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1

Thasiah, Victor. "Prophetic Pedagogy: Critically Engaging Public Officials in Rwanda." Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 3 (2017): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0195.

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After genocide, civil war and a complex history of colonial and postcolonial state violence, many within and beyond the African Great Lakes region have called for Rwandan Christians to better maintain critical distance from the state and hold public officials responsible for the flourishing of all, regardless of ethnic identity or political persuasion. The pairing of Rwandan community organising practices and Emmanuel Katongole's political theology offers what I call a prophetic pedagogy for responding to this need. To support this claim, we consider (1) Katongole's theoretical contribution to
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2

Longman, Timothy. "Church Politics and the Genocide in Rwanda." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00112.

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AbstractChristian churches were deeply implicated in the 1994 genocide of ethnic Tutsi in Rwanda. Churches were a major site for massacres, and many Christians participated in the slaughter, including church personnel and lay leaders. Church involvement in the genocide can be explained in part because of the historic link between church and state and the acceptance of ethnic discrimination among church officials. In addition, just as political officials chose genocide as a means of reasserting their authority in the face of challenges from a democracy movement and civil war, struggles over pow
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3

Walter, Barbara F. "Peacemaking in Rwanda: The Dynamics of Failure. By Bruce D. Jones. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001. 200p. $49.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (2002): 884–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402280478.

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By almost all indicators, Rwanda's civil war should have ended in a successful negotiated settlement. Both the Tutsi rebels and the Rwandan government had agreed to participate in negotiations brokered by a team of Tanzanian mediators whom most people considered highly skilled. The two parties to the negotiations were able to reach and sign a detailed peace settlement that guaranteed both parties representation in the legislature and a set percentage of slots in the military. And the United Nations offered to “guarantee” the security of the two sides during the implementation period. Almost al
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4

Walder, Andrew G. "Anatomy of a Regional Civil War: Guangxi, China, 1967–1968." Social Science History 46, no. 1 (2021): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.42.

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AbstractDuring the violent early years of China’s Cultural Revolution, the province of Guangxi experienced by far the largest death toll of any comparable region. One explanation for the extreme violence emphasizes a process of collective killings focused on households in rural communities that were long categorized as class enemies by the regime. From this perspective, the high death tolls were generated by a form of collective behavior reminiscent of genocidal intergroup violence in Bosnia, Rwanda, and similar settings. Evidence from investigations conducted in China in the 1980s reveals the
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5

Monjane, Celso M., and M. Anne Pitcher. "The Elusive Dream of Democracy, Security, and Well-Being in Mozambique." Current History 121, no. 835 (2022): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.835.177.

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The 1992 peace accords ending a 16-year civil war, followed by the 1994 democratic elections, promised a brighter political and economic future for Mozambique. Despite the adoption of multiparty politics and robust economic growth since the 1990s, however, Mozambique today faces seemingly intractable challenges. Amid increasing allegations of electoral fraud, Frelimo continues to be the country’s ruling party, a position it assumed after independence in 1975. Political insiders control most of the country’s considerable economic assets, including vast natural gas deposits in the north. A viole
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6

Purdeková, Andrea. "Forgetting Atrocity in East Africa." Current History 123, no. 853 (2024): 169–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2024.123.853.169.

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East Africa presents striking examples of the different ways in which states may seek to promote forgetting through control or suppression of memories of mass violence. In Rwanda, the 1994 genocide is intensively memorialized, yet violence committed by the ruling party is not part of the official history. In Burundi, a power-sharing deal to end a civil war led to the erasure of memory through deliberate neglect. In Kenya, sites of terrorist violence have been fortified and reopened in the name of resilience—a form of triumphalist amnesia. Yet in each country, citizens practice informal varieti
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7

Bumet, Jennie E. "Situating Sexual Violence in Rwanda (1990–2001): Sexual Agency, Sexual Consent, and the Political Economy of War." African Studies Review 55, no. 2 (2012): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0034.

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Abstract:This article situates the sexual violence associated with the Rwandan civil war and 1994 genocide within a local cultural history and political economy in which institutionalized gender violence shaped the choices of Rwandan women and girls. Based on ethnographic research, it argues that Western notions of sexual consent are not applicable to a culture in which colonialism, government policy, war, and scarcity of resources have limited women's access to land ownership, economic security, and other means of survival. It examines emic cultural models of sexual consent and female sexual
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8

Bonate, Liazzat J. K., Paolo Israel, and Carmeliza Rosario. "God, Grievance and Greed: War in Cabo Delgado, Mozambique." Kronos 50, no. 1 (2024): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9585/2024/v50a18.

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In 2017 a 'new war', characterised as a jihadist insurgency, erupted in the northerly Mozambican province of Cabo Delgado.The war began in the context of the discovery of new natural resources, the setting up of transnational extractive industries and of an economic crisis generated by the 'hidden debt' scandal. Harsh military responses from the Mozambican government and international actors - SADC and Rwanda especially - have not halted the insurgency, which has dramatically expanded, especially since the insurgents declared their allegiance to the Islamic State (IS) in 2019, causing massive
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9

HORNE, JOHN. "Introduction." European Review 14, no. 4 (2006): 415–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000457.

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International trials of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide are currently a matter of considerable interest – legal, political and human. The work of the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda (ICTY and ICTR), set up respectively in 1993 and 1994, and the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC) at the Hague in 2002, have focused attention on the practice and value of such juridical processes both as forms of law and in terms of the events they address. The unexpected death of Slobodan Milosevic during his trial at the ICTY has onl
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10

Pearn, John. "History, Horror and Healing: The Historical Background and Aftermath to the Rwandan Civil War of 1994." Health and History 1, no. 2/3 (1999): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40111344.

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11

Krivushin, Ivan. "Causes of the 1990—1994 Civil War in the Interpretation of the Rwandan History Schoolbooks and Programs." ISTORIYA 11, no. 8 (94) (2020): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840011062-7.

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12

Oko Ajah, Richard. "“Lilies in the Mires”: Contesting Eurocentric Paradigms and Rhetoric of Civilization in Scolastique Mukasonga’s War Narratives." Human and Social Studies 4, no. 1 (2015): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hssr-2015-0004.

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Abstract The Rwandan writer, Scholastique Mukasonga chronicles her eye-witness account of Rwandan civil war and genocide; her two novels are part of literary attempts to historicize ethnic collective trauma and memory, but they end up traumatizing national history itself and deconstructing Eurocentric representations. Her works are popularly read as autobiographies and could be mapped under trauma studies. However, this study intends to read these works as autoethnographical texts which this hyphenated writer uses to dismantle conventional boundaries of linguistic morpho-syntax of French, to d
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13

Ibe, Michael Uche, Samuel Iroye, and Basil Ibebunjo. "AN ANALYSIS OF HOW IDENTITY-BASED CONFLICTS HAVE SHAPED AFRICAN CULTURES." Vunoklang Multidisciplinary Journal of Science and Technology Education 12, no. 3 (2024): 304–11. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14512652.

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<em>Africa&rsquo;s cultural, ethnic, and religious diversity has profoundly shaped the continent&rsquo;s identity and development. While these features enrich its heritage, they have also contributed to a legacy of identity-based conflicts, often intensified by external influences. From the pre-colonial era of diverse societies coexisting through alliances and intermarriages to the disruptions caused by colonialism, Africa's history is marked by a struggle for unity amid diversity. Colonial boundaries, drawn without regard to ethnic or cultural contexts, sowed divisions that continue to drive
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14

Akresh, Richard, Philip Verwimp, and Tom Bundervoet. "Civil War, Crop Failure, and Child Stunting in Rwanda." Economic Development and Cultural Change 59, no. 4 (2011): 777–810. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/660003.

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15

Onuoha, Onyekachi. "Eclipse in Rwanda as Remembering in Pyschosocial Poetics of Trauma." English Linguistics Research 8, no. 3 (2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v8n3p25.

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Trauma exists in a synthetic mode of the referential and this is the underlying temperament in Eclipse in Rwanda. The genocide that is chronicled in the narratives of the Nigerian Civil war as recreated in Joe Ushie’s Eclipse in Rwanda foreshadows the pogrom in the mid 90s. Using Cathy Caruth’s concept of trauma as a theoretical framework, this paper examines Eclipse in Rwanda as remembering in psychosocial poetics of trauma. This paper further explicates Eclipse in Rwanda as a text of memory, which poetically captures the trauma and foreshadows the social construction of natives/ non-natives
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16

Nicki Hitchcott. "Visions of Civil War and Genocide in Fiction from Rwanda." Research in African Literatures 48, no. 2 (2017): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.48.2.11.

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17

Marszalek, John F., and Clark G. Reynolds. "Civil War." Journal of Military History 58, no. 3 (1994): 529. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944147.

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18

Hutchison, Coleman. "Civil War Today, Civil War Tomorrow, Civil War Forever." American Literary History 30, no. 2 (2018): 331–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajy001.

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19

De Donno, Martina. "Post Genocide Rwanda." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 18 (November 1, 2012): 80–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.18.7.

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M. D. Toft has argued that rebel military victories, that put an end to civil war, results in a higher likelihood of enduring peace and democratization. This research paper explains that, prima facie, this assumption could be the most desired outcome in order to stop violence, but in the long-term it is unlikely to be effective, specially in Rwanda. The 'Rwandan path to democracy', and the umpteenth construction of the identities in this country indeed could be the cause of possible future violence, and not the solution to it. A full respect of the logic of power-sharing and a genuine understa
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20

Hepburn, Sharon A. Roger. "Knoxville: A Civil War within the Civil War." Reviews in American History 36, no. 1 (2008): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2008.0007.

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21

Dorronsoro, Gilles. "Afghanistan’s Civil War." Current History 94, no. 588 (1995): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1995.94.588.37.

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22

McWhiney, Grady, Reid Mitchell, and James I. Robertson. "Civil War Soldiers." Journal of Southern History 56, no. 1 (1990): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210682.

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23

DeCredico, Mary A., and Brooks D. Simpson. "America's Civil War." Journal of Southern History 63, no. 2 (1997): 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211314.

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24

Bohannon, Keith S., Peter Wallenstein, and Bertram Wyatt-Brown. "Virginia's Civil War." Journal of Southern History 72, no. 2 (2006): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649104.

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25

Power, J. Tracy, and Catherine Clinton. "Civil War Stories." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 1 (2001): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3070116.

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26

Hashim, Ahmed S. "Iraq's Civil War." Current History 106, no. 696 (2007): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2007.106.696.3.

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27

Franceschet, Antonio. "The International Criminal Court's Provisional Authority to Coerce." Ethics & International Affairs 26, no. 1 (2012): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000056.

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The United Nations ad hoc tribunals in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda had primacy over national judicial agents for crimes committed in these countries during the most notorious civil wars and genocide of the 1990s. The UN Charter granted the Security Council the right to establish a tribunal for Yugoslavia in the context of ongoing civil war and against the will of recalcitrant national agents. The Council used that same right to punish individuals responsible for a genocide that it failed earlier to prevent in Rwanda. In both cases the Council delegated a portion of its coercive title to i
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28

Cohen, Aaron J. "The Civil War after the Civil War: Conflict, Reconciliation and Locality in Russian Civil War Monuments, 1922–1941." Revolutionary Russia 33, no. 2 (2020): 246–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546545.2020.1815379.

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29

Apio, Ann, Martin Plath, and Torsten Wronski. "Recovery of Ungulate Populations in Post-Civil War Akagera National Park, Rwanda." Journal of East African Natural History 104, no. 1-2 (2015): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2982/028.104.0110.

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30

Dallaire, Lieutenant-General the Honourable R. "Foreword–Rwanda Revisited: Genocide, Civil War, and the Transformation of International Law." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104001.

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31

Karakoç, Sedanur. "Moral Dilemmas in Humanitarian Aid Activities." Nous Academy Journal, no. 1 (October 15, 2023): 63–84. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10012769.

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Although humanitarian aid activities aim to relieve suffering and improve the existing situation, in some cases this goodwill can do more harm than good. There are moral dilemmas experienced for various reasons on the basis of this. A humanitarian action in a civil war may experience a moral dilemma for various reasons, and this dilemma may lead to various bad consequences. As a result of all these, the duration and severity of the civil war may increase. In this study, moral dilemmas experienced in humanitarian aid activities in civil wars will be discussed. Moral dilemmas will be examined, a
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32

Summers, Mark Wahlgren, and Ken Burns. "The Civil War." Journal of American History 77, no. 3 (1990): 1106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079149.

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33

Shelden, R. A. "Civil War Washington." Journal of American History 100, no. 3 (2013): 942–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jat523.

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34

Ballard, M. B. "Virginia's Civil War." Journal of American History 92, no. 4 (2006): 1438–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4485939.

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35

Neely, Mark E. "Was the Civil War a Total War?" Civil War History 50, no. 4 (2004): 434–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2004.0073.

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36

Carroll, Dillon J. "Civil War Soldiers and Dreams of War." Civil War History 66, no. 2 (2020): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2020.0029.

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37

de Oliveira, Ricardo Soares. "Illiberal peacebuilding in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 49, no. 2 (2011): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1100005x.

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ABSTRACTAngola's oil-fuelled reconstruction since the end of the civil war in 2002 is a world away from the mainstream liberal peacebuilding approach that Western donors have promoted and run since the end of cold war. The Angolan case is a pivotal example of what can be termed ‘illiberal peacebuilding’, a process of post-war reconstruction managed by local elites in defiance of liberal peace precepts on civil liberties, the rule of law, the expansion of economic freedoms and poverty alleviation, with a view to constructing a hegemonic order and an elite stranglehold over the political economy
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38

Masur, Louis P., Anne C. Rose, and Kathleen Diffley. "Civil War Stories." Reviews in American History 21, no. 4 (1993): 606. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2703400.

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39

Masur, Louis P., Kenneth M. Stampp, and Timothy Sweet. "Seeing Civil War." American Quarterly 43, no. 3 (1991): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2713115.

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40

DuBois, Ellen Carol, Ken Burns, and Ric Burns. "The Civil War." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (1991): 1140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165010.

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41

Silva, Manik de. "Sri Lanka’s Civil War." Current History 98, no. 632 (1999): 428–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1999.98.632.428.

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42

Kaplan, Susan, and Walter Lowenfels. "Walt Whitman's Civil War." Journal of Military History 54, no. 3 (1990): 358. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985950.

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43

Hall, Mitchell. "United States Civil War." Michigan Historical Review 25, no. 2 (1999): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173831.

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44

Teed, Paul E., and Albert Castel. "Tom Taylor's Civil War." Michigan Historical Review 27, no. 2 (2001): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20173933.

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45

Marszalek, John F., and Albert Castel. "Tom Taylor's Civil War." Journal of Military History 65, no. 3 (2001): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677556.

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46

Glade, Betsy, and James Marten. "The Children's Civil War." Journal of Southern History 66, no. 1 (2000): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2587469.

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47

Robinson, Glenn E. "Syria's Long Civil War." Current History 111, no. 749 (2012): 331–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.749.331.

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48

Bennett, M. "The English Civil War." English Historical Review CXXV, no. 513 (2010): 438–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceq023.

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49

Soderberg, Susan C. "Maryland’s Civil War Monuments." Historian 58, no. 3 (1996): 531–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1996.tb00962.x.

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50

Graham, Helen. "The Spanish Civil War." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (1987): 989–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022445.

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