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1
Thasiah, Victor. "Prophetic Pedagogy: Critically Engaging Public Officials in Rwanda." Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 3 (December 2017): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0195.
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After genocide, civil war and a complex history of colonial and postcolonial state violence, many within and beyond the African Great Lakes region have called for Rwandan Christians to better maintain critical distance from the state and hold public officials responsible for the flourishing of all, regardless of ethnic identity or political persuasion. The pairing of Rwandan community organising practices and Emmanuel Katongole's political theology offers what I call a prophetic pedagogy for responding to this need. To support this claim, we consider (1) Katongole's theoretical contribution to prophetic Christianity in Africa; (2) the practical contribution of John Rutsindintwarane – the founder–executive director of PICO Rwanda (People Improving Communities through Organizing) – to critically engaging public officials through community organising; and (3) the views of PICO Rwanda's most respected leaders, who demonstrate the potential for holding the Rwanda government accountable. We also use PICO Rwanda's work to develop an effective response to Katongole's sharpest critics.
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Berry, Marie E. "From Violence to Mobilization: Women, War, and Threat in Rwanda*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-135.
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Theories of social movement emergence posit “threat” as an important concept in explanations of mobilization. This article uses the case of the 1994 Rwandan genocide to investigate whether threats that stem from mass violence can also have a mobilizing effect. Drawing from interviews with 152 women in Rwanda, I reveal how threatening conditions created by the genocide and civil war initiated a grassroots mobilization process among women. This mobilization featured women founding and joining community organizations, engaging in new forms of claims making toward state institutions, and eventually running for political office. Two mechanisms facilitated this process: the social appropriation of feminine values for the reconceptualization of women as legitimate political actors, and the brokerage of connections between individual women, organizations, and government institutions by foreign actors. I conclude by suggesting that this mobilization served as a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for the meteoric rise of women in Rwanda's politics.
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Duriesmith, David, and Georgina Holmes. "The masculine logic of DDR and SSR in the Rwanda Defence Force." Security Dialogue 50, no. 4 (June 24, 2019): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619850346.
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Since the 1994 genocide and civil war, the Rwandan government has implemented an externally funded disarmament, demobilization and reintegration/security sector reform (DDR/SSR) programme culminating in the consolidation of armed groups into a new, professionalized Rwanda Defence Force. Feminists argue that DDR/SSR initiatives that exclude combatant women and girls or ignore gendered security needs fail to transform the political conditions that led to conflict. Less attention has been paid to how gendered relations of power play out through gender-sensitive DDR and SSR initiatives that seek to integrate women and transform hyper-masculine militarized masculinities. This article investigates how Rwanda’s DDR/SSR programme is governed by an oppressive masculine logic. Drawing on critical studies on men and masculinities and feminist work on peacebuilding, myths and the politics of belonging, it argues that Rwanda’s locally owned DDR/SSR programme places the military and militarization at the centre of the country’s nation-building programme. Through various ‘boundary-construction’ practices, the Rwandan government attempts to stabilize the post-1994 gender order and entrench the hegemony of a new militarized masculinity in Rwandan society. The case study draws on field research conducted in 2014 and 2015 and a discourse analysis of historical accounts, policy documents and training materials of the Rwanda Defence Force.
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Owoso, A., S. Jansen, D. M. Ndetei, A. Musau, V. N. Mutiso, C. Mudenge, A. Ngirababyeyi, A. Gasovya, and D. Mamah. "A comparative study of psychotic and affective symptoms in Rwandan and Kenyan students." Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences 27, no. 2 (January 26, 2017): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045796016001074.
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Aims.War and conflict are known to adversely affect mental health, although their effects on risk symptoms for psychosis development in youth in various parts of the world are unclear. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 and Civil War had widespread effects on the population. Despite this, there has been no significant research on psychosis risk in Rwanda. Our goal in the present study was to investigate the potential effects of genocide and war in two ways: by comparing Rwandan youth born before and after the genocide; and by comparing Rwandan and Kenyan adolescents of similar age.Methods.A total of 2255 Rwandan students and 2800 Kenyan students were administered the Washington Early Recognition Center Affectivity and Psychosis (WERCAP) Screen. Prevalence, frequency and functional impairment related to affective and psychosis-risk symptoms were compared across groups using univariate and multivariate statistics.Results.Rwandan students born before the end of the genocide and war in 1994 experienced higher psychotic and affective symptom load (p’s < 0.001) with more functional impairment compared with younger Rwandans. 5.35% of older Rwandan students met threshold for clinical high-risk of psychosis by the WERCAP Screen compared with 3.19% of younger Rwandans (χ2 = 5.36; p = 0.02). Symptom severity comparisons showed significant (p < 0.001) group effects between Rwandan and Kenyan secondary school students on affective and psychotic symptom domains with Rwandans having higher symptom burden compared with Kenyans. Rwandan female students also had higher rates of psychotic symptoms compared with their male counterparts – a unique finding not observed in the Kenyan sample.Conclusions.These results suggest extreme conflict and disruption to country from genocide and war can influence the presence and severity of psychopathology in youth decades after initial traumatic events.
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De Donno, Martina. "Post Genocide Rwanda." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 18 (November 1, 2012): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.18.7.
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M. D. Toft has argued that rebel military victories, that put an end to civil war, results in a higher likelihood of enduring peace and democratization. This research paper explains that, prima facie, this assumption could be the most desired outcome in order to stop violence, but in the long-term it is unlikely to be effective, specially in Rwanda. The 'Rwandan path to democracy', and the umpteenth construction of the identities in this country indeed could be the cause of possible future violence, and not the solution to it. A full respect of the logic of power-sharing and a genuine understanding of the identities instead represent the better alternative to construct a better Rwanda. Kaufmann (1996) stated that 'solutions to ethnic wars do not depend on their causes'. This paper will prove that he is wrong.
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Onuoha, Onyekachi. "Eclipse in Rwanda as Remembering in Pyschosocial Poetics of Trauma." English Linguistics Research 8, no. 3 (September 12, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v8n3p25.
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Trauma exists in a synthetic mode of the referential and this is the underlying temperament in Eclipse in Rwanda. The genocide that is chronicled in the narratives of the Nigerian Civil war as recreated in Joe Ushie’s Eclipse in Rwanda foreshadows the pogrom in the mid 90s. Using Cathy Caruth’s concept of trauma as a theoretical framework, this paper examines Eclipse in Rwanda as remembering in psychosocial poetics of trauma. This paper further explicates Eclipse in Rwanda as a text of memory, which poetically captures the trauma and foreshadows the social construction of natives/ non-natives in Africa at large and in Nigeria in particular. Through the poems analysed in this paper, our findings show that Tutsis’ genocide is a poetic fulcrum for the poet to pensively recall the Nigerian Civil War and other hotspots/ narratives of politically motivated violence against fellow citizens. Eclipse in Rwanda attempts to entrench the memories of the dead in us through the poetics of remembering and by so doing indict the collective consciences of the society.
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Troy, Erin. "Beneath the Veneer of Peacebuilding." Potentia: Journal of International Affairs 8 (October 1, 2017): 96–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v8i0.4434.
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This research turns a critical eye to peacebuilding in Rwanda, by revealing the negative outcomes of efforts undertaken by Paul Kagame’s regime. Evaluation of five key pillars of peacebuilding demonstrates that a veneer of peacebuilding has again put Rwanda on a dangerous trajectory towards civil war. Examining the role of international greenlighting as a causal factor of the Rwandan genocide offers a new framework through which to understand our own complicity and responsibility. This framework, in the current Rwandan context, underscores the importance of interrogating ongoing patterns of greenlighting in the post-conflict period, and how we continue to contribute to conflict in the Great Lakes Region of Africa. Middle powers like Canada bear an onus to generate innovative methods of peacebuilding assessment, in order to understand actual impact on the ground. This allows us to see beyond insincere peace work, and points us towards a place of taking action.
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Akresh, Richard, Philip Verwimp, and Tom Bundervoet. "Civil War, Crop Failure, and Child Stunting in Rwanda." Economic Development and Cultural Change 59, no. 4 (July 2011): 777–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/660003.
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Askin, Kelly D. "Sexual Violence in Decisions and Indictments of the Yugoslav and Rwandan Tribunals: Current Status." American Journal of International Law 93, no. 1 (January 1999): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2997957.
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The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993 to prosecute war crimes committed during the Yugoslav conflict; the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was established in 1994 to prosecute war crimes committed during the Rwandan civil war. The Yugoslav Tribunal has the competence to try alleged offenders for crimes enumerated in Articles 2-5 of its Statute, namely, grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, violations of the laws or customs of war, genocide, and crimes against humanity. Similarly, the Rwandan Statute accords the Tribunal authority to try defendants for crimes enunciated in Articles 2-4, namely, genocide, crimes against humanity, and violations of common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II. Article 7, paragraphs (1) and (3) of the ICTY Statute and Article 6, paragraphs (1) and (3) of the ICTR Statute grant jurisdiction to these ad hoc Tribunals to try the accused for individual criminal responsibility on the bases of individual culpability and superior authority.
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Nicki Hitchcott. "Visions of Civil War and Genocide in Fiction from Rwanda." Research in African Literatures 48, no. 2 (2017): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.48.2.11.
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Plumptre, Andrew J., Jean-Bosco Bizumuremyi, Fidele Uwimana, and Jean-Damascene Ndaruhebeye. "The effects of the Rwandan civil war on poaching of ungulates in the Parc National des Volcans." Oryx 31, no. 4 (October 1997): 265–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-3008.1997.d01-15.x.
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One of the greatest threats that the mountain gorilla Gorilla gorilla beringei faces is the repeated setting of snares for ungulates by people living adjacent to the Parc National des Volcans in Rwanda. Two vets (one expatriate and one Rwandan) are permanently employed to monitor the health of habituated groups of mountain gorillas and to remove snares if an animal becomes caught in one. This study examined how snaring has changed as a result of the Rwandan civil war and how ungulates in the park have been affected. In the region around the Karisoke Research Station ungulate numbers have remained stable and in the case of the black-fronted duiker Cephalophus nigrifrons they have increased at higher altitudes. However, a questionnaire survey among local people showed that there has been a perceived decrease in crop raiding by all ungulates in the west of the park, suggesting a decline in numbers. In the east of the park there appears to have been a decrease in the numbers of black-fronted duikers but an increase in the number of buffaloes Syncerus caffer. The price of bushmeat in real terms has decreased since the war, despite the increase in the price of domestic meat, and poachers interviewed were selling bushmeat more frequently than they did before the war. The level of poaching, therefore, appears to have increased since the war.
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Waters, Tony. "Tutsi Social Identity in Contemporary Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 2 (June 1995): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021121.
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The literature pointing out that ethnic groups are a social construction has a particular salience in discussion of identity in both East and Central Africa. As numerous authors have noted, there are in fact few linguistic, phenotypical, or social differences between Hutu and Tutsi. Indeed, as all acknowledge, there has been substantial intermarriage, particularly in Rwanda. Nevertheless, as recent events in Rwanda and Burundi illustrate, the presumably ‘socially constructed’ differences between Hutu and Tutsi have become a legitimated reason for murdering one's neighbours. But although cited as the cause of the civil war by virtually every Rwandan, as well as the Western and Tanzanian press, I am also impressed by the fact that at different times and places being ‘Tutsi’ means very different things. My own observations in the Benaco refugee camp for ‘Hutu’ illustrate how quickly and drastically such seemingly ‘fixed’ identities can change.
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Walter, Barbara F. "Peacemaking in Rwanda: The Dynamics of Failure. By Bruce D. Jones. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001. 200p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 884–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402280478.
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By almost all indicators, Rwanda's civil war should have ended in a successful negotiated settlement. Both the Tutsi rebels and the Rwandan government had agreed to participate in negotiations brokered by a team of Tanzanian mediators whom most people considered highly skilled. The two parties to the negotiations were able to reach and sign a detailed peace settlement that guaranteed both parties representation in the legislature and a set percentage of slots in the military. And the United Nations offered to “guarantee” the security of the two sides during the implementation period. Almost all factors purported to lead to a peaceful solution were present at the time the Arusha accords were signed in 1994. Rwanda's civil war, however, did not end peacefully. Instead, a peace process that seemingly had all the elements of success ended in one of the most rapid genocides in recorded history.
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Longman, Timothy. "Church Politics and the Genocide in Rwanda." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00112.
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AbstractChristian churches were deeply implicated in the 1994 genocide of ethnic Tutsi in Rwanda. Churches were a major site for massacres, and many Christians participated in the slaughter, including church personnel and lay leaders. Church involvement in the genocide can be explained in part because of the historic link between church and state and the acceptance of ethnic discrimination among church officials. In addition, just as political officials chose genocide as a means of reasserting their authority in the face of challenges from a democracy movement and civil war, struggles over power within Rwanda's Christian churches led some church leaders to accept the genocide as a means of eliminating challenges to their own authority within the churches.
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Bontea, George Horațiu. "A Postmodernist Critique of the International Community’s Response to the Genocide in Rwanda: How the UN’s Rhetoric Contributed to Humanitarian Failure." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 67, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2022.2.04.
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"The gruesome savagery displayed during the events in Rwanda astounded the entire world. Even more outrageous is the fact that the international community did not have a strong response to the massacre and allowed millions of lives to be affected by the actions of Akazu. In this essay, I wish to propose that, drawing on the notion that postmodernist international theory's metanarratives can be created inside the framework of international politics, I look at a horrific incident that shocked the public. This study aims to address the issue, ""Why was the rhetoric of the United Nations potentially fueling the brutality of the Rwandan genocide?"" to demonstrate that the international community's rhetoric played a significant role in these sad events. All of them point to the fact that the way we classify and prioritise humanitarian situations can be considerably influenced by a international organisation with accepted authority in the international community. We saw the construction of a ""Rwanda Civil War"" metanarrative that only showed one side of the conflict before collapsing in the face of the terrible truth of what had actually occurred. Keywords: Rwandan Genocide, humanitarian intervention, discourse analysis, United Nations, postmodernism."
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Franceschet, Antonio. "The International Criminal Court's Provisional Authority to Coerce." Ethics & International Affairs 26, no. 1 (2012): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000056.
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The United Nations ad hoc tribunals in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda had primacy over national judicial agents for crimes committed in these countries during the most notorious civil wars and genocide of the 1990s. The UN Charter granted the Security Council the right to establish a tribunal for Yugoslavia in the context of ongoing civil war and against the will of recalcitrant national agents. The Council used that same right to punish individuals responsible for a genocide that it failed earlier to prevent in Rwanda. In both cases the Council delegated a portion of its coercive title to independent tribunal agents, thereby overriding the default locus of punishment in the world order: sovereign states.
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de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Illiberal peacebuilding in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (April 26, 2011): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1100005x.
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ABSTRACTAngola's oil-fuelled reconstruction since the end of the civil war in 2002 is a world away from the mainstream liberal peacebuilding approach that Western donors have promoted and run since the end of cold war. The Angolan case is a pivotal example of what can be termed ‘illiberal peacebuilding’, a process of post-war reconstruction managed by local elites in defiance of liberal peace precepts on civil liberties, the rule of law, the expansion of economic freedoms and poverty alleviation, with a view to constructing a hegemonic order and an elite stranglehold over the political economy. Making sense of the Angolan case is a starting point for a broader comparative look at other cases of illiberal peacebuilding such as Rwanda, Lebanon and Sri Lanka.
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Apio, Ann, Martin Plath, and Torsten Wronski. "Recovery of Ungulate Populations in Post-Civil War Akagera National Park, Rwanda." Journal of East African Natural History 104, no. 1-2 (June 2015): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2982/028.104.0110.
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Dallaire, Lieutenant-General the Honourable R. "Foreword–Rwanda Revisited: Genocide, Civil War, and the Transformation of International Law." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104001.
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Melvern, Linda. "Moral Equivalence." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 190–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104012.
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Since the very beginning of the Rwandan Genocide of the Tutsis in 1994, members of Hutu Power, the Akazu, and other interested allies of the former government of Rwanda have been conducting a campaign of genocide denial, one in which they blame the Tutsi dominated Rwandan Patriotic Army for carrying out murder of civilians during the civil war in 1994. In this article Linda Melvern examines the role that Hutu Power played in creating the myth of a counter-genocide and the unwitting legitimacy that was given to it by several UN agencies and their associated employees and consultants. Melvern notes that despite overwhelming evidence that demonstrates that there was no ‘counter genocide’, the lies and misinformation planted in the early post-genocide days persist, with some authors making new unsubstantiated claims about a slaughter of those Hutu who did not flee the country in July 1994.
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Polonova, J., R. Bazalickova, V. Krcmery, M. Palenikova, M. Jackulikova, V. Kozon, M. Popovicova, et al. "Unexpectedly low Incidence of COVID-19 among Refugees of War from Ukraine to Slovakia in First Month of Conflict (Original Research)." Clinical Social Work and Health Intervention 13, no. 2 (April 26, 2022): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22359/cswhi_13_2_04.
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Several armed conflicts and military troop interventions have been associated with minor pandemics, however, not always, and with the extent varied. e.g. during the most catastrophic loss of lives in the Bosnian Conflict in 1993-95 where 160,000 civilians and soldiers fell into mass graves, only one small epidemic of Hepatitis A was reported to the European branch of WHO. In contrast, epidemics of cholera in Haiti, not related to war but associated with troop deployment (UN battalion from Nepal) in 2014, led to a devastating epidemic of cholera in the Artibonite River District with 1,000s of deaths. The same was reported during civil war and genocide in Rwanda in 1988-98 where hundreds died, and refugees of war-related exodus from Rwanda to the DRC in Goma. Finally, pipeline and water supply devastation during war in Yemen, led to the largest cholera outbreak in Yemen (1-3). Therefore, fear of epidemics, especially during COVID-19 Omicron wave is of concern mainly when the numbers of positive cases in Austria and other EU countries are increasing. The aim of this study was to report the results of COVID-19 antigen testing in those escaping from war in Ukraine.
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Walder, Andrew G. "Anatomy of a Regional Civil War: Guangxi, China, 1967–1968." Social Science History 46, no. 1 (December 10, 2021): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.42.
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AbstractDuring the violent early years of China’s Cultural Revolution, the province of Guangxi experienced by far the largest death toll of any comparable region. One explanation for the extreme violence emphasizes a process of collective killings focused on households in rural communities that were long categorized as class enemies by the regime. From this perspective, the high death tolls were generated by a form of collective behavior reminiscent of genocidal intergroup violence in Bosnia, Rwanda, and similar settings. Evidence from investigations conducted in China in the 1980s reveals the extent to which the killings were part of a province-wide suppression of rebel insurgents, carried out by village militia, who also targeted large numbers of noncombatants. Guangxi’s death tolls were the product of a counterinsurgency campaign that more closely resembled the massacres of communists and suspected sympathizers coordinated by Indonesia’s army in wake of the coup that deposed Sukarno in 1965.
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Lischer, Sarah Kenyon. "Civil war, genocide and political order in Rwanda: security implications of refugee return." Conflict, Security & Development 11, no. 3 (July 2011): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2011.593808.
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Guglielmetti, L., A. Cazzadori, A. Scardigli, R. Valentinotti, M. Conti, and E. Concia. "Tuberculosis Incidence at the Burundi-Rwanda Border 15 Years After the Civil War." Clinical Infectious Diseases 54, no. 1 (November 3, 2011): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cid/cir779.
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Brett, E. A. "Neutralising the Use of Force in Uganda: the Rôle of the Military in Politics." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1995): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020887.
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Bullets rather than ballots have dominated politics in Uganda since independence, where two governments have been removed by coups, one by a foreign invasion, and another by an armed rebellion. Force has not only dominated the formal political system, but also threatened the economic and social basis on which democratic processes and progressive development depends. For 25 years predatory military rule and civil war have destroyed lives, skills, and assets, undermined institutional competence and accountability, caused widespread per sonal trauma, suppressed autonomous organisations in civil society, and intensified ethnic hostility and conflict. And Uganda is not alone in this – the middle of the twentieth century was dominated by fascism and war, while sectarian or ethnic conflicts in Bosnia, Ulster, Sri Lanka, Somalia, the Sudan, Angola, Liberia, Zaï, Burundi, and Rwanda have inflicted untold damage on people and property.1
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Fazi, Muhammad Abdullah, Pardis Moslemzadeh Tehrani, Mian Waqar Ahmed, and Sardar Ali Shah. "Bangladesh's Approach towards International Criminal Law: A Case Study of International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 3 (August 14, 2019): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n3p80.
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The International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh that has been found by the Bangladeshi Government to try war crimes during India Pakistan war of 1971. The tribunal is violating the fair trial rights as guaranteed by Constitution, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and International Humanitarian Law and the standard of the International Crimes Tribunal Bangladesh is far below than that setup by The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the International Criminal Court. These irregularities imply serious concern over the proceedings of the said tribunal. Study seeks to describe the International Law about war crimes particularly with respect to fair trial provisions and it compare the proceedings of the Bangladeshi tribunal with the other internationally recognized tribunals.
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Ansoms, An. "Resurrection after Civil War and Genocide: Growth, Poverty and Inequality in Post-conflict Rwanda." European Journal of Development Research 17, no. 3 (September 2005): 495–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09578810500209577.
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Cronin, Katherine M. "Reforming Land Tenure Policies After Civil War: A Comparative Analysis of Rwanda & Côte d’Ivoire." Policy Perspectives 21 (April 28, 2014): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v21i0.13346.
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Using Côte d’Ivoire and Rwanda as case studies, this paper explores the challenges of implementing strong land tenure policies and promoting peace in post-conflict environments. This paper analyzes the degree to which a lack of clear time horizons, land boundaries, land transfer laws, and enforcement capacity to uphold land tenure laws increases the risk for land-related conflict to occur. Furthermore, this paper adds to the existing literature that supports the implementation and promotion of new and more equitable land tenure laws in post-conflict reconstruction processes in order to fix the deficiencies that contributed to the initial conflict.
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Yim, Seong Suk. "Postcolonialism in the Novel of My parents" Bedroom and the Movie of Hotel Rwanda : Focusing on the Rwandan Civil War." Journal of Mirae English Language and Literature 23, no. 1 (February 28, 2018): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46449/mjell.2018.02.23.1.139.
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Cheeseman, Nic, Michaela Collord, and Filip Reyntjens. "War and democracy: the legacy of conflict in East Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 56, no. 1 (March 2018): 31–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x17000623.
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AbstractThe historical literature on statebuilding in Europe has often portrayed a positive relationship between war, state making and long-term democratisation. Similarly, a number of large-n quantitative studies have concluded that war promotes democracy – even in cases of civil war. Against this, a growing area studies literature has argued that violent conflict in developing countries is unlikely to drive either statebuilding or democratisation. However, this literature has rarely sought to systematically set out the mechanisms through which war undermines democracy. Contrasting three ‘high conflict’ cases (Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda) with two ‘low conflict’ cases (Kenya and Tanzania) in East Africa, we trace the way in which domestic conflict has undermined three key elements of the democratisation process: the quality of political institutions, the degree of elite cohesion, and the nature of civil-military relations. Taken together, we suggest that the combined effect of these three mechanisms helps to explain why Kenya and Tanzania have made significantly greater progress towards democratic consolidation than their counterparts and call for more in-depth research on the long-term legacy of conflict on democratisation in the African context.
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Purdeková, Andrea. "Forgetting Atrocity in East Africa." Current History 123, no. 853 (May 1, 2024): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2024.123.853.169.
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East Africa presents striking examples of the different ways in which states may seek to promote forgetting through control or suppression of memories of mass violence. In Rwanda, the 1994 genocide is intensively memorialized, yet violence committed by the ruling party is not part of the official history. In Burundi, a power-sharing deal to end a civil war led to the erasure of memory through deliberate neglect. In Kenya, sites of terrorist violence have been fortified and reopened in the name of resilience—a form of triumphalist amnesia. Yet in each country, citizens practice informal varieties of commemoration.
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Bamidele, Seun. "Strengthening States’ and the International Community’s Responsibility to Protect Civilians: Revisiting the Prosecution of War Crimes Committed in Africa by the International Criminal Court (ICC)." African Journal of Legal Studies 11, no. 1 (June 11, 2018): 92–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340029.
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AbstractThe silhouette of International Criminal Justice (ICJ) is fast changing across the globe. The change and transformation are connected to the criminalization of war, which has complicated the attraction of and engagement in the war for war-mongers. At least, the last few years had seen remarkable prosecution of war criminals in Africa. This is related to a relatively new thinking that informed the establishment of International Criminal Court (ICC) and global re-enforcement of war crime-related charges. Since the genocide in Rwanda, the establishment of the ICC has led to the prosecution of warlords. Also, the ICC has issued thirteen public warrants of arrest on war charges to actors and perpetrators in more than four African states. The case of President of Sudan, whose warrant of arrest had been issued regarding the crisis in Darfur, demonstrated that African leaders and war-mongers would be held responsible for their actions and atrocities they have committed. The lesson from the ICC is clear, war-mongers would be made to pay for their criminality. This article intends to examine the actions of the ICC on intra-state civil war crimes in Africa and assess whether ICC can act as deterrence on for intrastate war mongers in Africa.
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Heyman, Samuel N., Arie Eldad, and Michael Wiener. "Airborne Field Hospital in Disaster Area: Lessons from Armenia (1988) and Rwanda (1994)." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 13, no. 1 (March 1998): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00032982.
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AbstractThe outcome of survivors within disaster areas largely depends upon the quick reallocation and operation of logistic and medical support systems. Enthusiastic media equipped with advanced communication systems, reveal mass human suffering in real time. But, the response period required for the organization of rescue systems is much slower and is most frustrating. In this article, we present our experience in quick deployment and operation of airborne field hospitals gained following the earthquake disaster in Armenia in 1988 and the civil war in Rwanda in 1994.Deployment of improvised, volunteer-based, military field hospitals was feasible within 24 hours after the decision was made. A multi-disciplinary structure enabled an effective, flexible mode of operation and reduced the dependency on meticulous, time-consuming assessments of requirements prior to deployment.These missions are a paradigm for the successful incorporation and integration within the capabilities of military infrastructure of volunteer professionals drafted from civil medical facilities. Such field hospitals could provide backup for primary care medical systems in disaster areas and substitute or take some pressure off of local hospitals, particularly when evacuation systems are insufficient.
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Monjane, Celso M., and M. Anne Pitcher. "The Elusive Dream of Democracy, Security, and Well-Being in Mozambique." Current History 121, no. 835 (May 1, 2022): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.835.177.
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The 1992 peace accords ending a 16-year civil war, followed by the 1994 democratic elections, promised a brighter political and economic future for Mozambique. Despite the adoption of multiparty politics and robust economic growth since the 1990s, however, Mozambique today faces seemingly intractable challenges. Amid increasing allegations of electoral fraud, Frelimo continues to be the country’s ruling party, a position it assumed after independence in 1975. Political insiders control most of the country’s considerable economic assets, including vast natural gas deposits in the north. A violent jihadi insurgency, which began in the northern province of Cabo Delgado in 2017 and tapped into local grievances, has so far resisted the combined efforts of the national military, regional security forces, and a contingent of troops from Rwanda to eliminate it. With spaces for peaceful civic participation and action shrinking, the glimmer of hope for democracy, security, and well-being in Mozambique is fading.
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Bumet, Jennie E. "Situating Sexual Violence in Rwanda (1990–2001): Sexual Agency, Sexual Consent, and the Political Economy of War." African Studies Review 55, no. 2 (September 2012): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0034.
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Abstract:This article situates the sexual violence associated with the Rwandan civil war and 1994 genocide within a local cultural history and political economy in which institutionalized gender violence shaped the choices of Rwandan women and girls. Based on ethnographic research, it argues that Western notions of sexual consent are not applicable to a culture in which colonialism, government policy, war, and scarcity of resources have limited women's access to land ownership, economic security, and other means of survival. It examines emic cultural models of sexual consent and female sexual agency and proposes that sexual slavery, forced marriage, prostitution, transactional sex, nonmarital sex, informal marriage or cohabitation, and customary (bridewealth) marriages exist on a continuum on which female sexual agency becomes more and more constrained by material circumstance. Even when women's choices are limited, women still exercise their agency to survive. Conflating all forms of sex in conflict zones under the rubric of harm undermines women's and children's rights because it reinforces gendered hierarchies and diverts attention from the structural conditions of poverty in postconflict societies.
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Horovitz, Sigall. "How International Courts Shape Domestic Justice: Lessons from Rwanda and Sierra Leone." Israel Law Review 46, no. 3 (September 23, 2013): 339–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223713000125.
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The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and the Special Court for Sierra Leone (SCSL) were created to deliver accountability for the atrocities committed during Rwanda's genocide of 1994 and Sierra Leone's civil war of the 1990s. The capacity of these courts, however, like other international criminal tribunals, is limited in terms of the number of persons they can prosecute. If most perpetrators evade justice, the ability of international tribunals to deliver accountability may be seriously undermined. To mitigate this risk, national justice systems should deal with the perpetrators who are not addressed by international tribunals. When national systems do not do so (or fail to do so effectively), international tribunals are well placed to encourage (or improve) national atrocity-related judicial proceedings, thereby increasing their chances of delivering accountability.This article assesses empirically the impact of the ICTR and SCSL on national atrocity-related judicial proceedings in their target countries, thus contributing to an overall assessment of these tribunals. The article also compares the national impact of the ‘pure international’ ICTR to that of the ‘hybrid’ SCSL and tries to identify features that affect the national impact of an international tribunal. Understanding the interactions between international and national justice systems, and the features that affect the national impact of international tribunals, is particularly important given the shift to ‘positive complementarity’ at the International Criminal Court.
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Njagi, Catherine Wambugu. "Combating Civil Wars in Africa." Jumuga Journal of Education, Oral Studies, and Human Sciences (JJEOSHS) 4, no. 1 (May 10, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.35544/jjeoshs.v4i1.34.
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The Twentieth and twenty first centuries have been described as the age of anxiety. This is largely due to the many civil wars and conflicts that have been prevalent in our contemporary world, and especially with special reference to Africa which is the worst hit. In particular, armed conflicts been witnessed in Angola, Ethiopia Mozambique, Rwanda, Somalia and Sudan among others. Equally, civil wars have been witnessed in Angola, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Sudan. Sadly, some of these States are at the verge of collapse due to the effect of these unfortunate civil wars and conflicts. Other countries that were affected by civil or ethnic conflicts, albeit at lower levels include: Burundi, Cameroon, Kenya, Nigeria, Togo, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Chad, Djibouti, Ethiopia, Malawi, Senegal, and South Africa. The latter has witnessed xenophobic attacks, especially in May 2008. Terrorism activities have also Increased, as it continues to create tensions among nations, religions, tribes and so on. To this end, this article seeks to explore the causes of civil wars and conflicts in Africa, that bleeds poverty on a mass scale. How can the church participate in curbing these wars and conflicts, and eventually usher-in sanity in these troubled waters? In its methodology, this article strives to redefine war and discusses the characteristics of modern warfare. Through an extensive review of relevant literature, the article has also attempted to explore the place of individual persons, the nation-states and the international network systems in combating civil wars; and lastly, it has endeavored to show the contribution of the church in wrestling out all forms of conflicts in the Sub-Saharan Africa.
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de Smedt, Johan. "Child marriages in Rwandan refugee camps." Africa 68, no. 2 (April 1998): 211–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161279.
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The Rwandan refugee camps in Tanzania witnessed the marriages of very young adolescents: girls as young as 13–14 married boys of 14–15 years, boys they often did not even know. These marriages usually did not last very long; after a few months many girls were forced to leave—sent away by their husband. People of both sexes and all ages, when asked about the problems in the camp, would always mention these child marriages as one of the biggest problems. They were worried not only about the loss of respect for Rwandan culture and traditional values but also about the future of the marriages and what would become of the children. This article is not based on extensive research into child marriages, but the author was able to interview a number of young people who had got married in the camps, and to collect information and the opinions of other people on these and other cases. Rather than describing marriage customs and wedding ceremonies in Rwanda, and comparing them with what took place in the refugee camps, the article aims to show the impact of (civil) war, the consequent poverty and the destruction of social structures on a community, in order to show how in these circumstances behaviour can change radically. Refugees have to build up a new life in a camp, and the new ‘society’ is likely to be different from the one they came from, with different rules and changed values. Among various examples of deviant behaviour child marriages were the most remarkable.
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Matsvimbo, Tichaona Byson, Tatenda Yvonne Mupasu, and Tinashe Brian Katsidzira. "John W. Harbeson & Donald Rothchild (Eds.) Africa in World Politics: Reforming Political Order. Boulder: Westview Press, 2008.ISBN 13: 9780813343648." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. XII (2024): 1285–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7012096.
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Sub-Saharan African states have shown signs that they may participate in global politics due to notable economic and political developments that they have attained since their independence in the second half of the 20th century. The end of the Cold War saw African states being integrated into the world economy through multilateral institutions and also applying the new wave of democracy to their systems of governance. This book examines the important trends and developments in the participation of Africa in world politics. The book is divided into 14 chapters. In the first chapter, authors highlights the political and economic challenges that were being faced by sub-Saharan states soon after attaining their independence. States such as Mozambique, Angola, and Rwanda engaged in civil wars for years, while Zimbabwe was resistant to multiparty democracy. The author argues that since 1990, most Sub-Saharan countries have democratized and conducted multiparty elections, as well as opened doors for civil society organizations. The number of democratizing African countries had risen from 2 to approximately a third of all African countries.
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Feleke, Nuruye Beyan. "The United Nation’s Responsibility to Protect Civilians from Massive Human Rights Violations in Light of the Intervention in the Libyan Crisis in 2011." ABC Research Alert 2, no. 3 (December 31, 2014): Ethiopia. http://dx.doi.org/10.18034/ra.v2i3.288.
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The international community was criticized when it decided to intervene, as in Somalia, Bosnia and Kosovo, and when it did not intervene as in Rwanda. It was against this background that Kofi Annan argued, in September 1999, in the defense of the individual sovereignty over state sovereignty. He asked, ‘if humanitarian intervention is an unacceptable attack on sovereignty, how can we respond to cases as Rwanda or Srebrenica?’In this sense, with the recovery of Francis Deng’s 1996 “sovereignty as responsibility†concept, it would be possible to abrogate the categorical imperative of traditional sovereignty, allowing the international community to intervene when the state fails in its responsibility to protect its people against genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes of war and against humanity.The study looks at the creation, development and eventual adoption of the ‘responsibility to protect’ (R2P) norm, from an idea promulgated in the 1990sto the development of the norm, and to the eventual adoption of a heavily restricted yet poignant principle at the 2005 World Summit. There is considerable debate over the status and scope of the Responsibility to Protect. On balance, most observers and states believe that it remains a political commitment and has not yet acquired legal force.The purpose of this study is to critically examine the UN’s responsibility to protect civilians in light of the intervention in the 2011 Libyan crisis. The responsibility to protect has been central in the discussion of how to deal with the Arab spring revolts that gave rise to civil war in Libya. In Libya, with the help of an UN authorized NATO intervention, the Gaddafi authoritarian regime ended and the former rebel forces are now leading the transitional process. Taking in to account the events in Libya, many have questioned whether the concept of R2P was used not only to protect civilians, but also to fulfill a desire, from the beginning of the mission, for regime change. However, the study argued that it was very difficult to enforce the very intents and objectives of Resolution 1973, because it was obvious enough that Gaddafi was prepared to continue to slaughter his people in a civil war to retain power. Thus, even if some argued that the NATO intervention in Libya acted beyond Resolution 1973, nevertheless, the study strongly argued that the intervening forces have indeed stopped Gaddafi from marching on Benghazi and saved thousands of lives.
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Baldwin, Gretchen. "Constructing identity through commemoration: Kwibuka and the rise of survivor nationalism in post-conflict Rwanda." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 3 (September 2019): 355–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000259.
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AbstractIn the years following Rwanda's civil war, the country has remembered those killed in the 1994 genocide with 100 days of official commemoration, known as Kwibuka. The temporary commemoration period is characterised by an explicit acknowledgement and public discussion of ethnic identity, which stands in puzzling contrast to the state's policy of ethnic non-recognition, enforced during the rest of the year in hopes of achieving national homogeneity (Ndi Umunyarwanda). Thus, one observes seemingly diametrically opposed practices of legally erasing identity groups because of their link to conflict and a unique, three month-long saturation of reminders in the form of public speeches, memorial programming and burials, and commemorative signage. A blurring of ‘Tutsi’ with ‘survivor’ and the deliberate passing down of survivor identity to Tutsi youth have created, over time, conditions for a ‘survivor nationalism’, which exacerbates social tensions and risks sustainable peace in the long term.
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Ali, M. A., A. H. Nagwa, W. M. El‐Senousy, and S. E. El‐Hawaary. "Enteroviruses load of the Nile river at the Aswan region as a result of the Rwanda Civil War, 1993." International Journal of Environmental Health Research 6, no. 4 (December 1996): 331–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09603129609356903.
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Patrick, Mugenzi, Muhammad Sami uz Zaman, Ghazala Afzal, Minhas Mahsud, and Mumuni Napari Hanifatu. "Factors That Affect Maternal Mortality in Rwanda: A Comparative Study with India and Bangladesh." Computational and Mathematical Methods in Medicine 2022 (April 9, 2022): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/1940188.
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Healthcare sector is one of the most pivotal pillars of the administrative setup of a country. It addresses one of the most important dilemmas that countries have to face: provision of quality healthcare to public in affordable prices. Africa lags behind in many health indicators. One of the contemporary health issues faced by countries, especially for those in sub-Sahara countries, is maternal mortality rate (MMR). It has had a significant part to play in the social conditions of the population and needs immediate attention. In spite of many years of civil war and the terrible genocide in the mid-1990s, as of late, Rwanda is showing signs of improvement in healthcare sector. This research is aimed at studying the current state of maternal mortality rate in Rwanda and the factors behind its performance, in a comparative study with India and Bangladesh for a cross-section of time mainly between 1990 and 2015. After a literature review, pivotal indicators that affect healthcare are shortlisted and a comparative analysis of the three countries is made on the basis of these indicators. A regression is run between historical MMR data and these indicators. A directly significant relationship is found between MMR and healthcare expenditure per capita and government commitment to health, closely followed by female literacy and healthcare infrastructure.
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Shuriye, Abdi O., and Mosud T. Ajala. "The Future of Statehood in East Africa." Journal of Sustainable Development 9, no. 2 (March 30, 2016): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v9n2p221.
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<p>With the deterioration of political and security situations in Somalia and Kenya’s involvement in the war against al-shabaab as well as its political miscalculation and the lack of exit plan, add to this, the fading democratic conditions in Eritrea, accompanied by the political uncertainties in Ethiopia, since the demise Meles Zenawi Asres and the extermination of the opponents, as shown in last general election, as well as the one-man-show political scenario in Uganda and the likely disintegration of Tanzania into Zanzibar and Tanganyika, indicated by the ongoing elections; the political future of East African governments is predictably taking erroneous turns. It seems therefore, God forbids, there is a political catastrophe in the making as far as the state as an authoritative institution is concerned in East Africa.<br />One observes that the social fabric of these states, take Kenya, which used to be a solid in its social and political values, as an example, is drastically changing into a pattern-of-Somali-like tribal syndrome. The expiration of the government institutions, civil societies, law and order in Eritrea, the austere political future of Djibouti, the irrepressible and incurable wounds of Burundi and Rwanda are shrilling pointers of such fear.<br />Not to forget, the strained Muslim-Christian relations, which is now deeply rooted in these communities and states, the thick-headedness of most East Africa’s political leaders and the rapid increase of the youth population as well as the proxy war in business between China and the West on the region. These factors are the core indicators of the future of state and strong government in East Africa. The study covers several nations in East Africa including Burundi, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Tanzania, and Uganda.</p>
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HORNE, JOHN. "Introduction." European Review 14, no. 4 (September 8, 2006): 415–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000457.
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International trials of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide are currently a matter of considerable interest – legal, political and human. The work of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda (ICTY and ICTR), set up respectively in 1993 and 1994, and the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the Hague in 2002, have focused attention on the practice and value of such juridical processes both as forms of law and in terms of the events they address. The unexpected death of Slobodan Milosevic during his trial at the ICTY has only intensified the controversy aroused by such proceedings. Politics, history, memory, mourning, reparation and even reconciliation are inescapably part of the legal process, often in an explicit and even formal manner. This means that scholars in disciplines other than legal science and people from many backgrounds are interested in the work of such international tribunals and in the types of ‘truth’ that they seek to establish.Such trials are not new. The idea stems directly from the intersection of military violence and humanitarian impulses in the 19th century. Geneva law, emanating from the International Red Cross (founded after the main war of Italian unification), dealt with the humane treatment of wounded and prisoners. Hague law, which codified the conduct of belligerents towards non-combatants, grew from the Lieber Code devised by the Union during the American Civil War and from the attempts by European powers to regulate military conduct after the Franco-Prussian War, culminating in the Hague conferences of 1899 and 1907.
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Kymlicka, Will. "Social Unity in a Liberal State." Social Philosophy and Policy 13, no. 1 (1996): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001540.
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Around the world, multiethnic states are in trouble. Many have proven unable to create or sustain any sense of solidarity across ethnic lines. The members of one ethnic group are unwilling to respect the rights of the members of other groups, or to make sacrifices for them, and have no trust that any sacrifice they might make will be reciprocated.Recent events show that where this sort of solidarity and trust is lacking, the consequences can be disastrous. In some countries, the result is violent civil war, as in Rwanda, Yugoslavia, and various parts of the former Soviet Union. In other countries, the state has dissolved in a more peaceful way, as in Czechoslovakia, albeit with significant economic and psychological costs. In yet other countries, particularly in Africa, the state has stayed together, but is little more than a shell, a loose confederation of more or less hostile groups who barely tolerate, let alone cooperate with, each other.
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Aini, Desy Churul, and Desia Rakhma Banjarani. "ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION IN ARMED CONFLICT ACCORDING TO INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW." Tadulako Law Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22487/j25272985.2018.v3.i1.10364.
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The environment is a victim of various armed conflicts that occur in some parts of the world. Such as Congo war in 1998 that create environmental damage like deployment of the HIV-AIDS virus, the extinction of national parks, wildlife poaching and the forest burning. In addition the Rwanda civil war in 1994 affected the loss of biodiversity, natural resources and population decline in rare animals such as the African Gorillas. While the former Yugoslavia war in 1991 that impact in environmental pollution of water, air and land that threaten human survival.The environment becomes a victim when the war was happend its caused the human, but on the other side, the environment can’t be separated from human life because somehow humans need the environment to. However, when the war was happend human can’t maintaining the environment even though there have been rules that regulate about the protection of the environment when the war takes place. Therefore, its necessary to analysed an environmental protection in armed conflict according to international humanitarian law.This research is discusses about how an environmental protection in armed conflict according to international humanitarian law, which aims to explain the regulations that apply to protect the environment at the armed conflict. This research uses normative law approach (literature research).The results of this study show that environmental protection in armed conflict is regulated in the conventions of international humanitarian law both from the Hague Law and the Geneva Law. In The Hague law the environmental protection is governed by the IV Hague Convention 1907of respecting the laws and customs of war and land Art 23 (g) and Art 55. In the Geneva Law an environmental protection is contained in the IV Geneva Convention 1949 Art 53 and Additional Protocol I in 1977 Art 35 (3), 54, 55, 56, 59, and Art 68. Basically both of Geneva and Hague Law against the use of weapons during the war that have an effected in environmental damage and the existence of precautions in the war on environmental protection life. Beside the Geneva and the Hague Law there are have other arrangements to protect the environment in the event of a war that is in ENMOD Convention Art 1 and 2.
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Tamm, Henning. "The Origins of Transnational Alliances: Rulers, Rebels, and Political Survival in the Congo Wars." International Security 41, no. 1 (July 2016): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00252.
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Despite their catastrophic proportions, the Congo Wars have received little attention from international relations scholars. At the heart of these conflicts were alliances between rebel groups and neighboring rulers. What are the origins of such transnational alliances, which have been a major feature of nearly all civil wars in post–Cold War Africa? Recent scholarship on external support for rebel groups does not offer a clear answer, either providing long lists of the goals that state sponsors may have or avoiding the question of motives altogether. A focus on political survival reveals that African rulers form alliances with rebels in nearby states to reduce the threats of rebellions and military coups that the rulers themselves face at home. Transnational alliances serve either to weaken a ruler's domestic enemies by undermining their foreign sponsors or to ensure the continued allegiance of key domestic supporters by providing them with opportunities for enrichment. Case studies of the alliance decisions made in the two Congo Wars by the rulers of Angola, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, and Zimbabwe show that their struggles for political survival account for why they sided either with their Congolese counterparts or with Congolese rebels.
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Karska, Elżbieta, and Karol Karski. "Judicial Dialogue in Human Rights." International Community Law Review 21, no. 5 (November 12, 2019): 391–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341408.
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Abstract The editors and other authors of the studies contained in this volume have chosen to focus attention on the problem of the broad concept of judicial dialogue, defined as the communication between various judicial authorities. The studies included consider the problem of institutional relations in the field of human rights protection from a national and international perspective. The issue of judicial dialogue in the field of human rights after the civil war in Rwanda is assessed. Next, the issue of the legal responsibility for placing hyperlinks in the context of the judicial dialogue between the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union in the field of protecting human rights on the internet is raised. Finally, the question of whether private or public legal entities can find direct protection under the Inter-American System of Human Rights is analysed. The academic value of the analytical considerations presented in this volume is very high and this should lead to considerable readers’ interest. This is because intellectual considerations of judicial dialogue in the field of human rights protection undoubtedly bring an interesting and significant new dimension not only to the theory but also to the practice of applying the law.
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MacMillan, Donald S. "Model Describing the Effect of Employment of the United States Military in a Complex Emergency." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 20, no. 5 (October 2005): 282–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00002727.
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AbstractThe end of the Cold War vastly altered the worldwide political landscape. With the loss of a main competitor, the United States (US) military has had to adapt its strategic, operational, and tactical doctrines to an ever-increasing variety of non-traditional missions, including humanitarian operations. Complex emergencies (CEs) are defined in this paper from a political and military perspective, various factors that contribute to their development are described, and issues resulting from the employment of US military forces are discussed. A model was developed to illustrate the course of a humanitarian emergency and the potential impact of a military response. The US intervention in Haiti, Northern Iraq, Kosovo, Somalia, Bosnia, and Rwanda serve as examples.A CE develops when there is civil conflict, loss of national governmental authority, a mass population movement, and massive economic failure, each leading to a general decline in food security. The military can alleviate a CE in four ways: (1) provide security for relief efforts; (2) enforce negotiated settlements; (3) provide security for non-combatants; and/or (4) employ logistical capabilities.The model incorporates Norton and Miskel's taxonomy of identifying failing states and helps illustrate the factors that lead to a CE. The model can be used to determine if and when military intervention will have the greatest impact. The model demonstrates that early military intervention and mission assignment within the core competencies of the forces can reverse the course of a CE. Further study will be needed to verify the model.