also based on discussion that took place in Warsaw at 11th of May 2019 during International Conference Quo Vadis Ukraine held by phd research organization „Ucrainica”.
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Wang, Junchi. "Analysis of the Game between Russia and Ukraine." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 11, no. 1 (2023): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/11/20230498.
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The game between Russia and Ukraine has received a great amount of attention following the escalation of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022. Russia and Ukraine have been in conflict and gaming throughout their history. By analyzing the relationship between Russia and Ukraine and a series of game behaviors, we can draw inspiration from the strategies and implications of the game, which are of reference value in many fields. The article shows the historical behavior of the Russian-Ukrainian game analyses the Russian-Ukrainian strategy using a simple game theoretical model and collates the implications of the outcome of the game. Based on the analysis of the Russian-Ukrainian game, the article suggests different recommendations for the countries. Different countries can choose the strategy with higher gains and lower losses according to the different recommendations. This research has important practical significance for the correct understanding of Russia-Ukraine political relations.
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Zhyrun, Iryna. "Ukrainian Discourses on NATO: Securitization, Otherness, and Their Effects on Russo-Ukrainian Relations." Russian Politics 8, no. 2 (2023): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00802004.
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Abstract Ukraine’s aspirations for NATO membership have been a source of contention between Russia and Ukraine for decades. At the same time, domestic debates in Ukraine on relations with NATO have also been a divisive issue for Ukraine’s ruling political elites. These conflicts culminated in 2022, when Russia launched a military offensive against Ukraine claiming that its movement towards NATO was an existential threat to the Russian state. This paper summarizes some of the results of my longitudinal research of ruling elite discourse on NATO in Ukraine between 1997 and 2018. It focuses on the changes in national identity discourse and contestation, pinpointing their constitutive role for Ukrainian foreign policy.
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Svistunova, I. "Turkey’s Policy Towards Ukraine." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 3 (2021): 174–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-3-174-188.
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Turkey persuades the policy of developing multilateral ties with Ukraine starting from 1990s. Nowadays Turkish-Ukrainian relations are becoming deeper both at bilateral and international levels. Turkic minorities inhabiting Ukraine are important factors of the Turkish policy. Crimea accession to Russia has given additional impetus to the regional cooperation between Ankara and Kyiv. At the same time Turkey is interested in keeping balance in its relations with Ukraine and Russia.
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Yang, Zhiyu. "Impact of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict on Russian House Prices." Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 39 (August 8, 2024): 381–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/sq6x6x35.
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With the gradual improvement of Russia's economic form and the gradual tension in geopolitical relations, the contradictions between Russia and Ukraine have gradually intensified and evolved into conflicts. However, in the face of growing Russian-Ukrainian relations, increasing domestic tensions and increasing international tensions, the Russian economy and the housing prices are still growing steadily, so understanding domestic employment, average income and Russia's international cooperation is crucial for both domestic and foreign investors. As a consequence, this paper collects data on housing price, employment rate and per capita income in Russia, and based on the changes of housing price, employment rate and salary level in Russia under the war environment, Through the analysis of macroeconomic, capital flow, international cooperation and other aspects of Russia's future housing price changes to analyze and forecast, and put forward some regulation suggestions for the government and appropriate foreign investors to put forward some investment suggestions.
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Kuko, Sinisha. "The Russian factor in Ukrainian identity." Political Studies, no. 6 (2023): 162–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.53317/2786-4774-2023-2-8.
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In the eighteenth century, the former Mongol vassal Moscow usurped the name and heritage of the early medieval Kyivan state. Starting with these eighteenth-century events, Russia became a special type of civilisation - neither European nor Asian, but a permanently autocratic regime, and subsequently a major obstacle to the maturation of Ukraine's pre-modern ethnic and modern national identity. Today, Russia's imperial identity influences Ukraine as an undisguised old-fashioned, peculiar empire, and for Ukraine it is a key factor in international relations. Russia's demonstration of anti-democratic sentiments against the "totalitarian West" is evidenced by its outright denial of Ukrainian identity when Ukraine tries to turn to the West. Putin's extremely aggressive, dismissive attitude and humiliation of the Ukrainian national idea of separation from Russia have strengthened and intensified Kyiv's desire to leave Moscow's fatal orbit. During the current bloody struggle for existence, historical time is accelerating and an anti-Russian and pro-European national identity is being formed in Ukraine. At the same time, the war for Ukraine is bringing together the pre-war divided identities of Ukrainians, who have rallied around the idea of a common Ukrainian pro-European destiny against an aggressive and brutal Russia. On the other hand, Russia's invasion of Ukraine accelerated the transition of the Russian political regime to dictatorial rule and certain pro-fascist methods, including but not limited to the elimination of any public opposition or dissident opinion. Within the framework of the sociology of history and constructivist theory of international relations, Russia is analysed as a decisive factor in international relations for Ukraine and an independent variable of causality with the existence of Ukraine.
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Salsabila, Salma, and Mohammad Izdiyan Muttaqin. "Impact of Russia-Ukraine Conflict on Turkey's Economic Stability." International Journal of Social Service and Research 3, no. 7 (2023): 1638–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/ijssr.v3i7.453.
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The conflict between Russia and Ukraine has significant implications for the stability of global order. Turkey, as a country that has profound relations with Russia and Ukraine, is also affected by the conflict that threatens the country's economic sector, which is currently in reform momentum. The Turkish government under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan strategically seeks to position itself as a conflict mediator to reach a peace resolution that will ultimately have an impact on the restoration of productive relations with Russia and Ukraine. The author will use a qualitative research approach with analytical descriptive methods that utilize various sources such as journals, books, scientific articles, media and other sources that have gone through the study process. This study uses the theory of national interest and rational choice to observe and identify President Erdogan's decision-making process in responding to the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in a constructive and balanced manner without showing dominant partiality to either party. The results showed that the conflict between Russia and Ukraine had a significant impact on the stability of the Turkish economy, which strategically responded through restorative-based policies to rejuvenate productive relations with the two countries in conflict.
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Bukovskis, Karlis. "Acabaram-se as simpatias: as relações bálticas com a Rússia depois de 2022." Relações Internacionais, no. 77 (March 2023): 025–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2023.77a03.
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Russia’s escalation of its war on Ukraine in 2022 was met by immediate and strong opposition by the Baltic states after three decades long balancing and piecemeal economic and political decoupling from Russia. Article examines changes that Russia related Baltic state foreign and domestic policy experienced in 2022. It deals with the rhetoric and actions of Baltic statesmen becoming more direct and tougher towards Russia, as well as how Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are weighting in their full support to Ukraine, and finally how the Baltics themselves are untying themselves from the remainders of Russian ‘soft power’ grip.
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Georgio, Natasha A. "The EU’s Geopolitical Awakening Following the Russian Invasion of Ukraine: How the Commission Shifted from a Regulatory Market-Based Approach to a Geopolitical Approach in Its External Energy Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 29, Issue 4 (2024): 447–70. https://doi.org/10.54648/eerr2024025.
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The Ukraine invasion has been a watershed moment in EU-Russia gas relations, which has resulted in a shift in the European Commission’s (EC’s) approach towards Russia and European energy policy. Whilst the EC has traditionally followed a rule-based market approach in its external energy relations with Russia, there appears to have been a shift from the prevailing liberal market model to a more strategic and geopolitical approach focused on energy security.Although the EC has sometimes displayed tendencies of a realist nature, these realist elements in its external action have been exacerbated following the invasion of Ukraine. This article engages in a theoretical debate between the conceptualizations of the EU as a liberal actor versus the perception of the EU as a realist actor. Whilst there is literature to support both views, the debate can be further developed after the war in Ukraine. Since the invasion, the EC appears to have undertaken a more robust and coherent stance towards Russia in its commitment to decouple European economies from Russian gas to ensure EU energy security. The change in objectives illustrate a shift in the EU’s energy policy from the liberal paradigm of markets to geopolitics, as the new dynamics of EU-Russia energy relations, following the invasion of Ukraine.
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Todorov, Ihor. "Mental, historical and geopolitical background of differences between Ukraine and Russia." Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 13, S1 (2022): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2022.s1.06.
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The article highlights certain prerequisites of mental, historical and geopolitical differences between Ukraine and Russia. Peculiarities of the Ukrainian mentality in comparison with the Russian mentality were studied. The historical origins of Ukraine’s belonging to European civilization were outlined. Deep contradictions in the geopolitical orientations of Russia and Ukraine were identified. The current armed conflict has been going on for the ninth year, which exceeds the average duration of modern wars. The historical extent of the Russian-Ukrainian war is caused by an inter-civilizational clash. The Russian invasion of Ukraine and the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the countries of the West have already radically affected international security and international relations. The author assumes that the modern war has deep foundations due to significant differences between Ukraine and Russia. These differences include a complex of mental historical and geopolitical components.
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Siti Nurhaliza and Agussalim Burhanuddin. "Peran Wagner Group dalam Pemenuhan Kepentingan Nasional Rusia dalam Operasi Militer Khusus di Ukraina." JISHUM : Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Humaniora 1, no. 4 (2023): 887–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.57248/jishum.v1i4.178.
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Abstract Since Russian President, Vladimir Putin, carried out a "special military operation" to Ukraine on February 24, 2022, Russia is actively using the services of the Wagner Group, one of the Private Military Companies (PMC) to control several cities in Eastern Ukraine such as Soledar City and Bakhmut City. Even though Russia and the Wagner Group did not show official relations, the emergence of the PMC as a non-state actor gave rise to another discourse on the study of international security and conflict. This study aims to explain the relationship between Russia and Ukraine with principal-agent theory through several questions such as, what is the existence of PMC in Russia, what was the relationship between Russia and the Wagner Group before the Russia-Ukraine conflict in 2022, and how is the output given by the Wagner Group to Russia in the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict. In this study, the author uses a qualitative research method that collects data in the form of articles and online links to then analyze it explanatorily. The results of this study are that Russia is increasingly actively using PMC services as a result of the Gerasimov Doctrine in 2014 even though PMC status in Russia remains illegal and the Wagner Group has become a prominent PMC since the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its involvement in the Russia-Ukraine conflict in 2022. Analysis of relations between Russia and The Wagner Group through principal-agent theory shows that there is a relationship due to the desire to fulfill the national interests of Russia and the interests of the company's sustainability from the Wagner Group. Keyword: Private Military Company (PMC), Wagner Group, Russia-Ukraine Conflict, Principal-Agent Theory.
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Tanvir, Ahmed. "Geopolitics and the Ukraine Conflict: An Analysis of European Union –Russia Relations." THIRD VOICE REALITY AND VISION Vol No-6, Issue No-1 (2024): 79–88. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13341271.
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On February 24, 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine, which is considered as one of the worst armed conflict in Europeanhistory. The international community views it as a geopolitical rivalry between the European Union and Russia.Furthermore, there has always been tension between Russia and the EU in the context of collaboration anddisagreement. The security dynamics with the EU have clearly changed under Putin’s direction, with Russiaconsistently favouring bilateral connections with individual nations over those with the EU as a whole. Followingthe commencement of this invasion, Ukraine has seen uprisings in the country’s southeast and east, a loss of landthat claimed many lives, and a contraction of its economy. In summary, the geopolitical rivalry between Russia andthe EU has presented a significant risk to the whole Eurasian continent. The purpose of the present paper is toexamine Russia’s incursion into Ukraine. The historical context of ties between Russia and the EU, their policies,and their effects on the global order, as well as the involvement of outside forces in Ukraine, NATO expansionpolicy, and the Eastern Partnership (EaP), will all be discussed in this paper.
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Tuzova, Yelena, and Jacek Kugler. "Global Financial and Structural Implications of the Ukraine Crisis." Journal of Business and Economics 9, no. 8 (2018): 666–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/08.09.2018/004.
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Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the subsequent bloodshed in eastern Ukraine fundamentally have altered the relations between the East and the Wes far more than events in the Middle East. Wester levied sanctions on Russia reflect the deepest plunge in U.S.-EU-Russian relations since the Cold War. Russia neglected the West’s warning and continues to undermine the peace in eastern Ukraine. Facing high tensions from the West, Russia now bids to take its business east. The emerging China-Russia economic coalition for the first time in history creates a link between very large and militarily powerful developing economies whose market power and overall productivity may well surpass that of the G7. Realist and Rationalist agree that such shifts among economically powerful entities pursuing different policy goals may cause serious confrontation, but the implications of anticipated structural paradigms differs fundamentally. Focusing on Eurasia, we estimate the likely economic and political effects in the near and more extended future for Russia. Then we analyze how sifting political alliances may affect the short-term and long-term power shifts that alter relations among great powers. Finally we summarize the effect of conflicting policy implications derived from alternate realist and rationalist power distribution paradigms.
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Arkhireyskyi, Dmytro. "Food Relations of Ukraine and the RSFSR in 1918 − the first half of 1919." Roxolania Historĭca = Historical Roxolania 2 (December 28, 2019): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/30190215.
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The purpose of the article is to establish and investigate the dependence of the population of Soviet Russia, which in 1918 − the first half of 1919 was suffering from the food crisis caused by the policy of the Bolsheviks, as well as the communist regime itself on Ukrainian food, also, to review the plans of the RSFSR leadership on Ukrainian agricultural resources in the context of the actual conquest of Russia by Ukraine in early 1919.Methods of research: chronological, structural-system, logical-historical.The main results. The reasons for the birth in Russia in 1918 of the traffic of bagmen and the peculiarities of the penetration of Russian private suppliers into the territory of Ukraine were researched; the reaction of the Ukrainian State to the appearance of Russian bagmen in the country was studied; the level of efficiency of trade relations of independent Ukraine and RSFSR is analyzed; the relationship between the food situation in Russia and the attempts of the Bolsheviks to overcome it by establishing control over Ukrainian bread in the first half of 1919 was established; it has been proved that the establishment of the Bolshevik authorities in Ukraine and the introduction of the policy of the War Communism here meant the use of force, non-economic methods of influencing Ukrainian peasants for the purpose of actually extracting food resources from them.Practical significance. The results of the article are recommended for use in synthetic works on the history of Ukraine and Russia during the revolution period of 1917−1921, as well as for the development of special courses on the history of Ukraine, Russia and Eastern Europe. These materials can also be used to promote historical knowledge.Originality. The article is completely original, performed on the basis of the generalization of the experience of a number of domestic and foreign researchers with the involvement of archival and narrative sources.Scientific novelty. For the first time in the national historiography, the data revealing the reasons and the peculiarities of the food crisis in Soviet Russia in 1918, and also the doom of a significant part of the Russians to self-help, were synthesized and investigated; the dependence of the starving population of Russia and its authorities on Ukrainian food was first shown; the ways of obtaining Ukrainian bread by Russian bagmen and the Bolshevik regime in the context of the events of the end of 1918 − the first half of 1919 were highlighted.Type of article: anlytical.
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Iqbal, Saiyid Khusro, Syeda Shahnila Khusro, and Basil Saiyid. "UKRAINE TRAGEDY: REVANCHIST AGGRESSION OR IDEOLOGICAL COMBAT." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 05, no. 02 (2023): 458–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v5i02.1097.
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Ukraine prospective admission into a 74 year old military alliance NATO and NATO’s eastward growing footprints were considered by Russian government as threat to its national security and of the region so they preempted, and on 24 February 2022 invaded Ukraine, thus creating a fiasco which now has turned into an uncontrollable bloodstained and infra structure demolishing battlefield at the crossroads of transcontinental Russia and East European Ukraine, despite international controlled peace efforts & mediation. Although Ukraine, being the part of former Soviet Union, has strong economical, political and cultural ties with Russia but due to Russian invasion such close ties are turning to animosity and bitter relations which are likely to be carried forward to the coming generations of Russians and Ukrainians. Recently on 17 March 2023 the Hague seated International Criminal Court (ICC) declared Vladimir Putin, the Russian President, as a war criminal to issue an arrest warrant. The ICC believes on the basis of available witnesses and evidence that Russia got into multiple war crimes at Ukraine, including but not limited to unlawful deportation of children from Ukraine to Russia. This clash gives a signal that to support Ukraine the US dominated west is at crossroad with Russia by helping Ukraine through sophisticated war heads and financial aid. Deplorably, the revanchist aggression has turned into ideological combat between Russia and Europe on the battle ground of Ukraine. Consequently, the world seems transforming into multipolar world. Keywords: NATO, Ukraine, Russia, Euro-Atlantic Security, International Criminal Court (ICC), Global Mediation, Crimea Annexation.
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Junaedi, Junaedi. "The Impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on Grace Indonesia-Russia Diplomacy Relations." Journal of Public Representative and Society Provision 2, no. 1 (2022): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.55885/jprsp.v2i1.137.
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Indonesia's relations with Russia-Ukraine have been very cordial, especially with Russia, both in terms of economic relations as well as defense and security, where Indonesia often buys weapons and combat equipment from Russia. The Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Friendship of Indonesia-Russia Diplomatic Relations. Data analysis was carried out using an analysis of the Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Friendship of Indonesia-Russia Diplomatic Relations. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Friendly Relations of Indonesia-Russia Diplomatic Relations. As for the benefits of this research Academically, this research is useful regarding the Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Peace of Indonesia-Russia Diplomatic Relations, while theoretically, this research can enrich the repertoire of literature in terms of the study of the Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War on the Peace of Diplomatic Relations between Indonesia and Russia.
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Plotnikov, D. S. "LANGUAGE POLICY IN UKRAINE AS A FACTOR OF RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 17, no. 1 (2023): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2023-1-60-69.
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The article describes the process of Ukrainian authorities opting for the formation of a mono-linguistic strategy (after the collapse of the USSR), which was met with sharp rejection in Russia, and perceived as a tool for "reforging" the Russian population, which, as a result of the collapse of the USSR, found itself outside the borders of modern Russia. The materials of the article confirm the thesis that the Ukrainian language policy serves as a factor in the transformation of not only Ukrainian, but also Russian identity. The idea of protecting the Russian-speaking population acquired ideological forms, embodied in the concept of the “Russian world”. The article analyses the reaction of leading Ukrainian political actors to compromise solution of language issue, expressed in the adoption of the law on "regional languages" in 2012, which gives the right to regions and municipalities to use "languages of national minorities" along with Ukrainian. The abolition of the norm on regional languages in 2014 was one of the reasons for the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine; and the situation of 2022 has led to a new turn in the language policy in Ukraine, the use of the Ukrainian language as a key marker of identity and a resource for political struggle.
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Gardocki, Sylwester. "Relacje rosyjsko-tureckie w kontekście wojny na Ukrainie." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 40, no. 1 (2024): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw20244001.
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The outbreak of the war between Russia and Ukraine has put Turkey in a difficult situation. The Turkish government, which adopted a strategy of ambiguity towards this conflict, tried to maintain good economic relations with Russia while providing military support to Ukraine. Turkey’s policy towards the Russia-Ukraine war refers to the broader context of international rivalry that involves the United States and China. In this situation, Turkey must take into account all circumstances of international competition. The scientific hypothesis refers to the measurable benefits that Turkey derives from applying such a strategy towards the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
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Wang, Han. "Trade Relations in the European Gas Market Before and after the Russo-Ukrainian War: From a Game Theory Perspective." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 14, no. 1 (2023): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/14/20230767.
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Europe is increasingly dependent on Russian natural gas imports. As Ukraine is the main transit country for gas trade between the two sides, the military conflict between Russia and Ukraine, which started in 2014 and has not stopped yet, has led to Europe's gas trade with Russia receiving an impact. Due to the importance of natural gas and the fact that this war was the largest in Europe since World War II, the trade relations between the European and Russian natural gas markets before and after the Russo-Ukrainian war and the diversification of natural gas in Europe have been studied by many scholars. This paper uses a review to summarize and sort out the relevant literature based on game theory to study the gas market trade relations in Europe before and after the Russo-Ukrainian War. According to these scholars, the trade relations between Russia and Europe in the gas market will continue to cooperate despite the impact of the Russo-Ukrainian war. The interruption of gas exports to Ukraine and the construction of pipelines bypassing Ukraine are acceptable to Russia and Europe. Iran, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Iraq, along with the United States, should actively invest in expanding their gas export capacity to have the opportunity to serve as an alternative to Russian gas and make Europe less dependent on Russian gas imports. This paper provides an understanding of the implications of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict for the world in terms of gas trade. This paper provides a reference for related studies, and to understand the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the world from the perspective of the gas trade.
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Malygina, V. V. "Formation of the system of transboundary cooperation of Ukraine and Russia in the post-Soviet period." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (2019): 783–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-783-792.
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The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the formation of the system of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and Russia in the post-Soviet period. Special attention is paid to the prerequisites and difficulties of establishing mutually beneficial cooperation in the border areas of the two countries. Particular emphasis is placed on the potential and promising vectors for expanding ties based on Euroregions, in particular Slobozhanshchina and Yaroslavna. In addition, the features and areas of cooperation between Ukraine and Russia within the framework of membership in the CIS were analyzed. The transit potential of the border regions, promising directions for creating and improving Russian-Ukrainian cluster enterprises are considered in detail. Also identified key difficulties in the implementation of joint projects at the present stage in the context of the escalation of the international conflict between Russia and Ukraine, which are associated with the destruction of the legal framework of Kiev and Moscow; destruction of institutional mechanisms of interstate relations; confrontational nature of political and diplomatic relations; curtailing economic cooperation; deep alienation between the peoples of Ukraine and Russia.
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Solchanyk, Roman. "Ukraine, the (former) center, Russia, and “Russia”." Studies in Comparative Communism 25, no. 1 (1992): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0039-3592(92)90028-i.
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Khomenko, Рavlo. "RIGHT BANK UKRAINE IN THE IMPERIAL EXPANSIONIST POLICY OF RUSSIA BEFORE THE SECOND DIVISION OF THE COMMONWEALTH IN 1793." Innovative Solution in Modern Science 2, no. 57 (2023): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26886/2414-634x.2(57)2023.2.
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The article reveals the influence and foreign policy role of Russia before the second partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, shows the expansionist plans to reject Right-Bank Ukraine. Some aspects of state ideology as a fundamental theoretical basis and political strategy of modern Russia are analyzed. The development of Ukrainian territories in the conditions of prevailing Russian factors and their absorption by the empire is studied Keywords: Russian state ideology, section Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, geopolitics, Russian-Polish relations, annexation of Right Bank Ukraine, expansion.
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Ashraf, Muhammad Imran, Athar Ali, and Syed Umair Jalal. "Explaining Russian Resurgence: The Case Study of Georgia and Ukraine." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).01.
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This thesis is an attempt to explain the Russian resurgence: The case study of Georgia and Ukraine, with the help of theoretical framework structural realism. Russia having large territory is full of natural resources, under the leadership of Putin Russia utilized its natural resources to regain its lost position and power. In this research I tried to find out the answers of the questions: Why Russia is resurging in Georgia and Ukraine? How we can explain Russia NATO relations and what will be the future course of this relationship? This study is qualitative in nature and case study design has been used. Both Primary and secondary data is being used. This study explains the probability of emergence of the new regional powers, and alliances due to Russian resurgence that counter US and NATO role in world politics up to a certain level. Russian decision to enter into the Syrian crisis and the conflict between Turkey and Russia made my hypothesis true, that Russian resurgence lead to more conflicts between Russia and NATO. Along with all diplomatic channels and cooperation between NATO and Russia has been suspended due the Russian resurgence.
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Archugova, Anna, Alena Vobolevich, and Monica-Nataliia Wagner. "Russian-Chinese relations in the context of the Ukraine crisis 2013—2014 on the pages of the Chinese newspaper “People’s Daily”." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, no. 4-1 (2022): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202204statyi19.
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Since the beginning of the crisis in Ukraine, relations between the United States, EU countries, Russia and China have become one of the most significant phenomena in international political life. In order to neutralize the consequences of Russia’s international isolation, the president Vladimir Putin accelerated the “Asia pivot” process, to which China reacted positively. Russian-Chinese relations continue to deepen constantly. This article discusses the interaction between Russia and China in the context of the crisis in Ukraine in the period of 2013-2014 and how it was reflected on the pages of China’s main newspaper “People’s Daily”.
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Nankobe, Vitalis Mbah. "Great Power Politics in Post-Cold War Period: The Ukraine Crisis of 2014." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 17, no. 33 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2021.v17n33p1.
Full textAbstract:
The Ukraine Crisis of 2014 which led to the annexation of Crimea by Russia has been one of the worst European issues since the end of the Cold War. NATO’s relations with Russia have worsened ever since Russian troops invaded and annexed the Crimean peninsula in 2014. This paper examines why Russia intervened and eventually annexed Crimea during the Ukraine crisis through theoretical approaches in IR (international relations). In addition, the paper also discusses the consequences of Russia’s actions in Crimea during the Ukraine Crisis of 2014. This paper argues that Russia intervened and annexed Crimea during the Ukraine Crisis of 2014 because of NATO’s expansion policy in eastern Europe. The study was conducted using a qualitative and a non-positivist approach to research (interpretivist) which is centered on the humanistic view of the social sciences. On the one hand, the findings of this study support my central thesis; it revealed that NATO’s expansion policy in eastern Europe was the cause of Russia’s actions in Crimea during the Ukraine Crisis of 2014. On the other hand, the findings of this study revealed that there are alternative factors that also motivated Russia to intervene and annex Crimea from Ukraine such as nationalism, identity, and Russia’s quest for great power status. Further, Russia’s invasion and eventual annexation of Crimea without the consent of Ukrainian authorities had several consequences. For instance, it caused tension between Russia and NATO, increased military spending, and led to numerous international sanctions.