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Journal articles on the topic 'Russian nationalism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 April 2022

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1

Laine, Veera. "“Biggest Nationalist in the Country”." Contributions to the History of Concepts 16, no. 2 (2021): 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2021.160206.

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Nationalism is an ism rarely used as self-description. This article suggests that nationalist discourses are on the move, meaning the concept may be used in novel ways. In Russia, for example, the president recently identified himself as a nationalist, claiming ownership of the concept in the long-standing struggle against manifestations of oppositional nationalism. The article asks who describes themselves as nationalists in contemporary Russia, how do they define the concept, and how did it change during the years 2008–2018 when nationalism as a political idea became increasingly important i

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2

Horvath, Robert. "The Euromaidan and the crisis of Russian nationalism." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 6 (2015): 819–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1050366.

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This article examines the reverberations in Russia of the Euromaidan protests and the fall of the Yanukovych regime in Ukraine. It shows how the events in Kyiv provoked a major crisis in the Russian nationalist movement, which was riven by vituperative denunciations, the ostracism of prominent activists, the breakdown of friendships, the rupture of alliances, and schisms within organizations. Focusing on pro-Kremlin nationalists and several tendencies of opposition nationalists, it argues that this turmoil was shaped by three factors. First, the Euromaidan provoked clashes between pro-Kremlin

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Bobrov, Ivan Vladimirovich, and Dmitry Alekseevich Mikhailov. "Three Enemies of Russia: Dmitrii Galkovskii and Strategies of “Enemification” in Contemporary Russian Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (2019): 280–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.2.

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AbstractThis article focuses on ideological constructions of contemporary nationalism shaped by the influence of Dmitrii Galkovskii. At the dawn of the Russian Internet, Galkovskii’s website, Samizdat, became the birthplace for intellectuals of contemporary Russian nationalism who emerged around Voprosy natsionalizma magazine and the online magazine Sputnik i Pogrom. Enemification strategies described in this article are understood as forms of self-representation of contemporary Russian nationalism. The goal of this article is to characterize one of the ideologies of contemporary Russian natio

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TANRISEVER, OKTAY F. "Why Are Federal Arrangements not a Panacea for Containing Ethnic Nationalism? Lessons from the Post-Soviet Russian Experience." Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, no. 3 (2009): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990065.

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AbstractFederal arrangements have been considered by some thinkers as a panacea for containing ethnic nationalism in the ethnically defined regions. This article challenges this view by arguing that federal institutions may enable ethnic nationalists in the ethnically defined regions to consolidate their power through the guarantees that they receive from the federal centre. Although the post-Soviet Russian leadership under Boris Yeltsin sought to use federalism as a tool for containing ethnic nationalism, Russia's this experiment with federalism demonstrates that federalism may serve not to c

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Laine, Veera. "Contemporary Russian nationalisms: the state, nationalist movements, and the shared space in between." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 2 (2017): 222–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1272562.

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For several years, various nationalist groups and the Russian state have been competing over nationalism as a political concept and for popular support to nationalist claims. This paper analyzes the relationship between the state and anti-government, ethnocentric nationalistic groups that gather annually in an event called “the Russian March.” Emphasis is on the change in that relationship that happened in 2014, when the state added efforts to channel and mobilize the nationalists to its previous repressive and controlling measures. The article conceptualizes the competition over the nationali

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Bacon, Edwin. "Reflexive and Reasoned Religious Nationalism: The Exploratory Case of Russia." Politics and Religion 11, no. 2 (2018): 396–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000019.

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AbstractNationalism theory has long acknowledged that in its relation to nationalism, “religion” can refer both to a reflexive identity attached to a people group, and to a reasoned value-based position articulated by an élite. Even this bifurcation remains insufficiently precise. Religio-nationalisms reasoned ex patria—that is, beginning with the nationalist and proceeding from there to incorporate religion—tend toward values of exclusivity and animosity toward “the other”. They have been charged with hijacking religion as an identity while being at odds with those who actively practice that

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Offord, Derek. "Nation-Building and Nationalism in Karamzin's History of the Russian State." Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 3, no. 1 (2010): 1–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023810x534342.

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AbstractThis essay analyzes Karamzin's contribution, through his History of the Russian State, to the formation of national identity and to the development of nationalism in early nineteenth-century Russia. It explores Karamzin's argument that the development of a unified state gave Russia an equal claim to membership in Europe's family of nations, and thus underlines the way that, for Karamzin, Russia's national identity was subsumed in imperial expansion. Karamzin was first and foremost a political nationalist. Yet the essay also explores the humane, cosmopolitan elements of Karamzin's think

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Knox, Zoe. "Russian Orthodoxy, Russian Nationalism, and Patriarch Aleksii II." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (2005): 533–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500354004.

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The Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate) is a highly visible institution in Russia, and arguably the most prominent and influential religious or cultural body. The Orthodox Church figures prominently in various discussions as the driving force behind Russia's post-Soviet renewal and recovery. Surveys show that Russians trust the Orthodox Church more than any other public institution, including law courts, trade unions, mass media, the military, the police and the government. Estimates of the number of self-identified Orthodox adherents range from 50 million, which amounts to slightly

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Kuzio, Taras. "Nationalism and authoritarianism in Russia: Introduction to the special issue." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 1 (2016): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.002.

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This article discusses different aspects of the political evolution of Russian President and former Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and the impact of his evolution upon the type of regime that has evolved from soft authoritarianism to a ‘militocracy‘ and ‘consolidated authoritarian regime.’ The article discusses eight contributions to this special issue by placing them within the broader context of how the West misread two areas pertaining to Russia. The first is how the West by wrongly believing that Russia, being a member of G8, the NATO-Russia Council and other Western structures, continued t

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ROCCHI, T. "REVOLUTION FROM THE RIGHT: THE RUSSIAN BLACK HUNDREDS MOVEMENT AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN FAR RIGHT PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS Part II-I: the Black Hundred understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism and the consolidation of nations: origins and development of varieties of nationalism in the Russian Empire and Europe." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 3/2 (2018): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/2-54-71.

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This series of articles investigates the Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism. In brief, Russianness is the totality of nationally specific characteristics that define Russians as Russians and that distinguish Russians from other peoples. Through Russianness, according to the Black Hundreds, Russians should form a cohesive, selfidentifying community united in loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundred understanding of Russianness strongly differed from the definition of Russianness b

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Gayda, Fyodor A. "Белоруссизм в контексте столыпинского национализма". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 58 (1 серпня 2020): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-2-237-242.

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The article examines the political potential of the two programs and practices of nation-building at the beginning of the twentieth century associated with all-Russian and Belarusian national movements. The all-Russian project was formulated by the Prime Minister of the Russian Empire P.A. Stolypin. He proceeded from the idea of gradual and inevitable erosion of the estate system and democratization of the social system of Russia. Stolypin envisioned the creation of the political nation, the core of which would be the Russian people, quite traditionally understood as the trinity of Great Russi

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Kuzmin, Aleksandr G., and Anastasia V. Mitrofanova. "Russian nationalists in the Komi Republic: a case study of the Frontier of the North." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 2 (2017): 238–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1277514.

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The article examines some generic traits of the “new” Russian ethnic nationalism, namely, de-ideologization of the nationalist milieu and its inclination for civic activism. It results from a case study of the Frontier of the North (FN – Syktyvkar), an ideologically ambivalent organization that combines dual Russian/Komi ethnic nationalism, anti-migration sentiments, white racism, and fragments of other ideologies. The article demonstrates that, unlike nationalists of the previous generation, FN is not hostile to public authorities and is ready to cooperate with them. FN's grassroots activism,

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Sergeev, Sergey Alexeevich. "Русский оппозиционный внепарламентский национализм: все цвета спектра?" Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 42, № 3 (2015): 298–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-04203005.

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This article examines various types of Russian oppositional extra-parliamentary natio- nalism from the 1990s to the 2010s, such as imperial national conservatism, monarchy- Black Hundreds nationalism, revolutionary nationalism, Russian Nazism, and National Democrats. It analyzes major Russian oppositional nationalist organizations as well as their transformations and evolution. The author gives particular attention to revolutionary nationalism (National Bolshevism) and National Democracy.

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George, Julie A. "Contingent Communities: Regional Ethnic Mobilization in the Yeltsin Era." Russian History 39, no. 3 (2012): 379–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-03903007.

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Scholars disagree regarding the interests and impulses that drive secessionist ethnic nationalism. In Constructing Grievance: Ethnic Nationalism in Russia’s Republics, Elise Giuliano argues that, in the first decade of the Russian Federation’s independence, nationalist groups that highlighted economic discrimination by ethnic Russians against titular ethnic minorities were more able to spark ethnic and territorial separatist demands. She argues that the precise nature of economic experience, where often the actual economic discrimination was more ambiguous than that perceived, was less importa

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Kuzio, Taras. "Soviet and Russian anti-(Ukrainian) nationalism and re-Stalinization." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 1 (2016): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.12.005.

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The term ‘fascist’ has been misused by both the Soviet totalitarian system and Russian authoritarian nationalist militocracy to such an extent that it is detached from scholarly understanding and openly manipulated for political purposes. In Vladimir Putin’s Russia World the term ‘fascist’ is manipulated even further by political technology and massive state control of television that spews Ukrainophobic and anti-Western xenophobic propaganda. The article investigates a hitherto under-researched field of Tsarist, Soviet and Russian continuity in the denigration of ‘Ukrainian nationalism’ that

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16

Gaut, Greg. "Can a Christian Be a Nationalist? Vladimir Solov'ev's Critique of Nationalism." Slavic Review 57, no. 1 (1998): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2502053.

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If my entire argument could fit under this rubric: Russia is a Christian nation andthereforeshould always act in a Christian way, my opponents’ argument can be expressed in the following formula: The Russian nation…is the only truly Christian nation, butnevertheless,it should act in a pagan way in all of its affairs.—Vladimir Solov'ev, Preface toThe National Question in Russia, Part II(1891)In the 1880s and 1890s, Vladimir Solov'ev worked out a Christian approach to nations and nationality, and a moral critique of nationalism, while waging a polemical battle against the Russian conservative na

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Laqueur, Walter. "Russian Nationalism." Foreign Affairs 71, no. 5 (1992): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045406.

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Lohr, Eric. "Russian Economic Nationalism during the First World War: Moscow Merchants and Commercial Diasporas." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 4 (2003): 471–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000152924.

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While accounts of the end of the Ottoman and Hapsburg empires have often stressed the rise of Turkish and German nationalisms, narratives of the Romanov collapse have generally not portrayed Russian nationalism as a key factor. In fact, scholars have either stressed the weaknesses of Russian national identity in the populace or the generally pragmatic approach of the government, which, as Hans Rogger classically phrased it, “opposed all autonomous expressions of nationalism, including the Russian.” In essence, many have argued, the regime was too conservative to embrace Russian nationalism, an

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Surzhko Harned, Lena. "Russian World and Ukrainian Autocephaly: Religious Narratives in Anti-Colonial Nationalism of Ukraine." Religions 13, no. 4 (2022): 349. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13040349.

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The paper examines the role of religious narratives in the on-going Russo-Ukrainian conflict. The literature on religious nationalism offers several ways in which religion plays a role in national identity narratives. The strong connection between the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and the Russian state have been well-known. The narrative of the “chosen” nation and “third Rome” have fueled Russian neo-imperial national discourse of Russkii Mir (Russian World) which shapes Russian Foreign Policy in the “near abroad”. The Church is used as tool to shape and disseminate these narratives, as a mean

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20

Neumann, Iver B. "Russia’s Return as True Europe, 1991-2017." Conflict and Society 3, no. 1 (2017): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2017.030107.

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Since the reign of Peter the Great, Russia has identified itself in opposition to Europe. In the late 1980s, Michael Gorbachev and associates forged a liberal representation of Europe and initiated a Western-oriented foreign policy. Against this westernizing or liberal representation of Europe stood what was at first a makeshift group of old Communists and right-wing nationalists, who put forward an alternative representation that began to congeal around the idea that the quintessentially Russian trait was to have a strong state. This article traces how this latter position consolidated into a

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Ekaterina, Ivanova, Kinyakin Andrey, and Stepanov Sergey. "The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 2 (2019): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86.

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The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called &laquo;Black Hund

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Müller, Martin. "Market meets nationalism: making entrepreneurial state subjects in post-Soviet Russia." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 3 (2011): 393–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.565320.

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This paper argues that nationalism and neoliberalism should not be considered as conflicting ideologies, but can enter into a productive association. This association creates an entrepreneurial nationalism that people can actively embrace as self-governing subjects in pursuit of a good life and successful career, rather than as subjects governed through state-mandated projects from above. The paper illustrates this argument with material from nine months of fieldwork at a Russian elite university. While students at that university strive to develop their potential and increase their market val

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Blank, Stephen. "The Return of the Repressed? Post-1989 Nationalism in the “New” Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408336.

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The intractable war in Yugoslavia, the breakup of Czechslovakia, the nationalist rumblings in Hungary and Romania, and manifestations of imperial and nationalist longings in Russian politics signify nationalism's enduring potency in Central and Eastern Europe. While some foreign observers worried about this potency, the new elites largely believed that liberalism in power could overcome those forces. Liberal democracy's triumph supposedly meant the end of History,inter alia,aggressive nationalism in Eastern Europe. They believed that these national liberation movements had cooperative, mutuall

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IVANOVA, ELENA M. "RHETORICAL MODE OF DISCURSIVE PRACTICES OF MODERN RUSSIAN NATIONALISM." Cherepovets State University Bulletin 4, no. 103 (2021): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/1994-0637-2021-4-103-3.

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The article examines the rhetorical mode of discursive practices related to modern Russian nationalism as a set of all linguopragmatic methods and means of implementing the communicative strategy of a nationalist text; the author analyses the rhetorical architectonics of the nationalist text by the specific material (media texts by Egor Kholmogorov).

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Sursanova, Iuliia V. "Representation of everyday nationalism practices on “Russia 1” TV channel." Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 13, no. 1 (2021): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2021-1-31-48.

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Introduction: the article focuses on how everyday practices are used by the state to project the image of a Russian patriot. State-owned and state-related media discourse models are traditionally studied from the top down. We will analyze how the state and the media manage the display of daily nationalism, which has usually been seen in a bottom-up approach. Thus, the combination of both approaches − banal and everyday nationalisms − will highlight the state’s interest in encouraging Russians to use their version of patriotism in everyday life. For this, a qualitative study of the video report

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Antonova, N. V., and V. G. Stepanenko. "Brand Loyalty and Economic Nationalism of Russian Consumers." Social Psychology and Society 11, no. 4 (2020): 198–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/sps.2020110414.

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Objectives. The study of the relationship between economic nationalism and loyalty to foreign and domestic brands among Russian consumers. Background. Due to the peculiarities of the political and economic situation in the world, the problem of maintaining the national economy and domestic producer has become more acute in many countries. This problem is especially relevant for Russia, which is under sanctions. It was found In a number of foreign studies, that one of the factors of consumer loyalty is economic nationalism, however, the influence of this factor on the behavior of Russian consum

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Achkasov, Valeriy. "Power and Russian nationalism in contemporary Russia." Vlast i Elity (Power and Elites) 5 (2018): 180–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.31119/pe.2018.5.7.

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Gronsky, Alexander D. "Alexander Solzhenitsyn Through the Eyes of Byelorussian Publicists." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 66 (February 20, 2019): 317–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-1-317-326.

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For Byelorussian nationalists Alexander Solzhenitsyn was the symbol of struggle against Soviet regime. But his essay «Rebuilding Russia» changed the attitude to Solzhenitsyn. Byelorussian publicists started to see Solzhenitsyn as supporter of Russian imperial policy. Nevertheless, for Byelorussian nationalism anti-Soviet Solzhenitsyn was more important than Solzhenitsyn imperial views supporter.

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Gorokhov, Vitalii Aleksandrovich. "Forward Russia! Sports mega-events as a venue for building national identity." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 2 (2015): 267–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.998043.

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This paper contributes to the discussion of links between sports, nationalism, and globalization by focusing on the political aspects of the preparation of Russian national teams for sports mega-events staged in Russia. By analyzing the cases of the XXVII Summer Universiade in Kazan, the XXII Winter Olympics in Sochi, and the XXI FIFA World Cup scheduled to take place in 12 Russian cities, the paper provides a comparative study of the benefits that mega-events provide for the host nation in terms of building national identities. To involve the sports component in the study of the nation-buildi

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Tokarev, A. A. "Institutionalization of Ukrainian Nationalism: Difference of "Svoboda" ("Liberty") and "Praviy Sektor" ("Right Ssector") Ideology." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 144–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-144-152.

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The article examines the history of the formation of Ukrainian nationalist parties "Svoboda" and "Praviy sektor". First, that they express a structured nationalism and Russophobia in Ukrainian political space. Secondly, in Russia it has become customary to identify one with another. The paper gives an overview of the basic civil identities in Ukraine, Eastern and Western. The author postulates that their conflict lies at the heart of the growing popularity of both nationalist parties. In addition, this process was provoked by the reunion of Crimea and Russia and by the civil war in the south-e

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Mitrofanova, A., and O. Mikhailenok. "Right Wing Populist Civic Movements: Western Experience and the Situation in Russia." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-120-129.

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The article aims at identifying the characteristics shared by the right-wing populist civil movements of Western Europe and the USA and evaluating the possibility to use them for researching right-wing nationalist organizations in Russia. The movements selected for the comparison range from party-like electoral actors to unorganized protesters. They include as follows: The Five-star Movement (Italy), PEGIDA and the like (Germany), the English Defence League (the UK), the Tea Party Movement (the US). The authors identified several interrelated characteristics shared by these movements: (1) deal

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Schenk, Caress. "Nationalism in the Russian media: content analysis of newspaper coverage surrounding conflict in Stavropol, 24 May–7 June 2007." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 5 (2012): 783–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.705271.

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This paper considers the role of Russian print media and government in forming and publicizing nationalist sentiment through a content analysis of newspaper coverage of ethnic conflict in Stavropol in 2007. It shows that though the government officially pursues an inclusive multicultural approach (which I call associative nationalism), newspapers owned by Kremlin-loyal business holdings printed quite nationalist and sensationalist versions of the events in question. I argue that this is a passive promotion of a dissociative type of nationalism on the part of the Kremlin, which works against it

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Ponarin, E. D., and M. O. Komin. "Dilemma of Russian Nationalism (“Imperial” and Ethnic Nationalism in Post-Soviet Russia)." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 83, no. 4 (2016): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2016-83-4-82-93.

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Brandenberger, David. "Stalin's populism and the accidental creation of Russian national identity." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 5 (2010): 723–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.498464.

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This article argues that the formation of a mass sense of Russian national identity was a recent, contingent event that first began to take shape under Stalin. Surveying the new literature on Russian nationalism, it contends that elite expressions of “Russianness” and bureaucratic proclamations of “official nationality” or russification should not be conflated with the advent of a truly mass sense of grassroots identity. Borrowing from an array of theorists, it argues that such a sense of identity only becomes possible after the establishment of necessary social institutions – universal school

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Dunlop, John B. "Russian Nationalism Today: Organizations and Programs." Nationalities Papers 19, no. 2 (1991): 146–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999108408196.

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Russian nationalists in the Soviet Union have, of course, always claimed to speak and act on behalf of the narod, the common folk, but the folk they have had in mind have been largely the inhabitants, and particularly the older inhabitants, of the fast-disappearing traditional Russian village. Aware that this narod has indeed been vanishing, Russian nationalist writers and publicists have stressed that the task at hand is to graft the “ethics and esthetics,” the accumulated wisdom and mores of this traditionalist populace, onto the life of deracinated modern Soviet man. The really existing and

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Rutland, Peter. "Perspectives on Russian nationalism." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 2 (2017): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1306936.

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Laruelle, Marlene. "Russian Nationalism and Ukraine." Current History 113, no. 765 (2014): 272–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2014.113.765.272.

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"Russia has openly questioned the legitimacy of the international system, claiming the right to a distinctive sovereignty that makes the protection of its cultural body abroad a moral duty." Second in a series on resurgent nationalism around the world.

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Evans, Alfred B. "Yel'Tsin and Russian Nationalism." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 21, no. 1 (1994): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633294x00089.

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Panfilov, Oleg, and Arch Tait. "Rebirth of Russian Nationalism." Index on Censorship 35, no. 1 (2006): 142–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064220500532461.

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Kuzio, Taras. "Russian and Ukrainian elites: A comparative study of different identities and alternative transitions." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no. 4 (2018): 337–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.10.001.

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The deterioration in Russian-Ukrainian relations heightened in 2014 but did not begin then and has deeper roots. Both Russian presidents have had troubled relations with all five Ukrainian presidents irrespective if they were described as ‘nationalist’ or ‘pro-Russian.’ This article is the first to explain why the roots of the crisis go deeper and it does this by investigating three areas. The first is the different sources of elites in 1991 when independent Russia captured Soviet institutions and undertook top-down state building while Ukraine inherited far less and set course with bottom up

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Adibayeva, Aigul, and Gulnara Dadabaeva. "Post-Soviet Kazakhstan: Nationalism and Language Issues." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 37, no. 2 (2010): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633210x536861.

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AbstractThe main outcome of the Kazakh language implementation policy in Kazakh society was a result of mutual infl uence and interconnection between three groups: the state, the Russian–speaking population and Kazakh nationalists. e claims on the part of each of these groups in pursuit of their goals were the following: Russians wanted to retain the status quo and reject Kazakh as the state language, Kazakh nationalists wanted to transform the whole state system into Kazakh and, thus, to provide more opportunities for the native population and the state's task was to achieve its own goal with

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Ijabs, Ivars. "Another Baltic Postcolonialism: Young Latvians, Baltic Germans, and the emergence of Latvian National Movement." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (2014): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.823391.

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This article looks at the emergence of Latvian nationalism in the mid-nineteenth century from the intercultural perspective of postcolonial theory. The writings of early Young Latvians, and the reaction to them from the dominant Baltic German elite, show that the emergence of a modern Latvian nationalism is to a large extent due to postcolonial mimicry, as described by Homi Bhabha. Attempts to imitate German cultural models and to develop a Latvian high culture lead to hostile reactions from the German side, which, in their turn, lead to increasing consolidation of Latvian nationalism. Since t

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Ivanov, Andrey, and Ivan Ambartsumov. "Apologia and Criticism of Russian Nationalism in the Journalistic Writings by Bishop Andrey (Ukhtomsky." State Religion and Church in Russia and Worldwide 38, no. 3 (2020): 255–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-7203-2020-38-3-255-283.

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Using the views of bishop Andrey ( Ukhtomsky) as an example, the article discusses an understudied problem of the attitude of Russian Orthodox priests to the theory and practice of Russian nationalism of the late 19th — early 20th centuries. The authors analyze the bishop’s views on national empowerment, political nationalism and the issue of the non-Russians (inorodtsy). It is demonstrated how bishop Andrey’s Slavophil views shaped his Russian nationalism. The authors also consider the reasons for bishop Andrey’s cooperation with rightwing parties and unions, as well as the events that led to

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Giuliano, Elise. "Secessionism from the Bottom Up: Democratization, Nationalism, and Local Accountability in the Russian Transition." World Politics 58, no. 2 (2006): 276–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0025.

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Do ethnic federations undergoing democratization promote or discourage regional secessionism? This article argues, based on evidence from the Russian Federation, that when democratization produces a transfer of political accountability from center to region, the incentives of regional leaders shift, forcing them to react to local constituencies in order to retain office. If these constituencies desire autonomy, regional leaders must respond, making separatism not merely an opportunistic strategy but a necessary one for their own political survival. Democratization, then, can transform administ

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Gregor, A. James. "Fascism and the New Russian Nationalism." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 31, no. 1 (1998): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(97)00025-1.

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This article provides a broad comparison between Italian Fascism and the new nationalism that has arisen in post-Soviet Russia. The focus is on that nationalism which has, in the immediate past, merged with what used to be the Marxism-Leninism of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The ideas of Gennadii Ziuganov, leader of the CPRF, are traced to Sergei Kurginian and Alexander Prokhanov-and compared to those of the ideologues of historic Fascism.

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Jordan, Katya. "“It’s All One Big Fantasy”: The Critique of Modernity in Dostoevsky’s Novel The Idiot." Dostoevsky and world culture. Philological journal, no. 2 (2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2021-2-65-88.

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The opposition between Europe and Russia runs through Dostoevsky’s novel The Idiot, culminating in Mme Epanchina’s declaration that both Europe and the Russians who travel to Europe are “one big fantasy” [Dostoevsky, 2002, p. 615]. In the novel, Dostoevsky uses the exile trope as a literary tool for expressing his Russian idea. Although the spiritual underpinnings of Dostoevsky’s nationalism have been well studied, the secular side of this concept bears further exploration. Peter Wagner argues that nationalism constitutes a response to the nostalgia that is developed in exile following one’s b

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Jordan, Katya. "“It’s All One Big Fantasy”: The Critique of Modernity in Dostoevsky’s Novel The Idiot." Dostoevsky and world culture. Philological journal, no. 2 (2021): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2619-0311-2021-2-65-88.

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The opposition between Europe and Russia runs through Dostoevsky’s novel The Idiot, culminating in Mme Epanchina’s declaration that both Europe and the Russians who travel to Europe are “one big fantasy” [Dostoevsky, 2002, p. 615]. In the novel, Dostoevsky uses the exile trope as a literary tool for expressing his Russian idea. Although the spiritual underpinnings of Dostoevsky’s nationalism have been well studied, the secular side of this concept bears further exploration. Peter Wagner argues that nationalism constitutes a response to the nostalgia that is developed in exile following one’s b

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Rotar, Nataliia. "Political Mechanisms of the Integration of Russian Nationalism into Crimea’s Political Area." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 353–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.353-368.

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In the article the author defined the peculiar properties and structure of the political mechanisms for the integration of Russian nationalism into Crimea’s Political Area in 1991-2014. It is proved that Russian nationalism formed a political strategy of integration into the political space of the Ukrainian autonomy on the principles of creating a manageable set of actors and subjects of the regional political process and civil space, as well as the incorporation of its agents of influence into the institutions of political power of the ARC. It is substantiated that the essence of the politica

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Lechowska, Marta. "“Kenotic” messianism. About the Russian Idea by Vyacheslav Ivanov." Świat i Słowo 35, no. 2 (2020): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5471.

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The paper presents the key theses of Vyacheslav Ivanov’s concept of the national idea, both in a general (concerning every nation) and a specific (concerning the Russian nation) perspective. The starting point are the youthful intuitions of the philosopher, who from the very beginning was not able to accept nationalist views of the great minds of his times. This rejection of nationalism (understood as national egoism) becomes the basis for formulating the religious national idea (for every nation); against this background Ivanov perceives Russia as an exceptional country at the beginning of 20

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Moen-Larsen, Natalia. "Brothers and barbarians: Discursive constructions of ‘refugees’ in Russian media." Acta Sociologica 63, no. 2 (2019): 226–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0001699318817597.

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This article maps the unexplored terrain of representations of refugees in Russian media, using discourse theory and the concepts of subject positions and symbolic boundaries to analyse these representations. The research questions are: Who are the refugees? What discourses do they feature in? What kinds of symbolic boundaries do these representations maintain? This study analyses the three Russian newspapers Izvestija, Novaya gazeta and Rossiiskaya gazeta, focusing on how, between 1 January 2014 and 31 December 2015, these newspapers came to employ the term ‘refugee’ for persons from Ukraine

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