Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Russian journalist'

The news media are expected to provide equal space to female and male political actors, promoting the idea of equal access to political power, since they are recognized as a holder of power with a social responsibility to respect gender equality. However, as previous research shows, political news coverage is characterized by so-called “gendered mediation” (Gidengil and Everitt 1999), i.e., gender imbalance, stereotypes, and a lack of discussions about gender inequality. Scholars point to media logic, organization, and individual characteristics of journalists as the main reasons for this pattern, but still very little is known about how and why gendered mediation is practiced and processed in political news. This dissertation focuses on gendering understood as the perceived imprint of gender on the media portrayal of politics and politicians, as well as the processes by which gendered representations materialize. By applying a perspective of comparative journalism culture studies (Hanitzsch 2007; Hanitzsch and Donsbach 2012), it examines the processes and modes of origin of gendering as they are perceived and experienced by journalists. The study is based on semi-structured interviews with 40 journalists working for the quality press in Russia and Sweden. The results show that the national culture of political journalism, and the context it is located within, are of crucial importance for understanding gendering and its modes of origin. Gendering may cause problems to the democratic development of society and the position of the quality press in it; however, it also offers a potential for promoting gender equality. The choice of the form of gendering does not fully depend on journalists. It depends on the contextual possibilities for journalists to fulfill the gender-ethical ideal of the quality outlet as long as they need to meet the demands of society and market, and to face the challenges of political communication.

This thesis examines the career of Harold Williams (1876-1928), a journalist who, after training as a Methodist minister at home in New Zealand and taking a doctorate in philology in Germany, spent the years 1904-18 working as a foreign correspondent in Russia and in the 1920s became Foreign Editor of The Times in London. Although the thesis traces Williams's life as a whole, its particular concern is with his role as an interpreter of Russia to the British and the British to Russia. As a correspondent, Williams covered the 1905 revolution in Russia, the Duma period, the effect on Russia of the First World War, the fall of the tsarist monarchy and the coming of the Bolsheviks. Since, in 1917, his dispatches were appearing simultaneously in the Daily Chronicle, the Daily Telegraph and the New York Times, he played a not insignificant part in the fonnation of both British and American opinion about the Russian Revolution. Because he tended to take sides and pursue causes, his journalistic work was by no means entirely neutral. The thesis sheds light on his involvement in the Russian constitutional struggle, the movement for a rapprochement between Britain and Russia, the work of the British war-time propaganda bureau in Petro grad, the campaign by Russian emigres and western sympathisers to bring about western intervention in the Russian civil war, and the negotiation of the Locamo Treaty in the 1920s (which had the effect of isolating the Soviet Union). The proposition underlying the thesis is that although Williams was often admired for his modesty and his unassuming nature, he was nonetheless fiercely dedicated to the causes for which he chose to work. Sometimes, therefore, his journalism was a means to an end, a tool for the subtle promotion of the things in which he believed.

viii, 89 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>This thesis examines how social and economic factors shape the behavior of Russian journalists. Although the state does not practice legal censorship today, Western experts compare Russian media with the Soviet period, and Russia is commonly ranked in the bottom 10% of all countries in terms of press freedom. While scholars identify free press as a necessary condition for a democratic society, Russian media are influenced by flak directed at editors and reporters, which results in self-censorship. The central question is: What is the relationship between the ownership structure ofthe media, a reporter's experience, and the occurrence of self-censorship? A random sample of40 journalists was drawn from ten prominent national newspapers. Interviews focused on instances when reporters had been asked to remove facts critical of the government. The data show that self-censorship is significant in Russian journalism; it comes both from the editors and from the journalists themselves.<br>Committee in Charge: Dr. Caleb Southworth, Chair; Dr. Julie Hessler; Dr. Carol Silverman

This M.A studied how Russia was represented in selected media in Sweden and Germany, focusing on the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The purpose was to study how and which factors that influenced the view of Russia in selected media. The study was accomplished through a qualitative framing analysis of 32 news articles in Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt and by interviewing six Swedish and German journalists, applying a thematic analysis. Theoretical perspectives from framing, agenda setting and foreign policy theory were drawn upon to view how it influenced the media reporting. The results show that the representation of Russia was negative and President Putin was seen as the most dominant actor in all four newspapers. The Swedish newspapers DN and SvD took a larger international approach compared to the two German newspapers and focused less on national actors, while German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt focused and set the agenda for German actors in the conflict. Results from the interviews showed a low influence of foreign policy in the media reporting, that the views of Russia in Sweden and Germany are influenced by each country’s historical, cultural, political and economic factors and respective relations between Sweden and Germany’s relations to Russia.

This thesis aims to evaluate and consider the topic of human rights journalism conducted by women in Chechnya. The primary research question that will be supported by this research, is whether or not Anna Politkovskaya's gender impacted her work, the reception of her work, and her overall experience as a human rights advocate in Chechnya. Anna Politkovskaya is being used as a primary case study due to the volume and breadth of the reports that she produced, and because she was the most well-known reporter in Chechnya during the Second Chechen War, giving her a wider audience. The work of other female journalists will be covered, but those works will serve a secondary purpose of aiding in looking at how Politkovskaya's journalistic legacy impacted other female journalists within Chechnya. The current state of affairs within the Chechen Republic is one of limited civil liberties and increasing violence on behalf of the authoritarian state government towards advocacy groups and opposition parties. The environment for human rights has not notably improved since the official conclusion of the Second Chechen War, but the level of media attention dedicated to issues there has dramatically decreased. Chechnya is currently lacking a voice of passionate reason, and as a result lacks an effective advocate for civilian interests, which was the role previously filled by Politkovskaya.<br>Master of Arts

The study “Everybody wants to make love to you” examines female Russian journalists’ experiences of sexism within their profession. The focus of the study is to examine how the journalists navigate through their profession whilst resisting against sexism and oppression. The study is based on material gathered through qualitative interviews with nine female informants with various backgrounds, ages and positions within journalism. All the respondents were (or had been) working in Moscow. The result of the study shows that our respondents have experienced sexism by being diminished, flirted with and sexually harassed in working situations. This is especially relevant when the respondents have met new people while reporting. Sometimes the women are encouraged by colleagues to put on something “sexy” or “play dumb” to, in some interview situations, get more information. The resistance towards gendered oppression often take shape on an individual level or within a person's small circle of people that can be trusted. Our results show that the respondents are using different tactics when facing gender related obstacles, such as using your gender role or through joking about the perpetrators within your inner circle.

Comment se constitue un pouvoir politique réputé "absolu" là où dans la séquence historique immédiatement antérieure le chef de l’Etat ne jouissait pas d’une position prééminente ? Norbert Elias avait placé cette énigme au cœur de ses réflexions dans La société de cour. L’ambition de cette thèse est de la reprendre à partir d’un tout autre contexte socio-historique et sur une temporalité plus courte : en s’inspirant de la démarche éliasienne mais aussi de la sociologie pragmatique et de certains apports de l’ethnométhodologie, il s’agit de comprendre, d’une manière sociologique, comment, en l’espace d’à peine deux décennies, un rapport de domination politique particulièrement marqué a pu s’instaurer en Russie entre le chef de l’Etat et les magnats de l’économie. Pour répondre à cette question, la thèse se centre sur une forme particulière de cérémonial où la déférence à l’égard du chef de l’Etat peut être observée publiquement - les interviews télévisées avec des membres des élites économiques - et développe trois arguments. Fondé sur l’analyse d’un corpus d’émissions diffusées sur la chaîne de télévision publique Rossiya 24 et sur celle, « indépendante », Dozhd, aussi bien que sur les entretiens « exégétiques » avec les intervieweurs de deux chaînes, l’enquête démontre que la domination du chef de l’Etat repose pour une part essentielle sur la croyance collective, partagée au sein des élites, en un ensemble de règles – le pacte – qui prescrivent de quelle façon il convient de traiter la personne du Président dans l’espace public. La thèse montre ensuite la place centrale qu’occupent les médias dans la reproduction de l’ordre politique aujourd’hui en Russie. Ceux-ci se présentent comme le théâtre où se constitue la croyance des élites dans le pouvoir « absolu » du président. Afin de le montrer la thèse étudie, à l’aide d’entretiens réalisés avec les journalistes et les responsables des deux chaînes de télévision concernées, le dispositif matériel et organisationnel de ces chaînes. Finalement, à travers l’analyse d’un corpus de données de presse et de documents audiovisuels, la thèse montre que l’effort de soumission au chef de l’Etat, que les membres des élites économiques russes manifestent de plus en plus nettement dans certaines situations publiques à partir des années 2010 s’explique par la transformation de la sensibilité et de l’habitus psychique propre au groupe social des oligarques – transformation elle-même liée à l’évolution de la « balance des pouvoirs » au sein des élites au cours de la décennie 2000<br>How a political power deemed “absolute” is established where during the previous historical period the chief of the state could not not enjoy such a pre-eminent position? Norbert Elias had placed this question at the heart of his reflections in The court society. The idea of this thesis is to apply the Eliasian question to a different socio-historical context. Drawing inspiration from the Eliasian approach, but also from pragmatic sociology and ethnomethodology, this thesis aims to understand how a system of the relations of domination between the head of the state and the tycoons could form in Russia in less than twenty years. To answer this question, the thesis focuses on a particular form of publicly observable ceremonial of deference towards the head of the state - television interviews with members of the economic elites. The thesis develops three arguments. Based on the analysis of a corpus of programs broadcasted on the public television channel Rossiya 24 and on the "independent" channel Dozhd, as well as on the "exegetical" interviews with interviewers of two channels, the thesis demonstrates that the domination of the head of the state is based on the collective belief, shared among the members of elites, in a set of rules which prescribe how the person of the president should be treated in the public space. Secondly, the thesis shows the central role played by the media in the reproduction of the political order in Russia. The media can be seen as the theater where the belief in the "absolute" power of the president is formed. In order to show this, the thesis studies the organization of the two television channels through interviews with journalists and officials of these channels. Finally, through the analysis of a corpus of press and audio-visual documents, the thesis shows that the effort of submission to the head of the State, that the members of the Russian economic elites manifest more and more clearly in certain public situations in recent years, can be explained by the transformation of their psychic habitus and sensibility. This transformation is related to the evolution of the "balance of powers" within the elites during this decade

This thesis investigates the nature and impact of Russian influence on Russian-language print and broadcast news in Ukraine and Belarus. TV channels and publications with shareholders or partners in Russia are widely available in both the countries studied; existing literature suggests that such ‘Russian’ media are a source of regional power for the Kremlin. To shed light on how Russian partners and shareholders affect editorial treatment of Russia, the thesis compares content samples from 27 TV news bulletins and newspapers available in Ukraine or Belarus, some of which have Russian partners or shareholders while others do not. It also draws on in-depth interviews with 46 journalists and other media professionals. The thesis then compares the cases of Ukraine and Belarus to explain how political and economic conditions in a ‘target’ state affect the Russian authorities’ scope for communicating messages to mass audiences abroad via pro-Kremlin broadcasters. The findings of the thesis serve as a basis for assessing whether Russian news exports might contribute to Russian foreign policy success in the way envisaged by the literature on soft power. This research reveals complexities which have previously been overlooked in discussions about Russia’s media influence in the post-Soviet region. The news providers in Ukraine and Belarus which have Russian partners or shareholders are diverse and often vulnerable to constraints within their operating environment. Their utility as a source of soft power for the Kremlin is questionable, because the association between media and soft power is premised on public sentiments swaying foreign policy decisions. This premise is problematic, particularly in authoritarian Belarus. Pro-Kremlin Russian news exporters undoubtedly play a role in Moscow’s relations with Minsk and Kiev. However, their significance may lie at least as much in their capacity to provoke as their capacity to ‘softly’ attract and persuade a mass audience.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Title: </strong><em>Krig och fred - 080808. Freds-, krigsjournalistik och propaganda i mediernas rapportering om Georgienkriget: en komparativ studie av Sveriges, Rysslands och USA:s press. </em>(War and peace – 080808. Peace Journalism, War Journalism and Propaganda in the Media´s Reporting on the Georgia War: a Comparative Study of the Swedish, Russian and American Press.) <strong></strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Authors:</strong> Daniel Lövgren & Tatiana Makarova</p><p> </p><p><strong>Tutor:</strong> Anna Roosvall</p><p> </p><p><strong>Course: </strong>Bachelor Thesis: Media and Communication, PR</p><p> </p><p><strong>Purpose:</strong> The purpose of this essay is to compare how the press in Sweden, Russia and the USA reported on the war in Georgia 2008. Focus is put on identifying the extent to which the reporting is governed by <em>war</em> <em>journalism</em> or <em>peace</em> <em>journalism</em> and, to which degree <em>propaganda</em>, that is one of the aspects of <em>war</em> <em>journalism</em>, is present in the different countries press.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Methodology:</strong> Quantitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis<strong> </strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Theoretical perspectives: </strong>The essay leans on the theoretical foundation of <em>peace</em> <em>journalism</em> and <em>war</em> <em>journalism </em>proposed by the Norwegian peace researcher Johan Galtung, further elaborated by the journalists Jake Lynch and Annabel McGoldrick. This essay also uses a theoretical framework on propaganda, among other the “Propaganda model” by Herman and Chomsky, the research of Kempf and Loustarinen and journalistic observations of Lynch and McGoldrick.</p><p><strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Conclusions:</strong> The study reveals both similarities and differences between the reporting on the Georgia war in the analyzed countries. The quantitative content analysis of 600 articles in nine different newspapers (three in each country) shows that it is the war journalistic framework that is dominating in all the three countries. The results also show that there is a difference between the support given to the parties involved in the war. In the USA and Sweden the majority of the articles are pro-Georgian and in Russia the majority of the articles take pro-South Ossetian/Russian stance. The critical discourse analysis of eight articles have shown similarities and differences in scale, design, content and the presence of propaganda. Indicators of propaganda in the analyzed material include a breakdown of the actors in the war to two opposing parties, a polarization between “us” and “them” where the first is humanized and the later demonized, a wide use of elite sources.  </p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Peace journalism, war journalism, propaganda, Georgia war, South Ossetia, Swedish press, Russian press, American press</p><br>The Caucasus Project

This study focuses on mediated representations of Europe during Euromaidan and the subsequent Ukraine–Russia crisis, analysing empirical material from Ukraine, Poland and Russia. The material includes articles from nine newspapers, diverse in terms of political and journalistic orientation, as well as interviews with journalists, foreign policymakers and experts, drawing also on relevant policy documents as well as online and historical sources. The material is examined from the following vantage points: Michel Foucault’s discursive theory of power, postcolonial theory, Jürgen Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, Jacques Derrida’s hauntology and Ernesto Laclau’s concept of the empty signifier. The methods of analysis include conceptual history (Reinhart Koselleck), critical linguistics and qualitative discourse analysis (a discourse-historical approach inspired by the Vienna school) and quantitative content analysis (in Klaus Krippendorff’s interpretation). The national narratives of Europe in Ukraine, Russia and Poland are characterised by a dependence on the West. Historically, these narratives vacillated between idealising admiration, materialist pragmatics and geopolitical demonising. They have been present in each country to some extent, intertwined with their own identification. These discourses of Europe were rekindled and developed on during Euromaidan (2013–2014). Nine major Ukrainian, Russian and Polish newspapers with diverse orientations struggled to define Europe as a continent, as the EU or as a set of values. Political orientation defined attitude; liberal publications in all three countries focused on the positives whereas conservative and business newspapers were more critical of Europe. There were, however, divergent national patterns. Coverage in Ukraine was positive mostly, in Russia more negative and the Polish perception significantly polarised. During and after Euromaidan, Ukrainian journalists used their powerful Europe-as-values concept to actively intervene in the political field and promote it in official foreign policy. This was enabled by abandoning journalistic neutrality. By comparison, Russian and Polish journalists were more dependent on the foreign policy narratives dispensed by political elites and more constrained in their social practice.<br>Denna studie undersöker hur Europa framställs i medier under Euromajdan och den efterföljande ukrainska-ryska krisen genom att analysera empiriskt material från Ukraina, Polen och Ryssland. Materialet omfattar artiklar från nio tidningar med olika politisk och journalistisk orientering samt intervjuer med journalister, diplomater och utrikespolitiska experter. I analysen ingår även relevanta politiska dokument, historiska texter och webbkällor. Materialet studeras utifrån en kombination av olika teoriperspektiv: Michel Foucaults diskursiva maktteori, postkolonial teori, Jürgen Habermas offentlighetsteori, Pierre Bourdieus fältteori, Jacques Derridas ”hauntology” och Ernesto Laclaus begrepp ”empty signifier”. Analysmetoderna omfattar begreppshistoria (Reinhart Koselleck), kritisk lingvistik samt kvalitativ diskursanalys (diskurshistorisk metod inspirerad av Wienerskolan) och kvantitativ innehållsanalys (i Klaus Krippendorffs tolkning). Historiskt karakteriseras Europaberättelserna i de tre länderna av det starka beroendet av Västeuropa, vilket reaktivt leder till perioder då Väst förkastas. Berättelserna rör sig mellan tre huvudpoler: idealiserande beundran, materialistisk pragmatism och geopolitisk demonisering. De är inte fast knutna till ett visst land utan har i skiftande grad varit närvarande i dem alla. Dock har svagare aktörer haft en idealiserande tendens eftersom Europa uppfattas som en källa till viktiga teknologier och moderna samhällsfunktioner. Författare i alla tre länderna hade svårigheter att definiera Europas gränser och eftersom detta problem kopplades till ländernas egna nationella identifikation brukar europeiskhet konstrueras som en våg som successivt försvagas ju vidare den sprids mot öster från sitt epicentrum någonstans i Nordvästeuropa. Dessa berättelser har reaktiverats och vidareutvecklats under 2013–2014. I de analyserade tidningarna uppfattas Europa ofta som en kontinent (främst i Polen) eller identifieras med EU (särskilt i Ryssland och Ukraina), men det är också vanligt att använda Europa som uttryck för en uppsättning värden (mindre vanligt i Polen och mest vanligt i Ukraina). Ideologiskt fokuserar de liberala tidningarna i alla tre länderna positiva värden medan konservativa tidningar och finansblad associerar Europa med negativa vär- den. Bland de positiva värdena dominerar de humanistiska i de ukrainska tidningarna och de rationalistisk-teknokratiska i det ryska urvalet. Den ukrainska pressen har mest positiv bevakning av Europas framgångar medan den ryska pressen innehåller mest av negativ bevakning där Europa ses som fiende och förlorare. Ukrainska och ryska diskurser skiljer sig mycket åt i frågan om det egna landet bör genomföra europeiska reformer (Ukraina) eller ej (Ryssland). Den polska bevakningen polariseras mellan positiva och negativa värden. Under och efter Euromajdan använde ukrainska journalister det kraftfulla begreppet om värdenas Europa för att intervenera i det politiska fältet och rekontextualisera denna Europaberättelse som den officiella utrikespolitikens berättelse. Detta blev paradoxalt möjligt tack vare den svaga professionaliseringen som tillät journalisterna att tillfälligt överge sin journalistiska neutralitet. I kontrast mot Ukraina begränsade Rysslands starka objektivitetsdiskurs journalisterna i deras sociala och politiska praktik. Där var det snarare den officiella politiska diskursen som övertogs och rekontextualiserades av medierna. Polska journalister var osäkra på sitt eget inflytande och arbetade i en cirkelrörelse där diskurser från mediesfären rekontextualiserades i det politiska fältet och omvänt.<br>Ця студія присвячена медіярепрезентаціям Европи під час Евромайдану та дальшої українсько-російської кризи, аналізуючи емпіричний матеріял з України, Польщі й Росії. Отой матеріял охоплює статті з дев’яти розмаїтих своєю політичною і журналістською орієнтацією газет, а також інтерв’ю з журналістами, дипломатами та експертами зі зовнішньої політики, користаючи при тім із доречних політичних документів, онлайнових та історичних джерел. Матеріял розглянуто з перспективи дискурсивної теорії влади Мішеля Фуко, постколоніяльної теорії, теорії громадськости Юрґена Габермаса, теорії полів П’єра Бурдьє, “hauntology” Жака Дерріди та поняття «порожнього означника» Ернеста Лякляу. Методи аналізу охоплюють історію понять (Райнгарт Козелек), критичну лінґвістику та якісний дискурс-аналіз (дискурсивно-історичний підхід підо впливом Віденської школи) і кількісний контент-аналіз (в інтерпретації Клявса Кріппендорфа). Історично національним наративам Европи у цих трьох країнах притаманна залежність від Заходу, яка також стимулює періоди його відштовхування. Ті наративи вагаються між трьома головними полюсами: захопленого ідеалізму, матеріялістичного прагматизму та геополітичного очорнення. Вони не є винятково притаманними якійсь одній країні і певною мірою присутні в кожній. Проте слабші актори схильні до ідеалізації, бо Европу сприймають за джерело важливого технологічного й соціяльного інструментарію. Авторам в усіх трьох країнах трудно визначити межі Европи, і, тимчасом як ця проблема переплелася була з їхньою власною ідентифікацією, европейськість зазвичай конструйовано на кшталт хвилі, що згасає в міру руху на Схід од епіцентру, розташованого десь ото в Північно-Східній Европі. Оці дискурси посилилися й розвинулися в 2013 – 2014 рр. В аналізованих газетах Европу асоціюють із цілим континентом (найчастіше в Польщі) або з ЕС (у Росії та в Україні), але розповсюджена й схема, де Европу використано на позначення певного набору вартостей, зрідка в Польщі, але найчастіше в Україні. Ідеологічно ліберальні видання в усіх трьох країнах зосереджені на позитивних вартостях, тоді як консервативні та бізнесові газети схиляються до неґативних. Серед позитивних якостей в українських газетах переважають гуманістичні, тоді як раціонально-технократичні типові для російської вибірки. Українська преса має найбільше позитивного висвітлення успішної Европи, а російські газети мають найбільше з усіх неґативного (Европа як ворог чи невдаха). Українські та російські дискурси найдужче різняться щодо того, чи своя країна мусить здійснювати европейські реформи (Україна) а чи ні (Росія). Польське висвітлення розривається межи позитивними а негативними вартостями. Під час та після Евромайдану українські журналісти використали впливове поняття Европи яко гуманістичних вартостей, щоб активно втрутитися в політичне поле й реконтекстуалізувати цей наратив Европи як офіційний наратив зовнішньої політики держави. Цьому парадоксально сприяла слабка професіоналізація, що дозволяє іґнорувати вимогу неупереджености. Порівняно з цим, потужний дискурс газетярської об’єктивности в Росії стримує журналістів у репертуарі соціяльної дії, відтак то радше медії реконтекстуалізують офіційний дискурс. Польські ж газетярі, непевні щодо власного впливу, працюють у замкненому колі, де політичне поле реконтекстуалізує наративи медіясфери і навпаки.

Several discussions rose in western media when Swedish high-jumper Emma Green Tregaro competed with her nails painted in the colors of the rainbow during the athletic world championship in Moscow, in August 2013. This was meant to show her support for the gay movement, but was viewed as a protest against the new Russian law which forbids gay propaganda.  Western media critizised Russian media for failing to report the incident to their readers and that is where we got interested in making this research. We got the idea of comparing a Swedish newspaper with a Russian one, to observe differences in how they chose to report the event.  Due to lack of knowledge of the Russian language and the kyrillic alphabet we had to turn to an English-speaking newspaper based in Russia: The Moscow Times.  We compared the Moscow Times with the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter, to see their differences in terms of: How they chose to cover the event, from a gender perspective; what structures of power can be found, how Emma Green Tregaro and Yelena Isinbayeva are portrayed and what meaning the protest is given by the narrators. We achieved our results through narrative analysis, a qualitative method. We applied theories such as gender theory and media logic in order to obtain answers to our questions.   We came to the conclusion that there are great differences in how much attention the protest achieved in the two newspapers. From the Swedish perspective, more focus were put on Emma Green Tregaro where she is a brave messenger of love, while in the Russian, more emphasis lays on Yelena Isinbayeva as a defender of the Russian stance. While Dagens Nyheter has put resources into sending journalists to Moscow, The Moscow Times has used a lot of material from news bureaus such as Reuters and The Associated Press instead of covering the event themselves.  Another interesting fact is that the institutions presented in the news flow such as the IAAF, IOC and the Swedish Sports Confederation are only represented by men, and through the power structural dimension of gender theory we can see tendencies of control or influence over the female sports profiles’ actions.

This dissertation defines aspects of Russian culture which bear the marks of French influence and explores the historical origins of that influence. While it is generally acknowledged that Russia’s culture has been influenced by France, no systematic history of the origins of this influence has been written. Previous research has dealt only superficially with the topic, focusing almost exclusively on the Francophile preferences of society’s elite. The present study examines Russian society more broadly and explores those elements of French cultural influence still relevant today through an historical analysis of the Russian language. French loanwords found in dictionaries from the time of Peter the Great to the present are analyzed chronologically and topically, yielding the conclusion that the most significant period of long-lasting French influence was the turn of the nineteenth century and was primarily cultural in nature—including the areas of fashion, cuisine, the arts, interior design and etiquette—but was also in areas related to technology and official administration. Following this lexical analysis, other primary sources—archival documents, military memoirs, and periodical publications from the resultant period—are searched for influences in these areas, especially during the period’s two major Franco-Russian events: the wave of immigration to Russia following the French Revolution and Russia’s war with Napoleon. The former facilitated deep cultural enrichment as native Frenchmen and French women, engaged in various occupations, acted as cultural mentors to the Russian nobility. The latter facilitated broad cultural immersion as tens of thousands of Russian troops—noble and common alike—marched into France and experienced French culture firsthand. This dissertation concludes that both of these explosive events, though by no means the beginning of French influence, were unique in the depth and permanence of their mark upon Russia’s culture.

En definissant trois phases cruciales au sein du processus de renouvellement des elites journalistiques en union sovietique, puis en russie, (1985-1989, 1990-1991 et 1992-1998), nous avons deliberement place cette recherche dans une perspective historique. Ainsi, avons nous tente de percevoir comment les journalistes ont inflechi ou non les mutations en cours dans le pays durant cette periode. Eneffet, dans quelle mesure ont-ils pu -ou non -s'emanciper et jeter les bases d'un &lt;&lt; quatrieme pouvoir &gt;&gt; ? l'analyse de ces trois phases nous permet de prouver que l'emergence d'une nouvelle categorie de journalistes russes apres 1991, que nous appellerons les &lt;&lt; vos'midesjatniki &gt;&gt; (&lt;&lt; ceux des annees quatre-vingt &gt;&gt;), est autant conditionnee par des donnees contextuelles exterieures, que par des pressions internes inherentes a ce nouveau groupe social en pleine restructuration entre 1985 et 1998. En raison de l'extreme actualite du sujet, nous avons procede a un croisement de sources documentaires et de propos recueillis aupres de nombreux journalistes russes a moscou. Aussi, sommes-nous en mesure d'affirmer que cette nouvelle &lt;&lt; ecole &gt;&gt; journalistique russe qui s'affirme apres 1991, issue duchevauchement de deux generations distinctes, a toutes les chances de se perenniser apres 1998, du fait meme de ses capacites a assurer une continuite historique et sociologique. Les &lt;&lt; vos'midesjatniki &gt;&gt;, toujours a la tete des principaux journaux aujourd'hui, affirment la specificite litteraire et emotionnelle du nouveau journalisme russe, issue de la tradition tsariste, meme si ce dernier s'estparallelement occidentalise depuis 1991. Dans ce sens, cette nouvelle &lt;&lt; ecole &gt;&gt; se dissocie de l'evolution historique de la russie, qui tend globalement a s'americaniser, que ce soit sur le plan politique, economique, culturel ou social. Les journalistes ont su prouver qu'ils representent une entite sociale forte et homogene et qu'ils constituent un contre-pouvoir structure, element fondamental de la stabilisation et de la democratie en russie dans la transition<br>By defining three crucials phases inside the process of renewal of journalistic elites in soviet union and in russia (1985-1989,1990-1991 and 1992-1998) we intentionally put this research in an historical perspective. In this manner, we tried to understand how journalists had an influence on the mutations on the way in the country, during this period. Actually, in which measure could they emancipate - or not - and settle the base of a + fourth power ; ? analysis of these three phases permits us to prove that the emergence of a new category of russian journalists after 1991, called + vos'midesjatniki;(people of the eighties), is equally conditioned by external facts of the context and also by internal pressures inherent in this new social group which is in total restructuration between 1985 and 1998. Due to the extreme topicality of the subject, we cross-checked data from documents and declarations of russian journalists, gathered in moscow. We can affirm that this new russian journalistic + school ;, which is asserting itself since 1991, overlapping of two distinct generations, has every chance to dure after 1998, because of its abilities to ensure a sociological and an historical continuity. + vos'midesjatniki ;, still at the head of the main newspapers today, assert the literary and emotional specificity of the new russian journalism, bornt during tsarist russia, even if at the same time it westernized since 1991. In this manner this new +school; is dissociating from historical evolution of russia, which is, taken as a whole, is becoming similar to america, concerning politics, economics, culture or society. Journalists proved that they represent a strong and homogeneous social entity and that they can be a structured power-pole, which is a fondamental component for stabilization and democraty in russia during the transition

In February 2012, less than two weeks before presidential elections in Russia, a two-minute video of young women in brightly colored masks and short dresses was uploaded to YouTube. The video featured four members of the Pussy Riot punk feminist band performing a wild dance in front of the altar of Moscow's Cathedral of Christ the Savior. Lip-syncing to a song, which they called a punk prayer, they beseeched the Virgin Mary to "drive" Vladimir Putin, then the prime minister and a presidential candidate, "away." The performance was followed by the quick arrest of three of the band members and a trial in a criminal court that sentenced them to two years in a penal colony on charges of "hooliganism motivated by religious hatred" and transformed the case into a symbol of the infringement of freedom of expression in Putin's Russia. This research explores the legal and discursive strategies for marginalizing political dissent and discusses the implications of the case for shrinking the arena of legitimate public debate in contemporary Russia. As revealed by a critical discourse analysis of a report by psychological and linguistic experts that formed the basis of the prosecutor's case, it employed a range of discursive devices that normalized conformity and depoliticized the band's critique. Whereas those discursive devices portrayed Pussy Riot's religiously contextualized speech as socially unacceptable, the analysis of the court's decision revealed the mechanism that made it illegal. An analysis of the rationale used by the court to justify the criminal conviction of Pussy Riot showed clear prosecutorial bias. The post-case amendments that were introduced into Russia's Criminal Code and Code of Administrative Violations toughened up the punitive measures in articles associated with insulting religious feelings of citizens and contributed to further authorizing limitations on political speech on religious and moral grounds. As demonstrated by an analysis of the media coverage of the Pussy Riot affair, the Russian press did little to delegitimize this power abuse. The state-run newspaper Rossiiskaya Gazeta took a clear stance in support of the prosecution. The mainstream newspaper, Izvestia, although not demonstrating a consistent prosecutorial bias, did not provide any sensible alternatives to the government's framing of the affair. Neither did the liberal-oppositional outlet Gazeta.ru. It failed to provide a comprehensive, substantial, and contextualized coverage of Pussy Riot's activism and portrayed them not as agents of change, but as victims of the vigilant, all-powerful state. By doing so, it did not take advantage of the public resonance of the case to elevate a discussion about the feasibility of dissent in an increasingly authoritarian context and thus potentially contributed to undermining the value of political protest. The treatment of the Pussy Riot affair by the Russian state contributed to further infringements of freedom of expression, strengthened the interpenetration of church and state and illuminated the legal system's role as a tool for conserving the status quo of power relations in contemporary Russia.

"We Have to Record the Downfall of Tyranny": The London Times Perspective on Napoleon Bonaparte's Invasion of Russia aims to illustrate how The London Times interpreted and reported on Napoleon's 1812 invasion of Russia. This thesis explains how England feared its grip on Europe was slipping away due to a French takeover of the continent. This work details the English struggle in order to provide a broader analysis through a newspaper of how nations indirectly involved in the Napoleonic wars understood the conflict.

Si le champ de la non-fiction, et en particulier le « literary journalism », bénéficie aux États-Unis d’une longue tradition de recherche, sa prise en compte au sein de la production médiatique francophone est beaucoup plus récente. De ce fait, les procédés par lesquels ces œuvres factuelles assurent leur légitimité journalistique sont encore incomplètement connus en tant que tels, et moins encore dans leur évolution diachronique au cours du XXe siècle. Notre recherche propose de contribuer à cet approfondissement collectif en observant de façon contrastive l’ethos discursif des écrivains-journalistes, de même que la mise en image du réel qu’offrent leurs « récits de Russie » publiés à deux époques différentes, celle de l’entre-deux-guerres et la nôtre. Considérant l’évolution générale du journalisme, l’hypothèse est que les textes qui nous sont contemporains témoignent d’inflexions vers des formes moins emphatiques et plus objectivantes, bien qu’ils soient tout autant investis par les ambitions spécifiques du grand reportage. À cet égard, c’est la question de la « valeur discursive » qui se pose particulièrement dans le cas du grand reportage, ce que nous avons notamment circonscrit au moyen de la notion d’ « efficacité de la parole ».

With the uprising of the Arab Spring in Syria in 2011, a myriad of news articles covering Syrian people' protests were published in the international media. However, it was after the Islamic State’s (IS) attacks on Syria and accordingly, Rojava region ​– the ​Democratic Federation of Northern Syria, de facto Autonomous Region ​– in 2014, that the region became the attention center of the international media. A considerable number of academic articles have analyzed the representations of the Kurdish female fighters in the Western media in different angles, such as the framing of the female fighters, their motivations, their roles in the war etc. There may exist a limited number of academic papers analyzing the Kurdish female fighters from the non-Western media perspective which might present a different picture from that of Western media analysis. Applying framing theory in combination with a qualitative content analysis approach, this study is intended to explore the Kurdish female fighters’ framing in Arabic, Kurdish and Russian media, namely Al-Jazeera, ANF and RT, respectively. Moreover, orientalism theory, feminist theory on militarization and war, and war and peace journalism theory are implied to investigate the framing of the kurdish female fighters in the three media.

Ce travail est consacré aux journalistes des quotidiens russes et français qui couvrent l’actualité politique depuis le terrain biélorusse. Les représentations de ceux-ci, nationales mais également transnationales, sont au cœur de nos interrogations. Leurs interactions coopératives permettant de fabriquer les élections biélorusses pour les publics russes et français est un autre aspect de ce travail. Leur discours, encadré par le projet éditorial de chacun des journaux pour lesquels ils travaillent, est le troisième point que cette thèse éclaire. Nous tâchons d’identifier les valeurs communes faisant adhérer les acteurs au monde de la production de l’information à Minsk, activé par les reporters étrangers. De plus, nous révélons des dynamiques internes aux groupes prenant part à la production mutuelle de l’information, qui font en sorte que ce monde est composé de communautés distinctes, réunies autour de leurs objectifs, leurs identités propres, ayant un discours propre. La question des frontières des communautés se pose ainsi, et permet de faire émerger l’équipe des reporters étrangers et la communauté opposante biélorusse. La structure de ces deux communautés, les rapports entre les membres de celles-ci, leurs conventions internes, leurs rapports aux coéquipiers et aux étrangers du groupe sont également des questions que ce travail se pose. Enfin, nous interrogeons les résultats de cette coopération, qui s’inscrivent dans les projets éditoriaux des journaux russes et français. Il s’agit de l’expression des logiques professionnelles à l’échelle éditoriale, visibles à travers l’énonciation des titres de presse<br>This work focuses on the journalists from Russian and French daily newspapers who cover political events on the Belarussian territory. Their own national and transnational representations, are at the center of our questioning. The way their cooperative interactions elaborate the Russian and French audience's perception of the Belarusian elections is another aspect of this work. Their narrative, framed by each newspaper's editorial project for which they work is the third aspect this thesis explores.Our goal is to identify the common values that tie together the different actors of the world of information in Minsk, which is motivated by foreign reporters. Furthermore, we shed light on inner dynamics within the groups that take part in the mutual production of information, which create distinct communities that make up this world and are united around their own objectives, their own identities, and their own narrative. This is where the matter of borders between these communities lies and allows us to reveal the foreign reporters' team and the Belarusian dissident community. This work also interrogates the structures of both communities, the relationships between their respective members, their inner conventions, the relations between colleagues and individuals outside of the group. Finally, we explore the results of such cooperation, which are in line with the editorial projects of the Russian and French newspapers. Thus we analyze the expression of professional logistics on an editorial scale that transpires through the enunciation of the different press titles

= premier volume : oeuvre de jean potocki - inventaire, paris : champion, 1985, 341 p. L'inventaire decrit chaque texte ecrit ou imprime par potocki; il se divise en trois parties qui recouvrent trois modes de description particuliers : manuscrits et imprimes, correspondance et varia. Si la bibliologie a mis au point des cadres de description pour l'imprime, de tels outils n'existaient pas pour les manuscrits modernes et la correspondance; il a donc ete necessaire de les creer. En outre, l'ouvrage est augmente d'un dossier qui renferme un classement chrono- logique des oeuvres, la liste des bibliotheques conservant des livres de potocki et un index nominum. = second volume : l'oeuvre de jean potocki, montpellier : centre d'etude du dix-huitieme siecle, 1987, 303 p. Apres avoir essaye d'elaborer une theorie de l'oeuvre, a partir de la rupture de la representation qui debouche sur l'ecriture, j'analyse differents aspects de l'oeuvre de potocki : le champ epistemologique, son approche de l'histoire, le regard qu'il porte sur les pays visites lors de ses voyages, les posi- tions qu'il defend en politique. Derriere chacun de ces ensembles de textes, se laissent entrevoir les fissures, plus ou moins profondes et par consequent plus ou moins productives, qui marquent leur origine et articulent l'oeuvre. L'ouvrage s'acheve par une bibliographie commentee. = troisieme volume : jean potocki. Ecrits politiques, rassembles, presen- tes et annotes par dominique triaire, paris : champion, 1987, 337 p. Potocki a vecu deux periodes d'activite politique distinctes : de 1788 a 1792, il participe au mouvement liberateur de la grande diete polonai- se qui donna au pays sa premiere constitution. Il concentre alors ses efforts sur la diffusion de l'information. De 1804 a 1807, devenu sujet russe, il oriente l'expansion tsariste vers le sud et l'est puis prend la direction d'un journal paye par le gouvernement pour repondre au mo- niteur. A la meme epoque, il analyse la situation internationale dans une correspondance secrete avec le ministre des affaires etrangeres de russie. Index nominum<br>= first volume : oeuvre de jean potocki - inventaire, paris : champion, 1985, 341 p. The inventory details all potocki's manuscript and printed texts; it is divided into three sections which encompass three specific types of material : manuscripts and printed items, correspondence, va- ria. Bibliology may have established category-structures for printed works, but since such aids did not exist in respect of modern manu- scripts and correspondence, they have now had to be created. An addi- tional feature of this book is a section containing a chronological classification of potocki's works, a list of libraries where his books can be found, and an index nominum. = second volume : l'oeuvre de jean potocki, montpellier : centre d'etude du dix-huitieme siecle, 1987, 303 p. After having tried to elaborate a theory of this work starting from the rupture of the representation from which the writing begins, j analyse different aspects of potocki's work : the epistemologic field, his approach to history, his way of looking at the countries visited during his journeys, and the political positions which he defends. Behind each of these series of texts cracks can be seen, more or less deep and consequential, more or less produc- tive and which mark their origin and articulate the work. The work is terminated by a commentary of the bibliography. = third volume : jean potocki, ecrits politiques, rassembles, presentes et annotes par dominique triaire, paris : champion, 1987, 337 p. Potocki lived two distinct periods of political activity : from 1788 to 1792, he participates in the liberal movement of the great polish diet which gave the country its first constitution. He concentrates his efforts on the diffusion of the news. From 1804 to 1807, having become a russian subject, he orientates the tsarist expansion to the south and east; then takes the direction of a newspaper paid by the government in order to reply to the moniteur

Comment se constitue un pouvoir politique réputé "absolu" là où dans la séquence historique immédiatement antérieure le chef de l’Etat ne jouissait pas d’une position prééminente ? Norbert Elias avait placé cette énigme au cœur de ses réflexions dans La société de cour. L’ambition de cette thèse est de la reprendre à partir d’un tout autre contexte socio-historique et sur une temporalité plus courte : en s’inspirant de la démarche éliasienne mais aussi de la sociologie pragmatique et de certains apports de l’ethnométhodologie, il s’agit de comprendre, d’une manière sociologique, comment, en l’espace d’à peine deux décennies, un rapport de domination politique particulièrement marqué a pu s’instaurer en Russie entre le chef de l’Etat et les magnats de l’économie. Pour répondre à cette question, la thèse se centre sur une forme particulière de cérémonial où la déférence à l’égard du chef de l’Etat peut être observée publiquement - les interviews télévisées avec des membres des élites économiques - et développe trois arguments. Fondé sur l’analyse d’un corpus d’émissions diffusées sur la chaîne de télévision publique Rossiya 24 et sur celle, « indépendante », Dozhd, aussi bien que sur les entretiens « exégétiques » avec les intervieweurs de deux chaînes, l’enquête démontre que la domination du chef de l’Etat repose pour une part essentielle sur la croyance collective, partagée au sein des élites, en un ensemble de règles – le pacte – qui prescrivent de quelle façon il convient de traiter la personne du Président dans l’espace public. La thèse montre ensuite la place centrale qu’occupent les médias dans la reproduction de l’ordre politique aujourd’hui en Russie. Ceux-ci se présentent comme le théâtre où se constitue la croyance des élites dans le pouvoir « absolu » du président. Afin de le montrer la thèse étudie, à l’aide d’entretiens réalisés avec les journalistes et les responsables des deux chaînes de télévision concernées, le dispositif matériel et organisationnel de ces chaînes. Finalement, à travers l’analyse d’un corpus de données de presse et de documents audiovisuels, la thèse montre que l’effort de soumission au chef de l’Etat, que les membres des élites économiques russes manifestent de plus en plus nettement dans certaines situations publiques à partir des années 2010 s’explique par la transformation de la sensibilité et de l’habitus psychique propre au groupe social des oligarques – transformation elle-même liée à l’évolution de la « balance des pouvoirs » au sein des élites au cours de la décennie 2000<br>How a political power deemed “absolute” is established where during the previous historical period the chief of the state could not not enjoy such a pre-eminent position? Norbert Elias had placed this question at the heart of his reflections in The court society. The idea of this thesis is to apply the Eliasian question to a different socio-historical context. Drawing inspiration from the Eliasian approach, but also from pragmatic sociology and ethnomethodology, this thesis aims to understand how a system of the relations of domination between the head of the state and the tycoons could form in Russia in less than twenty years. To answer this question, the thesis focuses on a particular form of publicly observable ceremonial of deference towards the head of the state - television interviews with members of the economic elites. The thesis develops three arguments. Based on the analysis of a corpus of programs broadcasted on the public television channel Rossiya 24 and on the "independent" channel Dozhd, as well as on the "exegetical" interviews with interviewers of two channels, the thesis demonstrates that the domination of the head of the state is based on the collective belief, shared among the members of elites, in a set of rules which prescribe how the person of the president should be treated in the public space. Secondly, the thesis shows the central role played by the media in the reproduction of the political order in Russia. The media can be seen as the theater where the belief in the "absolute" power of the president is formed. In order to show this, the thesis studies the organization of the two television channels through interviews with journalists and officials of these channels. Finally, through the analysis of a corpus of press and audio-visual documents, the thesis shows that the effort of submission to the head of the State, that the members of the Russian economic elites manifest more and more clearly in certain public situations in recent years, can be explained by the transformation of their psychic habitus and sensibility. This transformation is related to the evolution of the "balance of powers" within the elites during this decade

This review of Moscow dispatches (1921--1934) is based on a reading of the writings of Walter Duranty of the New York Times, William Henry Chamberlin of the Christian Science Monitor, and Louis Fischer of the Nation. Duranty was an experienced correspondent who had expressed anti-Soviet views before entering Russia to report on American famine relief. Chamberlin and Fischer, with little journalistic experience, were enthusiastic in their support for Bolshevism. None of the three knew Russian, and all three were unfamiliar with the Soviet political system. Foreign press coverage of a religious trial in 1923 resulted in the expulsion or departure of all western journalists except Duranty, Chamberlin and Fischer. Their editors in America were more concerned with domestic reports than Moscow dispatches, except for the salient issue of censorship. The objective of this study is evaluate the journalists' attitudes, under censorship pressures, in a totalitarian state. A study is made of their reports of Lenin, Stalin and Trotsky; the dispatches which they wrote during a series of Soviet show trials; and their relations with the Soviet secret police. The journalists' private lives, personal interests and religious beliefs are relevant. Their attitudes toward Stalin's Five-Year Plan, toward a second famine which the Soviets concealed, and concerning the issue of United States recognition of Soviet Russia are explored. With recognition in 1933, Moscow dispatches lost their exclusivity. In 1934 Chamberlin and Duranty departed; Fischer followed later. Newly-accessible Soviet archives thus far have yielded no trace of these Moscow journalists. The challenge in this dissertation is to measure, through a reading of their Moscow dispatches, the correspondents' views of the regime<br>acase@tulane.edu

É imperativo compreendermos o papel da mulher no Jornalismo desportivo uma vez que o tema não tem sido objeto de estudo em Portugal. Temos presenciado um aumento da presença das mulheres nas diversas áreas profissionais e o Jornalismo não é exceção. Na realidade além de observarmos este crescimento torna-se ainda relevante conseguir compreender qual o papel destas profissionais quando falamos do Jornalismo desportivo. Em Portugal os estudos sobre o tema são escassos. No entanto é de referir que são muitas as dissertações e teses que cada vez mais abordam o tema, se bem que, com perspetivas diferentes. Os dados que nos têm sido apresentados até ao momento refletem que o Jornalismo desportivo é maioritariamente escrito por homens, sendo que, já são algumas as mulheres que começam a fazer-se notar. É, portanto, o grande objetivo deste trabalho compreender qual o papel das mulheres jornalistas na cobertura mediática desportiva em Portugal, considerando o caso específico do Campeonato do Mundo de Futebol de 2018. Pretende-se analisar o rácio de peças assinadas por mulheres versus aquelas assinadas por homens e, compreender ainda, qual a temática por de trás destas peças. De forma ampla, o principal objetivo caracteriza-se por compreender o papel destas profissionais da área do Jornalismo desportivo e conhecer a sua opinião sobre o tipo de oportunidades que recebem em comparação aos seus colegas, podendo mais tarde, correlacionar os dois tipos de dados. Desde o início desta análise existe um ponto que ficou bem claro: existem, em Portugal, cada vez mais mulheres jornalistas a dedicarem a sua carreira ao Jornalismo desportivo. Na realidade, a partir dos dados que recolhemos foi possível observar que existem várias mulheres a compreender as seções desportivas nos diversos jornais em Portugal. No caso específico do Expresso, que se destaca por ter mais mulheres no exercício de funções do que homens, dos seis jornalistas que cooperam na área desportiva quatro delas são mulheres, incluindo a coordenadora Mariana Cabral. O caso do “Expresso” este jornal é o único em Portugal, uma vez que, em todos os outros jornais em formato online que analisámos em mais nenhum verificamos existir mais mulheres no ativo do que homens. Acrescentamos a este facto ainda a questão de Mariana Cabral ser a coordenadora, papel que nos jornais “A Bola”, “Record”, “Observador”, “O Jogo” e “Diário de Notícias” está atribuído a um homem. A fim de conseguir compreender o real papel da mulher jornalista 6 na cobertura mediática desportiva, considerou-se os jornais acima referidos, sendo que foi possível aferir (dos documentos que se encontram disponíveis até à data) que foram escritas 953 peças sobre o Campeonato Mundial de Futebol de 2018. Ainda é importante referir que deste total apenas 23,1% das peças analisadas foram assinadas por mulheres jornalistas e 32% foram assinadas por homens. As restantes peças correspondem a todas aquelas que foram assinadas pelas redações, agência Lusa ou que juntavam na sua assinatura mais do que um autor. Estes dados alertam-nos ainda para uma outra questão, esta agora referente ao género que foi escrita por mulheres versus aquelas que foram escritas por homens. A fim de compreender o papel da mulher tornou-se vital perceber se as peças assinadas por estas profissionais eram totalmente dedicadas à temática do desporto, ou se por algum motivo, abordavam outras temáticas. Na realidade os dados recolhidos refletem que no que diz respeito às notícias e atualizações sobre o Campeonato, jogos e jogadores apenas 22% das mesmas foram assinadas por mulheres. De referir que, ainda neste ponto, apenas 23% foram assinadas por homens, sendo que a diferença é quase mínima. Relativamente às crónicas, apenas 15% foram assinadas por mulheres em comparação às 51% escritas pelos seus colegas. Sobre os artigos de análise assinados por mulheres, estes compõem apenas 34%, sendo que os homens assinaram 66% destas análises complexas. Estes dados começaram a revelar-se intrigantes e mais expressão ganharam quando, no que diz respeito a artigos de opinião, as mulheres assinaram 32,5% de todas as peças e os homens 62,3%. Valores que apenas se invertem quando analisamos a percentagem de entrevistas realizadas por mulheres jornalistas (93,3%) em comparação às realizadas por homens (6,7%). De forma ampla o papel da mulher na cobertura mediática desportiva está em transformação, na realidade quando nos deparamos com estes valores rapidamente, nos apercebemos que, no que diz respeito a artigos de opinião e análise desportiva, os homens assinam grande parte das peças. Ainda, os homens ocupam cargos hierárquicos superiores às suas colegas, com a exceção do caso do “Expresso” e da TVI, que contam com Mariana Cabral, Magda Magalhães e Cláudia Lopes em funções de coordenação e editoria respetivamente.<br>It is important to understand the role of women in sports journalism mainly because these topics has not been studied in Portugal yet. We have witnessed an increase in women presence in several professional areas and journalism is no exception. In fact, besides observing this growth, it is still relevant to be able to understand the role of these professionals when we talk about sports journalism. In Portugal studies on the subject are few. However, it should be noted that there are many dissertations and thesis that increasingly address the subject, although with different perspectives. The data presented to us so far reflect that sports journalism is mostly written by men however some women are already starting to be noticed. So, the main objective of this paper is to understand the role of women journalists in sports media coverage in Portugal, considering the specific case of the 2018 World Cup. It is intended to analyse the ratio of pieces signed by women versus those signed by men and, further understand, what is the theme behind these pieces. Broadly speaking, the main objective is to understand the role of these professionals in the field of sports journalism and to know their opinion about the type of opportunities they receive compared to their colleagues and later match the two types of data. Since we started analysing there is something that has become very clear: in Portugal, more and more women journalists are dedicating their career to sports journalism. In fact, from the data we collected it was possible to observe that there are several women who are part of the sports sections in the various newspapers in Portugal. In the specific case of “Expresso”, which stands out for having more women in office than men, four of the six cooperating journalists are women, including the coordinator Mariana Cabral. The case of “Expresso” is unique because it’s the only one in Portugal, since in all the other online newspapers that we have reviewed there is no other example of more women in active than men. We add to this fact the simple fact of Mariana Cabral being the coordinator, a role that is attributed to a man in the following newspapers: “A Bola”, “Record”, “Observador”, “O Jogo” and “Diário de Notícias”. In order to understand the real role of women journalists in 8 sports media coverage, the above newspapers were considered, and it was possible to verify (from the documents available to date) that it were writen 953 pieces about the 2018 World Cup. It is also important to mention that of this total only 23.1% of the analysed pieces were signed by women journalists and 32% were signed by men. The remaining pieces correspond to all those that were signed by the newsrooms, Lusa agency or that included in their signature more than one author. These data alert us to yet another issue, which now refers to the theme that was written by women versus those that were written by men. In order to understand the role of women, it became vital to understand if the pieces signed by these professionals were totally dedicated to the sport theme, or if for some reason, they addressed other themes. In fact the data collected reflect that with regard to the news and updates about the Championship, games and players only 22% of them were signed by women. It should be noted that, at this point, only 23% were signed by men, and the difference is almost minimal. For chronicles, only 15% were signed by women compared to 51% written by their colleagues. Of the analysis articles signed by women, they only make up 34%, and men signed 66% of these complex analyses. These data began to prove intriguing and gained more expression when, as regards opinion articles, women signed 32.5% of all plays and men 62.3%. Values that only reverse when we analyse the percentage of interviews conducted by women journalists (93.3%) compared to those conducted by men (6.7%). The role of women in sports media coverage is changing and when we come across these values and we quickly realize that when it comes to sports opinion and analysis articles, men sign most of the pieces. Still, the men occupy hierarchical positions superior to their colleagues, with the apart from “Expresso” and TVI, that count on Mariana Cabral, Magda Magalhães and Cláudia Lopes in coordinating and editorial functions respectively.

W rozprawie Literatura rosyjska wobec problemów ekologii zostały poddane analizie wybrane dzieła literackie i publicystyczne z zakresu literatury rosyjskiej w kontekście problemów ekologii. Dysertacja składa się ze wstępu, 4 rozdziałów i zakończenia. We wstępie, oprócz uzasadnienia wyboru tematu i określenia jego aktualności, podjęta została próba zarysu historii myśli ekologicznej oraz dokonana charakterystyka ekologii jako nauki. We wprowadzeniu do rozdziału I pt. Problem ekologii w literaturze rosyjskiej w latach 20. – 30. XX wieku omówiono filozofię techniki i jej fenomen. Zaprezentowano wpływ technologii, maszyn, nauki, cywilizacji przemysłowej na współczesnego człowieka. Rozdział I został podzielony na 3 podrozdziały. W podrozdziałach pt. Socjalistyczne budownictwo a przyroda w powieści Leonida Leonowa „Nad rzeką Socią” (Соть, 1930) i Zjawisko socjalistycznego współzawodnictwa w powieści-kronice Walentina Katajewa „Czasie, naprzód!” (Время, вперeд!, 1932) omówiono autorskie koncepcje stosunku nowego (radzieckiego) człowieka, uprzemysławiającego swój kraj, do przyrody. W trzecim podrozdziale rozdziału I pt. „Teoria życia” w twórczości Michaiła Priszwina jako protest przeciwko eksploatacji przyrody w centrum uwagi znalazły się rozważania nad sensem i teleologią ludzkiego życia, jakie prowadził Michaił Priszwin w swoich pracach literackich. W rozdziale II zatytułowanym Problem ekologii w literaturze i publicystyce rosyjskiej drugiej połowy XX wieku zostały poddane analizie utwory literackie i wystąpienia publicystyczne Wiktora Astafjewa oraz Walentina Rasputina. Składa się on z następujących podrozdziałów: 1. Filozoficzno-przyrodniczy „manifest” w prozie Wiktora Astafjewa; 2. Postęp i tradycja w „Pożegnaniu z Matiorą” Walentina Rasputina jako kategorie moralno-filozoficzne; 3. Publicystyka Wiktora Astafjewa i Walentina Rasputina na temat przyrody. We wprowadzeniu do rozdziału II zwrócono uwagę na problem wzajemnych relacji między człowiekiem a przyrodą w drugiej połowie XX wieku. W pierwszym podrozdziale II rozdziału została szczegółowo przeanalizowana złożona z opowiadań powieść Wiktora Astafjewa – Królowa Ryb (Царь-рыба, 1976), w której problemy ekologiczne stanowią dominantę tematyczną. W drugim podrozdziale tegoż rozdziału uwagę skoncentrowano na analizie światopoglądu ekologicznego Walentina Rasputina na przykładzie jego opowieści Pożegnanie z Matiorą (Прощание с Матeрой, 1976). W trzecim podrozdziale II rozdziału omówiono dorobek publicystyczny W. Astafjewa i W. Rasputina o tematyce ekologicznej. W rozdziale III zatytułowanym Relacje między człowiekiem a przyrodą w twórczości Siergieja Załygina lat 90. XX wieku poddano analizie publicystykę (wybrane szkice) oraz Powieść ekologiczną (Экологический роман, 1993) tego pisarza. W centrum rozdziału IV Ginąca chłopska Atlantyda w powieści Romana Sienczyna „Strefa zatopienia” (Зона затопления, 2015) znalazły się rozważania na temat obecnej sytuacji ekologicznej na Syberii. Oprócz tego w rozdziale IV zamieszczono spis największych sztucznych zbiorników wodnych utworzonych w Rosji i omówiono ich pozytywny, jak i negatywny wpływ na środowisko naturalne. Niniejsza rozprawa została podsumowana wnioskami końcowymi, w których wykazano podobieństwa i różnice w podejściu pisarzy rosyjskich do tytułowego problemu. Podkreślony został również fakt, iż problem ekologii jest nie tylko wciąż aktualny, lecz szybko się pogłębia.<br>In the dissertation Russian Literature to the Problems of Ecology, selected literary and journalistic works from Russian literature were analyzed in the context of ecological problems. The dissertation consists of an introduction, four chapters and a conclusion. In the introduction, apart from justifying the choice of the topic and determining its validity, an attempt was made to outline the history of ecological thought and the characteristics of ecology as a science. In the introduction to chapter I The Problem of Ecology in Russian Literature in the 1920s and 1930s, the philosophy of technology and its phenomenon was discussed. The influence of technology, machines, science and industrial civilization on contemporary man was presented. Chapter I was divided into three subchapters. Subchapters: Socialist Construction and Nature in Leonid Leonov's Novel "On the River Socia" (Соть, 1930) and The Phenomenon of Socialist Competition in the Novel-Chronicle by Valentin Kataev "Time, Forward!" (Время, вперeд!, 1932) discuss the author's concepts of the relationship of a new (Soviet) man, industrializing his country, to nature. The third subchapter of chapter I, entitled "The Theory of Life" in the Works of Mikhail Prishvin as a Protest against the Exploitation of Nature, was focused on deliberations on the sense and teleology of human life, which were conducted by Mikhail Prishvin in his literary works. In chapter II, entitled The Problem of Ecology in Russian Literature and Journalism of the Second Half of the Twentieth Century, the literary works and journalistic addresses by Viktor Astafiev and Valentin Rasputin were analyzed. It consists of the following subchapters: 1. The Philosophical and Natural "Manifesto" in the Prose of Viktor Astafiev; 2. Progress and Tradition in Valentin Rasputin's "Farewell to Matiora" as Moral-Philosophical Categories; 3. Journalism of Viktor Astafiev and Valentin Rasputin on Nature. In the introduction to chapter II attention was paid to the problem of mutual relations between a man and nature in the second half of the twentieth century. In the first subchapter of the second chapter, a novel (composed of short stories) by Viktor Astafiev – The Queen of Fish (Царь-рыба, 1976), in which ecological problems are the thematic dominant, was analyzed thoroughly. The third subchapter of the second chapter discusses the journalistic achievements of Victor Astafiev and Valentin Rasputin on the subject of ecology. Chapter III, entitled The Relations Between a Man and Nature in the Works of Sergey Zalygin in the 1990s, analyzes journalism (selected sketches) and Ecological Novel (Экологический роман, 1993) of this writer. In the center of chapter IV, entitled The Vanishing Peasant Atlantis in Roman Sienchyn's Novel "The Zone of Submersion" (Зона затопления, 2015), there are reflections on the current ecological situation in Siberia. In addition, chapter IV lists the largest artificial water reservoirs created in Russia and discusses their positive and negative impact on the natural environment. This dissertation was recapitulated with final conclusions, which showed similarities and differences in the approach of Russian writers to the title problem. It was also emphasized that the problem of ecology is not only still relevant, but it is growing rapidly.<br>Uniwersytet w Białymstoku. Wydział Filologiczny. Instytut Filologii Wschodniosłowiańskiej

This diploma thesis called "Media framing of the Ukrainian conflict - articles comparison of German and Russian governmental servers concerning the theory of peace journalism" focuses on the extent, to which differ news coverage of Russian progovernmental webpage rt.com and German progovernmental webpage dw.com. It also researches how much these media contribute to potential escalation and de-escalation of the conflict. These results are gained by implementation of the concept of peace and war journalism into analysed articles. Thanks to quantitative and qualitative analyses methods, the research showed that the coverage of the Ukrainian conflict differs in both media. They vary primarily in the extent of contextual insight into the issue, in thematic contents of articles and in descriptions of parties involved in the conflict. Neither of these two media however can be associated with the practice of war or peace journalism according to the findings. They proved to choose certain aspects of the reality and increase its meaning in their articles, but the amount of such interventions cannot be interpreted as inclination to war or peace journalism.

The aim of this thesis is to contribute to theoretically sound concept of Peace Journalism, which combines theoretical foundations from two spheres: conflict and peace studies and media studies. Influence of journalists as intervening force and explaining factor with regard to (violent) conflict is neglected. However, Peace Journalism is not theoretically strong and builds upon dualistic definition vis-á-vis so-called War Journalism. The concept of Peace Journalism has to overcome this delamination in order to reflect theoretical underpinnings of conflict transformation theory and conflict analysis. Moreover, Peace Journalism has to differentiate media according to an involvement of given societies in a conflict. This offers an opportunity to specifically and accurately analyse news coverage of conflicts. Case studies analysing Czech coverage of Cyprus and Nagorno-Karabakh conflicts illustrates this approach. The coverage is essentially flat, distorts a reality of the conflict, pays attention to visual and physical aspects of the conflict and closes the conflicts in arbitrary time boundaries.

Reference 1 Abstract The aim of this Master Thesis is to present annotated translation of the chapter Nord-Ost. Noveyshaya istoriya unichtozheniya (Istoriya pervaya. Pyatyi; Istoriya vtoraya. No. 2551 - neizvestnyi; Istoriya tretya. Siradzhi, Yacha i vsye-vsye-vsye). The first part of the commentary focuses on analysis of the author's life and work, current political and social situation in the Russian Federation and the position of Russian opposition journalists and organisations. The next part presents comparative analysis of the original and also translation solutions, which were created with emphasis on the functional equivalence. In this part the translation method is presented. The closing part discusses translation solutions of the difficult parts of the text.

This work deals with a theme, which is increasingly becoming popular amongst scholars. It is a theme dealing with Russian pilgrims and travellers, who visited the areas of the Middle East, especially those places, such as Constantinople, the Holy Land, Mt. Athos and others. Under the designation Russian pilgrims we do not mean individuals belonging to a specific ethnic group, but individuals who were related to Russia understood as a political formation and state. The contacts between the south and Russia, have important consequences for the development of Russia itself, its culture, identity and history. This is also the case for the Middle East, where the contacts with Russia determined to a large extent the development and character of this area. The Russian contacts with the south should be primarily viewed in terms of the Byzantine-Russian context. These were based on cultural influences and on a shared faith and identity. The cultural and religious contacts were enabled by travelling individuals, who travelled without and with a specific goal. In the context of these journeys the prime motivation was a religious one, when a pilgrimage to such areas as Constantinople, Mt. Athos, the Holy Land, helped to build a religious identity in Russia, since before the fall of Constantinople, religion...