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Gardères, Nicolas. "Les origines et modèles de la Constitution russe de 1993." Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D003.
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L’objet de cette thèse est de replacer la Constitution de la Fédération de Russie, adoptée par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, dans ses différents contextes de production. En effet, ce texte juridique est à la fois le produit d’une Histoire courte et d’une Histoire longue, d’un conflit intra-élite et d’une somme de représentations héritées des périodes précédentes et reconstruites à la fin des années 80 et au début des années 90. Ainsi, il ne semblait pas suffisamment pertinent de limiter notre étude au processus rédactionnel proprement dit, entamé à l’été 1990. Nous avons pris le parti de tenter de reconstituer ce que pouvait être l’« épistémè », les représentations politico-juridiques, des acteurs ayant joué un rôle décisif dans la discussion de la Constitution. Ce parti nécessitait de retracer les occurrences les plus significatives de l’Histoire du droit et des institutions en Russie tsariste et en Union Soviétique. Cette démarche fait l’objet de la première partie de la Thèse, « La Péréstroïka comme réceptacle, révolution et modèle ». Il ressort de l’analyse que malgré la présence de traditions intellectuelles libérales et d’institutions proto-parlementaires, la tradition dominante, et acceptée comme telle par les rédacteurs de la Constitution russe, est largement antijuridique et autoritaire. C’est dans ce contexte que les acteurs de la Ière République russe ont cherché à puiser dans les modèles étrangers (américain et français en particulier) et les modèles théoriques du Droit constitutionnel (régime parlementaire et régime présidentiel) pour créer le nouvel agencement institutionnel. La seconde partie de la thèse, « Le processus de rédaction de la Constitution de 1993 », porte sur l’Histoire courte, c’est-à-dire sur les années 1990-1993 qui ont vu s’affronter deux camps, tant sur le plan politique que constitutionnel. Le camp du Congrès des députés du peuple emmené par son Président Rouslan Khasboulatov défendait un projet permettant d’assurer la domination du Parlement, alors que le camp du Président de la Fédération, emmené par Boris Eltsine, cherchait à imposer un projet assurant à la présidence une position dominante. De part et d’autre, les modèles empiriques et théoriques du Droit constitutionnel furent instrumentalisés et largement trahis. Entre ces deux camps, la Commission constitutionnelle crée au sein du Congrès des députés du peuple cherchait, à travers ses différents projets, à trouver un agencement équilibré nourri des expériences étrangères et de la science du Droit constitutionnel. Le camp de la présidence réussit finalement à faire prévaloir ses vues, dans le cadre d’une Conférence constitutionnelle organisée en juin 1993, mais surtout par sa victoire politique sur le camp du Congrès suite à la crise d’octobre 1993. Le texte adopté par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, très favorable à la Présidence, peut être considéré comme l’héritier de ce conflit, mais également en partie comme l’héritier des traditions politiques russes et soviétiquesThe aim of this dissertation is to analyse the Constitution of the Russian Federation passed by referendum on 12 December 1993, in its various contexts of production. Indeed, this legal text is both the result of a short history and of a long history, of an intra-elite conflict and of an amount of representations, inherited from the past and rebuilt at the end of the 80’s and at the beginning of the 90’s. We chose to attempt to reconstruct what has been the « épistémè », the legal and political representations of the key actors of the constitutional discussions. This choice made it necessary to recount the most significant facts and conceptions of the legal and institutional history of Tsarist Russia and Soviet Union. This approach is found in the first part of this dissertation, « Perestroika as a recipient, a revolution and a model ». It appears that despite the existence of liberal traditions and proto-parliamentary institutions, the dominant tradition, granted as such by the drafters of the Russian Constitution, is basically anti-juridical and authoritarian. It is in this context that the actors of the first Russian Republic tried to use foreign patterns (mostly American and French) and the theoretical patterns of Constitutional law (parliamentary regime and presidential regime) in order to create the new institutional design. The second part of the dissertation, « The redaction process of the Constitution of 1993 », deals with short history, that is years the 1990-1993 during which two sides challenged each other, both on a political and on constitutional grounds. The side of the Congress of People’s Deputies led by its President, Ruslan Khasbulatov, promoted a project of Parliament domination, while the side of the President of the Federation promoted a project of President domination. On both sides, empirical and theoretical patterns of constitutional law were exploited and their true meanings betrayed. Between these two sides, the Constitutional Commission created by the Congress of People’s Deputies, through its several drafts, tried to find a balanced design on the basis of foreign patterns and of the science of constitutional law. Finally, on the side of the President there was success in making its conceptions prevail, within a Constitutional Conference organized in June 1993, but mainly through its political victory of October 1993. The text passed on 12 December 1993, very much in favor of the Presidency, can be considered as the heir of this conflict, but as well partly as the heir of Russian and Soviet political traditions
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Rapoport, Yuri. "A critical analysis of the extent to which the personal civil rights recognised in the constitution of the Russian Federation are enjoyed under Russian law /." Gold Coast, QLD : Bond University, 2006. http://epublications.bond.edu.au/theses/rapoport.
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Thesis (SJD) -- Bond University, 2006."This thesis is submitted to Bond University in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Legal Science"-- t.p. Bibliography: pages 117-125. Also available via the World Wide Web.
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Goddard, Brenda J. (Brenda Jean) Carleton University Dissertation Central/East European and Russian-Area Studies. "Creating a constitutional democracy in Russia; the separation of powers and the Russian Constitutional Court." Ottawa, 1996.
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Arkhipov, Vladislav, Dmitriy Bartenev, Sergey Belov, Olga Kudryashova, Diana Mushtakova, and Ilya Vasil’ev. "Judiciary on Russian Constitutional System." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/115482.
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This article is about new constitutional order in Russia emphasizing fundamental areas as the role of judiciary in the Russian Constitutional System from 1993 Constitution, the one which replaced the 1978 Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic Constitution based on communist ideology. Therefore, it is intended to examine the principle of separation of powers, constitutionally recognized human rights and liberties, relationship between international bodies’ case law of human rights and the Russian Constitutional Court, among others issues.El presente artículo se detiene a analizar el papel de la judicatura en el sistema constitucional ruso a partir de la Constitución de 1993, aquella que sustituyó a la Constitución de 1978 de la República Socialista Federativa de la Unión Soviética que estaba basada en la ideología comunista. Así, con la finalidad de dar cuenta del nuevo orden constitucional, enfatiza en importantes aristas como el principio de separación de poderes, los derechos humanos y libertades reconocidos constitucionalmente, la interrelación entre la jurisprudencia de los órganos internacionales de derechos humanos y la Corte Constitucional de Rusia, entre otros.
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Kouznetsov, Serguei. "La mise en œuvre de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme dans le nouveau contexte fédéral russe : (1993-2012)." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR40062.
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Après la chute de l’Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques en décembre 1991, la Fédération de Russie affirme à maintes reprises son engagement à suivre un développement démocratique et à faire partie de « l’Europe sans frontières ». Pour atteindre cet objectif, elle adhère à toute une série de traités européens, entre autres, à la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales. Toutefois, malgré la volonté affichée par la Russie de faire partie du système européen de protection des droits fondamentaux, les problèmes de transition politique, institutionnelle et économique rendent cette tâche très difficile. Entre autres le fédéralisme, qu’on peut qualifier de « complexe », crée un système juridique très singulier dont certains éléments ne sont pas toujours compatibles avec les instruments internationaux en matière des droits de l’homme ratifiés par la Russie. L’objectif de ce travail est d’étudier les problèmes de la mise en œuvre de la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme et des libertés fondamentales et des décisions de la Cour européenne des droits de l’homme en Fédération de Russie et leur possible influence sur le développement des instruments de protection des droits fondamentaux dans les conditions du système fédéral existant en RussieAfter the fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in December 1991, the Russian Federation stated repeatedly its commitment to democratic development and to be part of "Europe without borders". To achieve this goal it joins a number of European treaties, among others, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. However, despite the willingness of Russia to be part of the European system of protection of fundamental rights, the problems of political transition, economic and institutional development make this task very difficult. Among other the federalism, which could be qualified as "complex", creates a very singular legal system. Some of its elements are not always compatible with international instruments on human rights protection ratified by Russia. The objective of this work is to study the problems of implementation of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in the Russian Federation and their possible influence on the development of national instruments for the protection of fundamental rights under the Russian federal system
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Morgan-Jones, Edward. "Institutions and uncertainty : constitutional bargaining in Russia 1990-1993." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413245.
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Lherbette-Michel, Isabelle. "L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40064.
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Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratieThere is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy
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Marcus, Nichole. "Russian housing government efforts to fulfill the constitutional right to decent and affordable housing /." CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/5913.
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Bogdanova, Elena Verfasser], and Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] [Beckert. "Valuing the Past: The Constitution of the Antiques Market in Russia / Elena Bogdanova. Gutachter: Jens Beckert." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1038380456/34.
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Bogdanova, Elena [Verfasser], and Jens [Akademischer Betreuer] Beckert. "Valuing the Past: The Constitution of the Antiques Market in Russia / Elena Bogdanova. Gutachter: Jens Beckert." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1038380456/34.
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Matrosov, Pavel Igorevich. "Comparative analysis of constitutional law mechanism for human rights protection in Canada and Russia." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=80941.
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This thesis offers a comparative analysis of the Constitutional law mechanism for human rights protection in Canada and Russia. Russia is experiencing a transition from the former soviet regime towards democracy and civil society. Since the beginning of the transition in 1991 Russia has made three major steps in that direction: the adoption of the Declaration of Rights and Freedoms of the Individual and Citizen of 1991, the Constitution of 1993 and the ratification of the European Convention on Human Rights in 1998. However, the existent constitutional law mechanism for human rights protection is not fully effective due to its novelty for Russian society. A number of lessons can be learned from the Canadian and European experiences of human rights protection. Among them is the necessity to build the mechanism for human rights protection that will be based on the rule of law, direct application of the Constitution, and the creation of a human rights culture, supported by the people's trust in independent judicial institutions.
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Morrissette, Jason Jessee. "Failed Liberalism and the Seeds of Revolution: Russian and Chinese Constitutional Reform at the Turn of the Twentieth Century." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32787.
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At the turn of the twentieth century, the imperial regimes of Russia and China underwent periods of political and constitutional reform unprecedented in the long histories of both states. This paper explores the conceptualization of Weberian legitimacy as it applies to these turn-of-the-century trends of political reform in Russia and China. I argue that both external and internal challenges to the legitimacy of the traditional power structures in each state gave rise to and, in effect, necessitated these reforms. Moreover, I contend that the failure of these political reforms to establish meaningful norms of representative government in Russia and China further exacerbated the challenges to the legitimacy faced by each state and subsequently fomented the revolutions that ultimately brought these periods of constitutional reform to an end. In a brief epilogue, the paper examines the possible parallels between these periods at the turn of the twentieth century and contemporary power structures and challenges to legitimacy in these states.Master of Arts
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Cadiot, Juliette. "La constitution des catégories nationales dans l'Empire de Russie et dans l'Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (1897-1939) : statisticiens, ethnographes et administrateurs face à la diversité du "national"." Paris, EHESS, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EHES0080.
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Lirou, Raphaëlle. "La Russie entre fédération et empire : contribution à la définition constitutionnelle de l'Etat russe." Thesis, Nancy 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008NAN20005/document.
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A partir des concepts de fédération et d’empire et à travers une analyse historique et juridique, ce travail tente de répondre à certaines interrogations sur la nature étatique de la Russie. Si ce pays est formellement un Etat fédéral depuis l’adoption de la Constitution du 12 décembre 1993, la pratique constitutionnelle montre la difficulté de cet Etat à concilier diversité et unité et à respecter les principes du fédéralisme. Il est d’ailleurs plus juste de parler pour la Fédération de Russie de processus fédéraliste en cours que de système fédéral clairement établi. Ainsi peut-on constater qu’à une première période placée sous les signes de la désunion et de l’« extraconstitutionnalisme » a succédé une période de reprise en main par le pouvoir central, au nom d’une « reconstitutionnalisation » des rapports fédératifs mais souvent au détriment des valeurs de liberté et d’association propres à l’idée fédérale. Finalement, seule l’histoire millénaire de la Russie peut expliquer les résurgences impérialistes de cet Etat. La Russie millénaire a, en effet, été marquée par un fédéralisme que l’on peut qualifier d’« inauthentique » et qui fut principalement représenté par la figure de l’empire, que celui-ci ait été avoué (Empire des Tsars) ou masqué (Union soviétique). Le poids de cet héritage impérial explique donc les difficultés de la Russie dans la gestion de la diversité et dans la mise en place d’une fédération authentique, sous-entendue démocratiqueFrom the concepts of federation and empire and through a historical and legal analysis, this work attempts to answer some questions about the state nature of Russia. If this country has been formally a federal State since the adoption of the December 12th 1993 Constitution, the application of this Constitution shows the difficulty of this State to reconcile diversity and unity and to respect the principles of federalism. Besides, concerning the Russian Federation, it’s more accurate to speak of an ongoing federalist system rather than a clearly established federal system. Therefore, we can record than after a first period placed under the signs of division and “extraconstitutionalism”, a period has followed with a regaining of control by the central power, in the name of a “reconstitutionalization” of the federative reports but often to the detriment of the values of freedom and association, which are appropriate to the federal idea. Finally only the millenary history of Russia can explain the imperialistic resurgences of this State. The millenary Russia has indeed been marked by a federalism one may qualify as being “inauthentic” and mainly represented by the figure of the empire, whether acknowledged (the Tsars’ Empire) or masked (the Soviet Union). The weight of this heritage explains why it’s so difficult for Russia to manage diversity and set an authentic federation understood of course, a democratic one
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Jeanclaude, Catherine. "Le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs en Russie : théorie et pratique de 1990 à 2005." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006IEPP0031.
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La thèse a pour objectif de chercher si la reconnaissance du principe de la séparation des pouvoirs en Russie a permis de faire avancer les réformes vers l'Etat de droit et l'économie de marché. La première partie consacrée à la reconnaissance formelle du principe de la séparation des pouvoirs en Russie a pour objectif d’étudier le rôle de l’un des principes fondamentaux de la théorie libérale de l’Etat - le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs - dans la construction de l’Etat russe. Pour ce faire, nous avons étudié les principaux amendements à la Constitution brejnévienne de 1977 et les principales étapes des réformes constitutionnelles russes de 1990 à 1993. Cela nous a conduit à analyser les causes politiques et juridiques de la crise constitutionnelle entre le pouvoir exécutif et législatif dans les années 1992-1993, à étudier la définition du principe de la séparation des pouvoirs dans la Constitution de la Fédération de Russie du 12 décembre 1993 et son application dans l’élaboration de plusieurs articles de même que l’influence des constitutions étrangères ( françaises et américaines ) et des normes du Conseil de l’Europe dans les travaux préparatoires à l’adoption de la constitution de 1993. La seconde partie consacrée au renforcement du pouvoir présidentiel nous a conduit à étudier l’exercice du pouvoir dans la Fédération de Russie depuis l’adoption de la Constitution au niveau des mécanismes de formation des organes du pouvoir d’Etat et au niveau de l’élaboration de la législationThe aim of the thesis is to find out if the recognition of the power separations principle in Russia allowed to promote reforms toward a law State and market economy. The first part, dedicated to the formal recognition of power separations principle, targets to study the fundamental principles of the State liberal theory - the principle of power separations - in the construction of the russian State. In order to do that, we studied the main amendments to the brejnevian 1977 Constitution and the main steps of russian constitutional reforms between 1990 and 1993. This leads us to analyse the causes of political and juridical constitutional crisis between executive and legislative powers in the years 1992-1993, to study the definition of the power separations principle in the Constitution of the Russian Federation of the 12 december 1993 and its application in the elaboration of some articles as well as the influence of foreign constitutions ( french and American ) and of the European Council norms in the preparatory works to the adoption of the 1993 constitution. The second part is dedicated to the enforcement of presidential power, leads us to study the power exercice in the Russian Federation since the Constitution adoption at the level of the formation mecanisms of State power organisms and at the level of the law elaboration
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Donscoff, Hélène. "L'action de la Cour Constitutionnelle de la Fédération de Russie et ses limites." Le Havre, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004LEHA0052.
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Interprète ou censeur de la constitution, la Cour constitutionnelle de la Fédération de Russie connaît des limites à son action. Sous le couvert d'interprétation, la Cour effectue en réalité deux types d'actions. Par la première, la Cour donne l'explication officielle des normes constitutionnelles aux organes du pouvoir qui doivent les appliquer. Si le juge dispose alors d'une grande liberté pour la réalisation de l'interprétation immédiate de la Constitution, son exercice reste malgré tout limité. Car, cette fonction d'interprétation répond à des conditions strictes de déclenchement qui détermine à la fois le cercle restreint des titulaires du droit de saisine de la Cour et des critères d'admission des recours. Par la seconde, elle détermine la signification des actes normatifs qu'elle devra par la suite comparer pour vérifier leur conformité à la Constitution. Inhérente au contrôle de la constitutionnalité, cette activité se trouve, par voie de conséquence, strictement encadrée dans les conditions matérielle imposées à ce dernier par le constituant et le législateur. Son exercice reste aussi marqué par le but du contrôle qui est d'assurer la cohérence du système de droit. Il exige donc de la part du juge qu'il confronte le sens des actes qu'il doit examiner. Or force est de constater que le juge constitutionnel s'exonère souvent de cette dernière étape, rattachant ainsi le résultat de son contrôle au libre choix de sa position juridique. Quant à son action de censure, la cour ne peut véritablement l'exercer que dans le cadre d'une procédure préalablement fixée, dont l'application vise à déterminer, une fois mise en œuvre, les cas susceptibles d'aboutir à une sanction. Celle-ci est alors énoncée dans un arrêt qui peut déclarer l'inconstitutionnalité partielle ou totale de l'acte incriminé et entraîner son annulation totale ou partielle. Or, ici, l'action de la Cour se trouve limitée. D'une part parce que la formule exécutoire n'est pas toujours clairement circonscrite dans les arrêts de la Cour, mais aussi parce qu'en l'absence de voies d'exécutions forcée de la décision, la sanction n'est pas appliquéeInterpeter or censor of the Constitution, the constitutional Court of the Russian Federation is limited in its action. In order to interpret, the Court carries out in the fact two types of actions. Through its first action, the Court officially explains the constitutional norms to the power executives who have to apply them. If teh judge has a great deal of freedom in the immediate interpretation of the Constitution, his exercising still remains limited. Indeed, this duty of interpretation responds to strict conditions of release that determines both the restrained circle of the persons who are entitled to address themselves to the court as well as the criteria of admission for appeals. Through its second action, the Court decides upon a signification of normatives deeds that it will have to compare in order to check their conformity with the Constitution. Inhérent in the control of the constitutionality, this activity is thuus strictly managed within material conditions that are imposed to the latter by the constituent and the legislator. It is exercising aslo remains marked by the aim of controlling wich will ensure the coherence of the legal system. Therefore the judge often disregards this final step, thus leaving the result of his control to the freedom of choice inherent in his legal position. As for its censorship action, the Court can only fulfil it within a procedure established beforehand, and of which the application aims to determine, once put into place, the cases which could be sanctionned. The sanction is the stated in a bill than can declare the partial or total unconstitutionality of the incriminated act and as a consequence will lead to its total or partial cancellation. Yet here the action of the Court is limited for a double reason. Firstly, the executor expression is not always clearly confined in the Court is bills and, secondly, the executive means being absent, the sanction is not applied
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Callum, Douglas R. "Soviet society and law : the history of the legal campaign to enforce the constitutional duty to work." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6553/.
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In both the 1936 and 1977 USSR Constitutions conscientious labour in socially useful activity was decreed to be a "duty and matter of honour" for every Soviet citizen. This study examines the various approaches adopted by successive Soviet leaderships in their determined efforts to reinforce that ethos. It focuses, in particular, on the so-called "anti-parasite" laws dating back to 1957, when as a part of Khrushchev's attempt to revive popular justice, several smaller republics experimented with enactments that permitted peer justice institutions in the form of amorphous social assemblies to exile "parasites" via a procedure which bypassed the existing court system. Special attention is devoted to the criticism lodged against the laws (during their adoption and spread to the other union republics in 1961) by members of the legal profession, who complained that the wide punitive given to the extra-judicial bodies and the attitudes and behaviour encouraged in them would erode the respect for "socialist legality" which they had been charged with enhancing in the minds of the mass public. Although as a result of such criticism, the Khrushchev regime modified the peer justice institutions in the early 1960's, and even though his populism was absorbed by or subordinated to the normative sector of social control in Brezhnev's legal policy, the study highlights the fact that complaints of abuses and inconsistencies in anti-parasite proceedings continued to be levelled against the prosecution process. This, it is contended, was due in large part to the extreme vagueness of the notion of social parasitism itself, although the lack of a precise and consistent definition of this peculiar offence (and of the key elements which were deemed to constitute it) was actually seen as necessary and even desirable since it allowed the authorities to use the anti-parasite legislation as a weapon of suppression against a broad spectrum of socially, politically, and economically inconvenient groups within Soviet society.
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Jonsson, Anna. "Judicial Review and Individual Legal Activism : The Case of Russia in Theoretical Perspective." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Faculty of Law & Department of East European Studies, Uppsala University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-5811.
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Fränberg, Viktor. "Den ryska björnen sover : En pressanalytisk studie av Expressens och Aftonbladets framställning av Putin och Ryssland vid de ryska presidentvalen år 2000, 2004 samt 2012." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper (KV), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-61395.
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Sweden has always had a special relationship with Russia. The countries have fought dozens of wars against each other, both in the Viking Age, the Middle Ages and the early modern period. This, according to many historians, led to the emergence of a russophobia in Sweden. It has now been over two hundred years ago since the last altercation between these countries, so does russophobia still exist in Sweden, and if not, what characterizes our perception of Russia today? These are the types of questions that will be processed and answered in this press analytical study of the Swedish media's representation of Putin and Russia. The material studied consists of articles in two major Swedish newspapers from the period around the Russian presidential elections in 2000, 2004 and 2012, all of which were won by Putin. A general conclusion is that the Swedish media image of Russia is strongly negative. The image of Putin was somewhat positive in the year 2000 but then became increasingly negative. I also found no evidence of russophobia. Although Russia is sometimes portrayed as militarily aggressive there’s nothing that suggest that Sweden should feel threatened.
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Valiullina, Farida. "Dialogue of the Courts in Europe: Interactions between the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the Courts of the ECHR Member States." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18609.
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Aufgrund des wachsenden Bedarfs an kohärenter Interaktion zwischen dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte, dem Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union und den Gerichten der EMRK-Mitgliedstaaten, untersucht diese Arbeit die Problematik von Kompetenzkonflikten, die die Glaubwürdigkeit der europäischen und nationalen Gerichtshöfe untergraben und die Effektivität des gerichtlichen Rechtsschutzes in Europa schwächen, und schlägt die Lösungen vor, um Rechtsprechungskonflikte zwischen den Gerichtshöfen zu verringern. Es erfolgt eine Betrachtung der Fragen, wie Inkonsistenzen der gerichtlichen Rechtsprechung der europäischen und nationalen Gerichte vermieden werden können, wie der Beitritt der EU zur EMRK angegangen werden kann und wie das Piloturteilsverfahren des EGMR und nationalen gerichtlichen Überprüfungsverfahren wirksam funktionieren kann. Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Schluss, dass es für die Koordination der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Gerichten wichtig ist, ihre Interaktionen zu verstärken, indem bewährte Verfahren auf allen Ebenen ausgetauscht werden. Um eine tiefere Integration der Staaten in die europäische und internationale Gemeinschaft zu erreichen und das Risiko von sich widersprechenden gerichtlichen Entscheidungen zu reduzieren, wird von den Mitgliedstaaten erwartet, dass sie ihre Verpflichtungen aus dem EU-Recht und der EMRK verlässlich erfüllen, und die europäischen Gerichtshöfe werden ihrerseits die Möglichkeit eines Eingriffs in die Souveränität der Staaten ausschlieβen lassen. Nur wenn einvernehmlich beschlossene Lösungen angenommen werden, wird eine größere Kohärenz in Rechtsprechung der europäischen und nationalen Gerichtshöfe erreicht und ein einheitliches System zum Schutz der Menschenrechte gewährleistet.In light of the growing need to establish a coherent relationship between the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the courts of the ECHR member states, this study explores the challenges of jurisdictional competition that undermine the credibility of the courts and weaken the effectiveness of judicial protection of fundamental rights in Europe, and suggests ways to reduce emerging judicial tensions between these courts. It examines how to avoid inconsistencies in judicial practices of the European and national courts, how to approach accession of the EU to the ECHR, and how to ensure effective functioning of the pilot judgment mechanism and national judicial review procedures. It concludes that in order to coordinate cooperation between the courts it is important to strengthen their interactions through adhering to best practices at all levels. To pursue deeper integration of states into the European and international community and minimise the chance of rendering contradicting judgments by the courts, member states are expected to comply faithfully with their obligations under EU law and the ECHR, and the European courts shall exclude the possibility of encroachment on state sovereignty. Only if mutually agreed solutions are adopted will a greater consistency in their case law be achieved and a uniform system of protection of human rights ensured.
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Chien, Meng-Pang, and 簡孟邦. "Russian Presidential Power under 1993 Constitution." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/uvtvrz.
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碩士淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所
85
Russia - the one of the most mighty countries. When Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in 1985, he advocated a new idea "New thinking" and proceeded to a chain of political and economic reform for USSR. Inside it, establishment of USSR presidency is one of those important reform. After USSR disintegrated, Russian Federation inherited the most part of people, territory and right form post-Soviet. Thus, the national system of Russian Federation was completely turning quickly. View from the development of Russia of history, the establishment of "Presidency" for Russian Federation, is unprecedented. Over the past Czar and Soviet system, Russian people have never been in the democratic political environment like that, when the same time the people all around Russia learn how to understand democracy, the establishment of Presidency is suit for the people living on the land? The purpose of this thesis is to analyze: how the "presidency"came into existence in Soviet and Russian Federation? After 1993 Russian Federation new constitution passed on, how much power does the president have among the new constitution? What relation is between president power and other power construction? What is the special feature of the Russian Federation president power? Above questions is the important points of this thesis. The approach of this thesis is based mainly on the legal, the institutional , the political power , the historical description and the cultural heritage analytic approaches; besides above, the main contents is composed of the deductive method and inductive method. This thesis mainly research on 1993 Russian Federation constitution, thus, the legal system and its normal text are for the main integration. There are sum total 6 chapters in this thesis, besides introduction and conclusion, still include: The second chapter deals with academic theories and presidential power of presidency of democratic countries. The third chapter complete discusses the formation of the presidency from Soviet to Russian federation. The fourth chapter analyses the Russian president''s power on Russia''s 1993 constitution, and studies the relation between president and other power institutions. The fifth chapterput forward the consequent specialty of Russian federation presidential power, and compares with presidential power of USA and France。
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Trochev, Alexei. "The zigzags of judicial power : the constitutional court in Russian politics, 1990--2003." 2005. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=232636&T=F.
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Goodnow, Regina Rose. "Post-Soviet super-presidentialism : explaining constitutional choice in Russia and Ukraine." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/28718.
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The Russian and Ukrainian constitutions—like those in many other post-Soviet states—have concentrated political power in exclusive “super” presidencies. However, the concentration of power has persisted in only one of the two cases. Russian presidential authority was resilient in the face of attempts to increase legislative strength in the 1990s, even when severe economic and political crises undermined the presidency of Boris Yeltsin. In contrast, Ukrainian presidential power fluctuated over time, with “Orange Revolution” constitutional reforms shifting power to the parliament in 2004 and their annulment returning power to the president in 2010. What explains the different trajectories of Russia’s and Ukraine’s presidential systems? Using process-tracing to parse out the actions of elites during the 1990s and 2000s in combination with analyses of the electoral foundations of elite competition in the two cases, this dissertation develops an argument about the origins of super-presidential systems and the prospects for constitutional change in such systems. Concentrated executive power in Russia and Ukraine: (1) depended on elites’ preferences for more or less concentrated political authority; (2) these preferences depended on how elites perceived their political prospects for capturing and holding presidential power; (3) elites’ perceptions of their prospects for gaining and holding presidential power were conditioned by the relative balance of power between major political forces; and (4) this balance of power was very vulnerable to pressure from social forces. It was this final factor that distinguished the Ukrainian and Russian cases. Ukraine had more balanced political competition because of its coherent ethno-linguistic cleavage, and consequently more uncertainty about rival elites’ political fortunes, which produced challenges to super-presidentialism. Russia’s experience with regional politics, by contrast, has not produced a similarly stable balance of power between rival forces, because the country’s minority groups were too diverse and dispersed to form a unified constituency that could challenge the political dominance of the center. The structural underpinnings of elite competition help to explain why the preferences of self-interested politicians to concentrate or disperse political power changed over time in ways that promoted unstable super-presidentialism in Ukraine compared to much more durable super-presidentialism in Russia.text
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Kuang, ChengChi, and 況正吉. "Constitutional Order,Economic Reform, and Democratic Consolidation：A Comparative Research of Russia and Czech Republic." Thesis, 2001. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85013987509056266818.
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碩士淡江大學
俄羅斯研究所
89
Amidst the Democratization of the “ Third Wave ” , Latin American nations significantly transformed their governments in the 1980s and East Central Europe and the former Soviet Union got democratized in the early 1990s. In the rapid transformation process, political and economic systems became heated disputes, including notably such red-hot topics ranging from government systems, election and market oriented economic politicies. The current study primarily aims at comparative political scholars who, politically, have been more concerned about the relationship between constitutional design and political stability. The current fever of studies focusing on political systems takes comparative systems as the principal issues, in particular the old issue of “ Whether presidentialism and parliamentarism be better ? ” Economically, the process of Middle, Eastern European and the former Soviet Union countries have hold the limelight in the eyes of scholars. By conducting research on the economic systems, we will come to better awareness of the transitional economies. Democratization and economic reforms have shown significant interrelationship in Post-Socialism nations and regions. The solid democracy is characterized by capitalism-oriented market economy. Besides , “ Institution Analysis ” has gradually taken the core position of political and sociological studies. Through the studies on Institutions, we shall come to extensive and profound awareness of political and economic reforms in Eastern European states. This thesis covers Post-Communist countries in Europe, mainly in an effort to verify all cases through statistical analysis. This will prevent that all cases sampled for the study (Russia and Czech Rep.) would live up to targeted hypothesis. Additional cases (nations) would mean added broadness and profoundness so that the hypothesis would get verified in full. Through combine comparative method with statistical method, it proves that the democracy made up of parliamentary system and proportional representative system would make possible most solid democratization. In terms of economic reforms, the nations in radical reforms would outperform their counterparts in gradual reforms. But with insignificant gaps in economic performance and with nonexistence of objective and uniform yardstick to distinguish two different types of economic reforms ( gradual vs. radical ), we are not in a position to, theoretically, conclude that which type of reform would outperform the other. In terms of influence of constitutional order and economic reform upon democratic consolidation, the speed of market economic reform is not significantly influential upon economic development, and there is still room of doubtfulness whether or not economic development would be helpful to democratization. In comparison of degree of influence, the economic reform policies are relatively less influential upon solidity of democracy.
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"Thinking/Speaking/Acting "Freely"? A Critical Discourse Analysis of the Free Speech Provisions in the United States and Russian Constitutions." Doctoral diss., 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.53673.
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abstract: A critical discourse analysis (CDA) was employed to examine judicial opinions in the United States and Russia on the free speech provisions in their respective constitutions. As a research perspective, CDA is designed to directly speak to social change, focusing on power, history, ideology, and language’s role as a social phenomenon in expressing values of individuals and social groups (Wodak & Meyer, 2001). Fairclough’s (2001) methodological approach to CDA was selected for its consistency and structure in examining societal issues in CDA; namely, a five-stage approach that includes: (1) focusing on a social problem that possesses a semiotic aspect; (2) identifying obstacles to addressing the problem through text as semiosis (in relation to his three-part model addressed above); (3) considering whether the social structure “needs” the problem; (4) identifying potential routes to overcome the obstacles, and (5) reflecting critically on the first four stages. This methodological framework was utilized in answering the following research questions: (1) What are the textual and constructive differences in the U.S. and Russian constitutional free speech provisions and judicial systems? (2) How do the differences in (1) affect the protection of individual speech rights? (3)What are avenues to protect or improve speech rights in the future? The results of this study manifested similar structures of power and methods of defending the courts’ authority, notwithstanding different cultural understanding of free speech and jurisprudential approaches.Dissertation/Thesis
Doctoral Dissertation English 2019
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Kun-yu, Hsieh, and 謝錕鈺. "Research on Semi-presidentiem in Eastern Europe--Analysis of Constitutional System in Poland, Russia and Ukraine." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/69014343406904571422.
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博士中國文化大學
中山學術研究所
95
Since 1980’s to 1990’s, the Third Democratization of world swept across USSR, Eastern Europe and part of countries in Asia. At first, Poland took place the half open election of Sejm in 1989, affected most of all the countries in Eastern Europe and USSR, and then resulted these communist regimes to collapse, instead of electoral parliament and government. When these countries faced to democratization, most of them became a semi-presidential regime. This thesis focuses on analyzing the reason that why most of these regimes will change their institution, transit to a semi-presidential system of government? After choosing semi-presidential system, the operation and stability of institution of these emerging democratic regimes is another focus of the article. I selected new institutionism approach to research the theme, there are three emphases in this article, the first, I will analysis the reason why these countries selecting semi-presidential system. The second, I will observe the stability of the constitutional system of these emerging democratic regimes. The third, I will make a conclusion about semi-presidential system whether consolidate the democracy of the emerging regimes or not. Among many post-communist regimes in Eastern Europe, There are three reasons result me to select Poland, Russia and Ukraine as my studying goal. First of all, the three countries all are Slav nations, but they have different history and convention; and they have similar background before their regime transition, for example, the three countries all are ruled by totalitarian before democratization. Finally, even though they all selected semi-presidential system when they are transformation, but the development and experience of their institution’s operation and stability are apparent different. This article will analyze the reason that result this position. This thesis also confers the comparison of three countries, I compare the position of their democratic consolidation since they are democratization from 1989 to present. After comparing, I found some viewpoints among them. First of all, just from the effect and process of transformation, Poland is the best, and Ukraine is better than Russia. And then, I found the theory of Giovanni Sartori about semi-presidential system is not absolutely accurate. Satori stand for the oscillation effect is the character of semi-presidential regime that is the government power will depend on the result of parliamentary election and oscillate between president and parliament. But according to my research, I found the oscillation effect is just only the character of “premier-presidentialism” like Poland’s institution, not conclude Russia and Ukraine before Orange Revolution. The finally, I found that in many patterns of semi-presidential regimes in Eastern Europe, just “premier-presidentialism” will advantage democratic consolidation
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Guan, Qing, and 官晴. "Constitutional Transition and Democratic Performance in Post-Leninist Semi-presidential Regimes– A View of External Influence, Nationalism and Economy: Taiwan, Russia, Mongolia." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/36232531139645028853.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
104
This thesis examines the relationship between democratic transition and institutional choice, and the relationship between institutional choice and democratic performance. Theoretically, the focus is on explaining why and how the majority of post-Leninist states have chosen a semi-presidential constitutional structure after democratic transition, and how this constitutional structure tends to lead to certain political, economic and social results in the democratic consolidation period. Utilizing a “most-similar cases” strategy of comparative analysis, this study focuses on Taiwan, Russia and Mongolia, three post-Leninist semi-presidential regimes, with regard to their initial institutional choices during the early 1990s and their more recent institutional performance during the 2014-2016 period. In seeking to explain these phenomena, this study develops a holistic theory that integrates several perspectives and analytical approaches from the existing literature. The resulting model encompasses several pairs of explanatory factors that are usually viewed as contradictory in the literature, such as “macro” versus “micro”, “structural determinism” versus “elites’ rational choice”, “institutional” versus “non-institutional” factors, and “elites” versus the “public”. In particular, the thesis highlights the causal effects of three key non-institutional variables (or structural preconditions) on both institutional choice and institutional performance: external influence, economy and nationalism. Drawing on the experiences of Taiwan, Russia and Mongolia, the study concludes several important empirical observations. First, during the phase of initial institutional choice (the early 1990s), the Leninist institutional legacy of dual-leadership provides a structural foundation from which semi-presidentialism takes shape. Against this structural backdrop, country-specific background dynamics, including structural preconditions and intra-elite relations, as well as involvement by the public under crisis situations during democratization, led to the variation in presidential powers among the three semi-presidential regimes. As a result, stronger crises and public opinion more in favor of strongman politics lead to stronger bargaining power for pro-presidentialism elites that, in turn, results in stronger institutional power being bestowed on the president (vis-à-vis the parliament) under a semi-presidential framework. Second, in the more recent phase of institutional performance (2014-2016), the three key non-institutional variables from which particular social background and public opinion are derived, combine with the semi-presidential institutional configuration, influence democratic performance. This study aims to achieve theoretical innovation through in-depth comparative analysis, and to leverage the perspective of “initial conditions” to gain insights into the process of institutional evolution. Through cross-regional comparison, it also aims to bridge the study of Taiwan with the experiences of post-communist countries with regard to democratic transition and democratic development, and to put the institutional study of semi-presidentialism in dialogue with the mainstream study of democracy in comparative politics. The author anticipates this study to contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the issue of the constitutional design of nascent democracies and to the discussion of the overarching topics of political transformation and global democratic development.
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Recinová, Pavla. "Veřejný ochránce lidských práv v Ruské federaci." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-335130.
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The aim of this diploma thesis called The Human Rights Commissioner of the Russian Federation is to provide a comprehensive insight into the formation and development process of the institute of the human rights commissioner by means of description and analysis. At the same time, it attempts to facilitate a better understanding of this institute inside the Russian social system. The opening section defines the institute of ombudsman from the historical and theoretical point of view and puts it in the post-Soviet context. The following section touches on the key legislation related to this institute in the Russian Federation and on the way it was formed and embedded in Russia. A separate chapter addresses the competences and specific tasks of the public defender of rights. This chapter is supported by annual reports issued by the Russian ombudsman's office. The last section of the thesis deals with the relationship between the ombudsman, the Russian establishment and non-governmental human rights organizations. The relationship is defined theoretically and illustrated by practical examples and specific cases. Keywords Ombudsman, The Human Rights Commissioner, Federal Constitutional Act on the Human Rights Commissioner, Human Rights, Freedoms, the Russian Federation, Russian Establishment, Human...