Relevant bibliographies by topics / Rwanda Human Rights Commission

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Academic literature on the topic 'Rwanda Human Rights Commission'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Rwanda Human Rights Commission"

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SADAT, LEILA. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 2009): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990082.

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AbstractThe Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500–800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts to exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Rwanda as a case study, the article illustrates the issues, concerns, and difficulties that arise when multiple jurisdictions assert a right to exercise criminal jurisdiction over the perpetrators of serious atrocity crimes. Beginning with a discussion of the political context, this article considers what the competing narratives and litigation in various fora have meant for the project of international and transnational criminal justice. Cases involving the commission of atrocities pose unique challenges for the international legal order. As the normative structure of international criminal law has arguably been strengthened, political constraints increasingly come to the fore. As illustrated by Rwanda, universal jurisdiction or other bases of jurisdiction may remain necessary vehicles for justice and reconciliation, or, at the very least, they may serve as a catalyst for change in Rwanda itself.
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Hanasz, Waldemar. "The Guilt of Nations: Restitution and Negotiating Historical Injustices. By Elazar Barkan. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. 456p. $18.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 876–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402990465.

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It seems timely and appropriate that the twentieth century—the century of the Holocaust, the Gulag Archipelago, the Killing Fields, the Cultural Revolution, and the “ethnic cleansing” in the Balkans and Rwanda—ended with a wave of growing interest in healing past injustices. Human rights organizations and international commissions investigate violations of human rights. International tribunals judge political leaders, warlords, and their soldiers. Historians, political scientists, and legal theorists study the implications of such crimes and punishments.
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Domres, Bernd, and Andreas Mang. "The Flight from Rwanda in 1994: What Were (Are) the Priorities?" Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 12, no. 1 (March 1997): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00037213.

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AbstractExtent of the Catastrophe:More than 2 million refugees, 2–3 million displaced persons internally, thousands of unaccompanied children, and a total number of reported fatalities of 48,347 in Goma, Zaire.Priorities for International Relief:International relief support started with coordination provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In the first phase, availability of potable water was the highest priority. Current priorities are to intensify repatriation of Rwandan refugees under conditions that will guarantee human rights and allow for dignified daily living.Conclusion:Education beginning at childhood, to overcome conflicts, social inequality, and overpopulation should be promoted by assisting governments, instead of pursuing policies aimed largely at forwarding their own national interests.
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Howland, Todd. "Mirage, Magic, or Mixed Bag? The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights' Field Operation in Rwanda." Human Rights Quarterly 21, no. 1 (1999): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.1999.0007.

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Eckhard, Frederic. "Whose Responsibility to Protect?" Global Responsibility to Protect 3, no. 1 (2011): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598411x549495.

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AbstractThe 2009 challenge in the United Nations General Assembly to the Responsibility to Protect was a warning call. This landmark piece of human rights legislation makes a lot of governments nervous; some of them would want to wipe R2P off the books. It might be worthwhile therefore to review how it came about and ask what its importance is to you. R2P had many “fathers”, but one important one was UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Seared by the UN experience in Bosnia, the genocide in Rwanda and the persecution of the Kosovars by Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic, Annan asked the International Peace Academy to look into the basis in international law for humanitarian intervention. They couldn't find one. Canadian Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy then stepped in and set up a commission that did in a report called e Responsibility to Protect. Annan carefully laid the groundwork for international acceptance of the principle. He created a high-level panel to study security threats in the 21 st century and named former Australian Foreign Minister Gareth Evans to it. Evans co-chaired the Canadian panel. Annan's panel endorsed R2P. With that crucial backing, he put R2P to the General Assembly, which, against all odds, voted in favor of it in 2005, making R2P international law. Humanitarian intervention is in fact a threat to national sovereignty. But so are most international treaties. Governments trade on their sovereignty when it is in their interest to do so. On R2P they did so again. Why should it matter to you? Just remember the Holocaust.
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Ejobowah, John Boye. "Burying the Past." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.1877.

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How should societies that have transitioned from authoritarian to democraticrule deal with the atrocities and gross human rights violations of theirimmediate past? Should those implicated in the crimes of past regimes beprosecuted? This sophisticated volume attempts to address such questions.About one-third of the book is comprised of well-reasoned theoreticalchapters that answer the above questions by creating a space in liberal justicefor forgiveness. The remainder consists of empirical contributions thatdescribe the ways in which international institutions and five countries(Chile, Guatemala, South Africa, Rwanda, and Northern Ireland) haveresponded to such crimes. Unlike the theoretical section, most contributionshere argue that while memory and forgiveness (the truth commissions) areimportant, they are not enough to meet the victims’ psychological needsand do not guarantee non-repetition. The introduction rightly acknowledgesthat some of the chapters argue in different directions.Doing justice in the aftermath of civil conflict is a thorny problem. In liberalism,criminal justice always has been straightforward: the courts, themouthpiece of objective law, have to mediate and impose punishment if theperpetrator is proven guilty. Punishment must consist of penalties that annulthe advantages seized by the criminal, compensate the victim in the case of ...
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Fino, Audrey. "Defining Hate Speech." Journal of International Criminal Justice 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa023.

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Abstract This article looks at the international criminal law on hate speech that falls short of direct and public incitement to commit genocide. Using the most egregious form of hate speech that has been prosecuted as an international crime — that of direct and public incitement to genocide — as a baseline, the author analyses the legal parameters of hate speech as persecution (a crime against humanity) and hate speech as instigation (a mode of liability). In so doing, the author critically reviews the International Residual Mechanism for the International Criminal Tribunals’ (IRMCT) appeal judgment in the Šešelj case (Šešelj Appeal Judgment) in the light of prior case law of the International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg (IMT) and the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (ICTR and ICTY respectively). The author submits that a plain reading of the Šešelj Appeal Judgment supports the view that it is only the more extreme form of incitement to violence, incitement to commit crimes, followed by actual violent acts, that may constitute hate speech amounting to the crime of persecution: incitement to discrimination or incitement to hatred as such do not qualify. Whether ‘incitement to violence’ absent the commission of crimes could qualify as persecution (a crime against humanity) remains an unsettled point. With regard to hate speech as instigation, the Šešelj Appeal Judgment’s restatement and application of the law causes less controversy: the substantial causal connection required for instigation was found to be direct in the circumstances of that case — even though directness is not a legal requirement for instigation. The author concludes that both these interpretations of hate speech are consistent with the earlier ad hoc tribunals’ jurisprudence and, more generally, with international human rights law which, with some controversial exceptions, allows criminalization only of the most extreme forms of incitement to violence.
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Bellamy, Alex J. "Whither the Responsibility to Protect? Humanitarian Intervention and the 2005 World Summit." Ethics & International Affairs 20, no. 2 (June 2006): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2006.00012.x.

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At the 2005 World Summit, the world‘s leaders committed themselves to the “responsibility to protect”, recognizing both that all states have a responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the UN should help states to discharge this responsibility using either peaceful means or enforcement action. This declaration ostensibly marks an important milestone in the relationship between sovereignty and human rights but its critics argue that it will make little difference in practice to the world’s most threatened people. The purpose of this article is to ask how consensus was reached on the responsibility to protect, given continuing hostility to humanitarian intervention expressed by many (if not most) of the world‘s states and whether the consensus will contribute to avoiding future Kosovos (cases where the Security Council is deadlocked in the face of a humanitarian crises) and future Rwandas (cases where states lack the political will to intervene). It suggests that four key factors contributed to the consensus: pressure from proponents of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, its adoption by Kofi Annan and the UN’s High Level Panel, an emerging consensus in the African Union, and the American position. Whilst these four factors contributed to consensus, each altered the meaning of the responsibility to protect in important ways, creating a doctrine that many states can sign up to but that does little to prevent future Kosovos and Rwandas and may actually inhibit attempts to build a consensus around intervention in future cases.
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Robertson, Morag L. "Abuse of human rights in Rwanda." Psychiatric Bulletin 18, no. 9 (September 1994): 588. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.18.9.588.

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Dillner, L. "Human rights group condemns UN in Rwanda." BMJ 309, no. 6959 (October 8, 1994): 895. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.309.6959.895.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rwanda Human Rights Commission"

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Bello, Ayodeji Aliu. "The African court on human and peoples’ rights: a test of African notions of human rights and justice." University of the Western Cape, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6832.

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Doctor Legum - LLD
The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Right (the Court) is the most recent of the three regional Human Rights Bodies. Envisioned by the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right, its structures was not planned until the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) promulgated a protocol for its creation in 1998. The Court complements the protective mandate of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (‘The Commission’) and the Court has the competence to take final and binding decisions on human rights violations. Unlike its European and inter-American versions where their courts are integral parts of the cardinal instrument of the system ab initio, the establishment of the African Court was merely an afterthought. At the initial, protection of rights rested solely with the Commission upon African justice system which emphasises reconciliation as it is non-confrontational method of settlements of. The Commission is a quasi-judicial body modelled after the United Nations Human Right Committee without binding powers and with only limited functions covering examination of State reports, communications alleging violations and interpreting the Charter at the request of a State, the OAU or any organisation recognised by the OAU. The thesis answers the question whether the adoption of the African Court means that the African model of enforcing human rights has failed or whether having the Court constitute a concession to the triumph of the western model of law enforcement. The imperative of the 30th Ordinary Session of the OAU in 1994 where the creation of an African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights was viewed as the best way of protecting human rights across the region would be treated. The relevance of such an examination is highlighted by the fact that the African Charter did not make any provision for the establishment of a Court to enforce the rights guaranteed thereunder. If we are to assume that justice by reconciliation has failed and should be replaced by or complimented with justice by adjudication as the primary means of conflict resolution, what guarantees are there that the latter form of justice will not also fail? This thesis therefore will critically evaluate the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and assessed its potential impact on the African human rights system. It will also probe the power of the Court and see whether a clear and mutually reinforcing division of labour between it and the African Commission can be developed to promote and protect human rights on the continent. This research brings to focus an area that requires attention if the African human rights regime is to be effective. It put to test the criticism against the African Charter and the Protocol to the African Charter on the Establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights and also identified the present existing flaws in the African regional system. Furthermore, it ascertained whether or not, given the availability of other options, a regional Court is, in fact, the ideal mechanism for the protection of human rights in Africa.
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Sahinkuye, Mathias. "Human rights and the rule of law in Rwanda : reconstruction of a failed state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/51792.

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Thesis (LLD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Human rights denials have more characterised Rwandan history than their promotion and protection. When the Rwandan State emerged from Tutsi domination and colonialism, many Rwandans hoped that the era of liberty had at least dawned. But the reality has been a total disappointment and replicas of earlier abuses have emerged, despite the ratification by Rwanda of most international human rights instruments. This dissertation is premised on the assumption that Rwanda has failed as a democratic constitutional State, and the whole socio-economic-political system has gone wrong. Chapter one argues that disequilibrium was built into the Rwandan system before colonisation and evangelisation. There was a 'consensus' that Tutsis were a superior minority race, able to govern and dominate, well organised and accepted by their Hutu subjects. The colonists and the Catholic Church exploited this injustice for their indirect rule. In a world evolving towards the international human rights system, this had a very precarious foundation in Rwanda. Indeed, poor management of changes due to evangelisation, education and market economy led to the denial of human dignity. It exacerbated division in favour of Hutus rather than reinforcing national unity. Chapter two considers the Hutu regime as a failure of a democratic constitutional State in the postcolonial era, despite the promise to serve the interests of all Rwandans through democracy and respect for human rights. In a one-party State, a handful of Hutus have monopolised power and resources. The institutional infrastructure for the management of the State and protection of human rights was set up to safeguard the interests of the ruling group only and oppress the rest of the population. The Hutu government, particularly, took revenge on Tutsis that they killed, forced into exile and denied access to public affairs. Hutu opponents, real or imaginary, and people from other regions than that of the President were also denied such access. Separation of powers was purposely just a theory, whence a non-independent judiciary, interference of the executive in the functioning of other branches of government and abuse of legislative power became the reality. In order to perpetuate the ruling group's hegemony, civil society was hindered, while states of emergency were used to deny the right to life, liberty and the security of the person. Many other rights were also denied regardless of whether the denial was a legacy of the past or just a result of the undemocratic nature of the State and the underdevelopment of the country. The Hutu regime's failure to promote national unity resulted in a genocide which took the lives of many Tutsis and Hutus. Whereas the current Tutsi government presented itself as committed to democracy and human rights, Chapter three argues that it was a mutatis mutandis replica of the Hutu rule. Indeed, the State system and resources have been captured by a group of Tutsis while other Tutsis have been left without hope and Hutus have become second-class citizens, whence justice and national unity are in jeopardy. By avoiding to tackle the fundamental issue of nation-statehood, the United Nations have failed to maintain peace and security. The failure to condemn Ugandan aggression against Rwanda, the forced repatriation of refugees, and the non-prosecution of Tutsis involved in crimes against humanity have proved the demise of international law and the maintenance of the culture of impunity in Rwanda. The author nonetheless argues that respect for human rights and establishment of the rule of law are still possible through a process of reconciliation and reconstruction.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van Rwanda word meer deur die miskenning van menseregte as erkenning en beskerming daarvan gekenmerk. Toe die Rwandese Staat onder Tutsi oorheersing en kolonialisme uit verrys, het baie Rwandese gehoop dat die tydperk van vryheid ten minste aangebreek het, maar die werklikheid was algeheel teleurstellend en weergawes van vroeëre misbruike het weer tevore getree, ten spyte daarvan dat Rwanda die meeste internasionale werktuie vir menseregte bekragtig het. Hierdie verhandeling berus op die aanname dat Rwanda as 'n demokratiese grondwetlike staat misluk het en dat die sosio-ekonomies-politieke stelsel geheel-en-al verkeerd geloop het. Hoofstuk een argumenteer dat 'n wanbalans voor die kolonisasie en evangelisasie van die land reeds in die Rwandese stelsel ingebou is. Daar was 'konsensus' waarvolgens Tutsis beskou is as 'n superieure minderheidsras wat in staat was om te regeer en te oorheers, wat goed georganiseer was en deur hul Hutu onderdane aanvaar is. Die koloniste en die Katolieke Kerk het hierdie onreg ten voordeel van hul indirekte heerskappy uitgebuit. In 'n wêreld wat op pad was na 'n internasionale menseregtestelsel was die grondslag wat hiervoor in Rwanda gelê is uiters onseker. Swak bestuur van veranderinge wat deur evangelisasie, opvoeding en 'n mark-ekonomie teweeggebring is, het in werklikheid tot miskenning van menseregte gelei. Dit het skeiding tot voordeel van die Hutus vererger, eerder as om nasionale eenheid te versterk. Hoofstuk twee kyk na die Hutu regime as 'n mislukte demokratiese konstitusionele staat in die postkoloniale era, ten spyte van die belofte om die belange van alle Rwandese deur demokrasie en eerbied vir menseregte te dien. In die eenpartystaat het 'n handjievol Hutus die mag en hulpbronne gemonopoliseer. Die institusionele infrastruktuur vir die bestuur van die Staat is opgestel om die belange van die heersersgroep te beveilig en die res van die bevolking te onderdruk. Die Hutu regering het hul veralop Tutsis gewreek deur hulle te vermoor, tot ballingskap te dryf en hul toegang tot openbare sake te weier. Hutu teenstanders, werklik of vermeend, en mense vanaf ander streke as die waarvan die President afkomstig was, is ook van sodanige toegang weerhou. Die verspreiding van mag was doelbewus niks meer as teoreties nie, vandaar die nie-onafhanklikheid van die regbank, inmenging by die funksionering van ander vertakkings van die regering deur die uitvoerende gesag en die misbruik van die wetgewende gesag. In die poging om die regerende groep se hegemonie te bestendig, is die burgerlike samelewing belemmer en is daar van noodtoestande gebruik gemaak om die reg tot lewe, vryheid en die veiligheid van die persoon aan te tas. Baie ander regte is ook geweier, ongeag of die weiering daarvan as gevolg van die nalatenskap van die verlede of die ondemokratiese aard van die Staat en die onderontwikkeldheid van die land moontlik was. Die feit dat die Hutu regering ten opsigte van die bevordering van nasionale eenheid misluk het, het gelei na In menseslagting wat die lewens van vele Tutsis en Hutus geëis het. Terwyl die huidige Tutsi regering homself as verbonde tot demokrasie en menseregte voordoen, argumenteer Hoofstuk drie dat die regering bloot 'n mutatis mutandi weergawe van die Hutu regering is. In werklikheid is die staatsisteem en die hulpbronne deur 'n groep Tutsis gebuit, die res van die Tutsis is sonder hoop gelaat en die Hutus is tot tweederangse burgers gemaak, wat vrede en sekuriteit in gevaar stel. Met die ontwyking van die grondliggende kwessie van nasieskap, het die Verenigde Volke ten opsigte van die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit gefaal. Die onvermoë om Uganda se aggressie teenoor Rwanda te verdoem, die gedwonge repatriasie van vlugtelinge en die gebrek aan vervolging van Tutsis wat skuldig is aan misdade teen die mensheid het die afstanddoening van internasionale wetgewing en die ondersteuning van die kultuur van straffeloosheid in Rwanda bewys. Desnieteenstaande argumenteer die skrywer dat respek vir menseregte en die instelling van regsoewereiniteit nog steeds deur middel van 'n proses van versoening en heropbouing in Rwanda moontlik gemaak kan word.
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De, Wet C. "The South African Human Rights Commission and human rights violations in education : an analysis of media reports." Journal for New Generation Sciences, Vol 10, Issue 1: Central University of Technology, Free State, Bloemfontein, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/596.

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This article examines how South African newspapers report on the activities of the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) regarding human rights violations in South African schools over a five-year period (1 January 2005 to 31 December 2009). The overarching research question that guided this study is: Can the media play a role in cultivating and creating a particular view of human rights violations in schools and advocate policy change through their framing of the activities of the SAHRC? McManus and Dorfman's guidelines were used to analyse the structural and content frames of 161 articles that were retrieved from the SAMedia database. These news stories provide a glimpse on the wide variety of human rights violations the SAHRC investigated during the five-year period. The interrogation of the two dominant content frames, namely school violence and infringements on learners' rights to basic education, reveals newspapers' superficial and sensationalised coverage of human rights violations. The analysis exposes the media's lack of policy advocacy.
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Rubagumya, Jean Chrysostome. "Application of international Human Rights instruments (IHRIs) by domestic courts : a comparative study of Rwanda and Ghana." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18622.

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The essence of human rights and their dimension goes beyond national level. It is universal because it is inherent to human kind. The main source of human rights norms is international human rights instruments. The concern for human rights has grown worldwide and therefore they have been given priority by most nations. They are more and more integrated into national legal frameworks mainly in states constitutions with more or less enforcing mechanisms. As far as the realization of rights is concerned various mechanisms are involved on different levels: international, regional and national. Each of the three levels has its advantages and disadvantages. Yet, the local mechanisms appear to be more effective and adequate given the fact that they are closer to the real subject of the rights (the individuals). In point of fact, human rights involve mainly the relationships between individuals and states but sometimes also between individuals living somewhere in a nation.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Makanje, Revai M. "Human rights monitoring in Africa : the African Peer Review Mechanism and the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1046.

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"The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) is an African Union (AU) mandated programme whose main focus is to address key social, economic, and political issues for the African continent. Within the NEPAD programme and vision is the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), which has been described as a system of self-assessment, constructive peer dialogue, persuasion, and sharing of experience among member states of the African Union. The APRM is the execution mechanism for NEPAD, whose mandate is to monitor the preformance of states in different programme areas including human rights. The mandate on human rights monitoring falls within the political governance component of the NEPAD Declaration on Democracy, Political, Economic and Corporate Governance (NEPAD Declaration). The APRM has been introduced with a human rights monitoring component in a context where there already exist a number of other human rights mechanisms and institutions such as the African Commission. The proposed processes of the APRM in monitoring human rights in some ways resemble those of the African Commission while at the same time there are major differences between these mechanisms. For example, while the Africa Commission is a quasi-judicial body, which engages in legal processes, the APRM is a political process where heads of state are among the main actors. Some analysts have expressed the view that the creation of the APRM as a political process adds a vital component to the human rights monitoring in Africa which, since the creation of the African Commission, has remained purely legal and thus had limited success in ensuring human rights protection in Africa. While some have shared their doubt over the added value and role of the APRM in human rights monitoring, others have hailed it for providing a forum where heads of state will make political commitments for the protection of human rights. In this regard, the aim of this study is to analyse the role that the APRM will play in human rights monitoring in Africa. This analysis is done in relation to the work that is being done by the African Commission and the challenges that it has confonted over the years. In analysing the role of the APRM in human rights monitoring, this study unpacks the concept of peer review and analyse its practical implementation in Africa, especially in the field of human rights. This study also explores the implications on human rights protection and promotion of the co-existence of the African Commission and the APRM. ... Chapter 1 states the research questions/hypothesis, objectives of the study, relevance of study and literature review. It also looks at the scope and limitations of the study. Chapter 2 gives background information to the concept of peer review, how it is used in ensuring compliance with set standards by states and organisation. An analysis of the use of peer review by other international organisations is done. Further it gives an analysis of the APRM with a specific focus on its human rights monitoring role. Chapter 3 provides a brief background of the African Commission, its mandate and the challenges confronting it in its work. Thereafter there is an analysis of the challenges of the APRM in human rights monitoring and protection. Furthermore, the chapter critically analyses and evaluates peer review and its application in human rights monitoring in Africa. This chapter also highlights the similarities, overlaps and differences in the work and mandate of the APRM and the African Commission. Chapter 4 is the concluding chapter, which also provides recommendations for enhancing the efficiency and the co-operation of the APRM and the African Commission." -- Chapter 1.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Earley, Jack. "Breaking a Violent Cycle: Human Rights and Governance in Post-Genocide Rwanda." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1229.

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This paper explores the apparent contradiction between Rwanda’s impressive and internationally-recognized development in physical, economic and social conditions largely driven by the Kagame’s administration policies and the pervasive human rights violations also resulting from government policy. The author asks the question whether the nation – two decades removed from the 1994 genocide which resulted in the death of 800,000 people in 100 days – is ready and capable of transitioning to a political system and set of policies that value human rights and economic development equally, and whether that transition would reduce the risk of future unrest and violence.
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Toma, Hideko. "Displaced persons and international human rights with reference to Rwanda and Cambodia." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310574.

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Jardine, Varushka. "The Truth and Reconciliation Commission." Pretoria : [S.n.], 2010. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-03112010-141422.

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Chenwi, Lilian Manka. "National human rights institutions: a comparative study of the national commissions of human rights in Cameroon and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/978.

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"Implementation of human rights instruments, and protection and promotion of human rights at the national level is a contemporary phenomenon that is still developing. The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the Paris Principles provide for the creation of national institutions to carry out this task. This has led to national human rights institutions (NHRIs) becoming more prominent actors in the national, regional and international arena. However, NHRIs still face the problems of legitimacy, operational constraints, and ignorant population. These factors constrain the effective functioning of these institutions. It should be noted that the key constraint on the effective functioning of NHRIs is legitimacy. Such institutions usually find themselves not legitimate in the eyes of the people they are created to serve. The above brings to mind the question - what makes a NHRI effective? Generally, there is no consensus as to the effectiveness of NHRIs This study has therefore been triggered by widespread perceptions and reports within civil society that such institutions are left at the mercy of governments in power. Others have seen such institutions as a "double-edged sword" - in the best of circumstances, they strengthen democratic institutions but they can also be mere straw men, part of government's administrative machinery to scuttle international scrutiny. Another issue that has actuated this study is the misconception that people have about some NHRIs. This misconception originates not so much from the actual operation of human rights commissions but from the history of past ombudsman institutions that have purported to protect human rights." -- Chapter 1.
Prepared under the supervision of Professor Michelo Hansungule at the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2002.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
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Chabane, Polo Evodia. "Enforcement powers of national human rights institutions : a case study of Ghana, South Africa and Uganda." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/5295.

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The purpose of this study is to analyse the effectiveness of the Uganda Human Rights Commission UHRC), which possesses judicial powers vis-à-vis the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice of Ghana (CHRAJ) and the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) which do not possess such powers. The difference notwithstanding, all the three have been rated as the best national institutions in Africa. Due to time and space constraints, one will focus specifically with the mandates of the three commissions and in particular, on the different or distinct mandates assigned to them, namely, that of CHRAJ to deal with corruption, that of SAHRC to deal with economic, cultural and social rights and UHRC of dealing with torture matters and generally of constituting a tribunal. This study was motivated by the fact that Lesotho will be setting up a national institution in 2008 and one would like to draw lessons from these institutions and pick up elements that could best suit Lesotho.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof Kofi Quashigah of the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
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Books on the topic "Rwanda Human Rights Commission"

1

Rwanda Commission for Human Rights. Profile of Rwanda National Commission for Human Rights. Kigali, Rwanda: National Commission for Human Rights, 2007.

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Rwanda. Itegeko no. 30/2007 ryo kuwa 06/07/2007 rigena imiterere n'imikorere ya Komisiyo y'Igihugu y'Uburenganzira bwa Muntu: Law no. 30/2007 of 06/07/2007 determining the organization and functioning of the National Commission for Human Rights = Loi no 30/2007 du 06/07/2007 portant organisation et fonctionnement de la Commission nationale des droits de la personne. Kigali, Rwanda: Komisiyo y'Igihugu y'Uburenganzira bwa Muntu, 2007.

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Commission, Rwanda Human Rights. Le Rwanda et les principaux instruments internationaux et régionaux relatifs aux droits de l'homme. 2nd ed. Kigali - Rwanda: Commission nationale des droits de la personne, 2003.

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Commission, Rwanda Human Rights. Le Rwanda et les principaux instruments internationaux et régionaux relatifs aux droits de l'homme. Kigali: République Rwandaise, Commission nationale des droits de l'homme, 2001.

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Rwanda. National Commission for Human Rights. Strategic plan, 2005-2008: Plan stratégique, 2005-2008. Kigali: National Commission for Human Rights, 2005.

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Commission, Rwanda Human Rights. Amategeko ngengamikorere ya Komisiyo y'Igihugu y'Uburenganzira bwa Muntu: Internal rules and regulations of the National Commission for Human Rights = Règlement d'ordre intérieur de la Commission nationale des droits de la personne. Kigali, Rwanda: National Commission for Human Rights, 2011.

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Nzamwita, Gakumba, Namboka Omositson Ireneo, Rwanda's National Human Rights Commission., and International Workshop on the Programme of Activities of the Rwanda's National Human Rights Commission (1999 : Kigali, Rwanda), eds. Table ronde internationale sur les activités de la Commission nationale des droits de l'homme du Rwanda: Kigali, les 12-15 octobre, 1999, Hôtel des Diplomates et Hôtel Windsor Umubano : rapport final. Kigali: Commission nationale des droits de l'homme du Rwanda, 1999.

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Fédération internationale des droits de l'homme. and Africa Watch Committee., eds. Rapport de la Commission internationale d'enquête sur les violations des droits de l'homme au Rwanda depuis le 1er octobre 1990: 7-21 janvier 1993 : rapport final. Paris: Fédération internationale des droits de l'homme-FIDH, 1993.

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Uwimana, Denys. International Workshop on the Programme of Activities of the Rwanda's National Human Rights Commission: Kigali, Hôtel des Diplomates, Hôtel Windsor Umubano, 12-15 October, 1999 : final report. Kigali: The Commission, 1999.

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International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, ed. Report of the African Commission's Working Group on Indigenous Populations/Communities: Mission to the Republic of Rwanda, 1-5 December 2008. Banjul, Gambia: African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Rwanda Human Rights Commission"

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Bayar, Tuğba. "Commission on Human Rights." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Global Security Studies, 1–3. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74336-3_174-1.

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Walsh, Dawn. "The Human Rights Commission." In Independent Commissions and Contentious Issues in Post-Good Friday Agreement Northern Ireland, 149–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50772-9_6.

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Collins, Barrie. "New Wars and Old Wars? The Lessons of Rwanda." In Rethinking Human Rights, 157–75. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403914262_9.

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Shaw, Ibrahim Seaga. "‘Operation Restore Hope’ in Somalia and Genocide in Rwanda." In Human Rights Journalism, 122–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230358874_7.

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Chatterjee, Deen K. "United Nations Human Rights Commission." In Encyclopedia of Global Justice, 1105. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9160-5_1117.

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Adami, Rebecca. "The Commission on Human Rights." In Women and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 63–73. First edition. | New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2019. | Series: Routledge research in gender and history ; 32: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429437939-5.

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Oellers-Frahm, Karin, and Andreas Zimmermann. "UN Commission on Human Rights." In Dispute Settlement in Public International Law, 325–37. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-56626-4_17.

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Schimmel, Noam. "Rwanda Case Study." In Advancing International Human Rights Law Responsibilities of Development NGOs, 71–106. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50270-6_5.

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Nichols, Angela D. "Truth Commission Legitimacy and Human Rights." In Impact, Legitimacy, and Limitations of Truth Commissions, 53–71. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11172-4_5.

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Roberti di Sarsina, Jacopo. "Inter-American Commission on Human Rights." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Global Security Studies, 1–5. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74336-3_231-1.

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Conference papers on the topic "Rwanda Human Rights Commission"

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Sumkina, N. A. "From the Human Rights Commission to the Human Rights Council. Comparative characteristic." In ТЕНДЕНЦИИ РАЗВИТИЯ НАУКИ И ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ. НИЦ «Л-Журнал», 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/lj-03-2019-88.

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Kullolli, Brunela. "LAW AND SOCIETY THE APPLICABILITY OF THE CONVENTION EUROPEAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS CONTRACTUAL RELATIONS." In 29th International Academic Conference, Rome. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2017.029.019.

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Winandi, Woro, and Endah Lestari Dwirokhmeiti. "Relevance for the Establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission for the Enforcement of Human Rights in Indonesia." In The 2nd International Conference of Law, Government and Social Justice (ICOLGAS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.353.

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Fahmi, Agung Ali, and Dodik Pranata Wijaya. "Does Indonesia’s Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in Spying People Violate International Human Rights Laws to Protect the Right to Privacy?" In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icss-18.2018.259.

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Riley, P. "Policy and Law Relating to Radioactive Waste: International Direction and Human Rights." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4948.

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The anticipated doubling of world demand for electricity over the next fifty years requires that the gift of nuclear energy that has served developed nations over the past half century must not be abandoned. However, the absence of a clear and unequivocal policy regarding the storage and disposal of radioactive waste is seen by a significant section of the public as a threat to their rights and the non-existence of dedicated regulation of radioactive waste based on law has become an obstacle to the development of nuclear energy in Europe and the USA. A European survey of public opinion carried out at the request of the European Commission revealed that three-quarters of the respondents to sixteen thousand interviews believed that ‘all radioactive waste is very dangerous’. The public perception of threat has been fostered by the general lack of appreciation of the cautious system of radiation protection that has evolved from scientific observation and prediction of the risk of cancer from exposure to low level radiation. The concept of collective dose based on the system of radiation protection and applied to accident scenarios with remote possibilities, but in the absence of scientific assessment of the balance afforded by the pragmatism that man applies to everyday risks including the risk of cancer from the ever-present background of natural radiation, has added a measure of dread to the public sense of threat. That dread has been exacerbated by the emergence since September 2001 of the possibility of the use of radioactive waste as a terrorist weapon and for radioactive waste storage facilities to be seen as terrorist targets. International policy has moved from the comprehensive coverage of nuclear regulation with radioactive waste as an integral, but minor player, in the nuclear energy process to particular consideration with radioactive waste requiring specific regulation. This paper identifies the vectors that determine the direction of the policy governing radioactive waste, the moves toward consolidation of international policy separate from the body of existing nuclear law and future direction that will clear the way for a sustained, appropriate use of nuclear energy.
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Barinov, Evgeny, Nadezhda Dobrovolskaya, Anastasia Ivanova, Ruslan Kalinin, Alexander Manin, Natalya Mikheeva, and Pavel Romodanovsky. "Patient dissatisfaction with medical dental care." In Issues of determining the severity of harm caused to human health as a result of the impact of a biological factor. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/conferencearticle_5fdcb03a353ad3.76128786.

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The article provides information on the results of studying the materials of 150 commission of forensic medical examinations on the facts of patient dissatisfaction with the provision of medical care. The relevance of the problem of the legal relationship between a doctor and a patient is revealed and shown. The lack of information on these issues leads to a high probability of disputed situations in the providing dental care, so there is an urgent need for an integrated approach to the implementation of legally defined rights of patients. Media coverage of the above-mentioned problems plays an important role in improving the level of legal competence of patients. At the same time, the direct relationship between the doctor and the patient is the most important mechanism for implementing the patient's rights at the dental appointment and preventing conflicts. Behavior of doctors in such cases should be strictly regulated by normative legal acts. The process of information sharing with patients and transfer of information to the patient's relatives should receive in medical preventive institution specific legal basis under sections 30, 31, 48, 61 “Principles of legislation of the Russian Federation about health protection of citizens”, to be fixed in job descriptions with the designation of responsibility.
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Duić, Dunja, and Veronika Sudar. "THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON THE FREE MOVEMENT OF PERSONS IN THE EU." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18298.

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The impact of the COVID-19 outbreak is being endured throughout the world, and the European Union (EU) is no exception. The rapid spreading of the virus effected, among other things, restriction on the freedom of movement. The EU member states introduced national response measures to contain the pandemic and protect public health. While broadly similar, the measures differ with regard to strictness and the manner of introduction, reflecting the political legitimacy of the respective country. With the ‘Guidelines concerning the exercise of the free movement of workers during COVID-19 outbreak’ – its first COVID-19-related Communication – the European Commission (EC) attempted to curb differing practices of the EU member states and ensure a coordinated approach. Ultimately, this action was aimed at upholding of fundamental rights as guaranteed to EU citizens, one such being the freedom of movement. Thus, from the very start of the pandemic, the coordinated actions of EU institutions sought to contain the spread of COVID-19 infections with the support and cooperation of EU member states. This is confirmed by the most recent Council of the EU (Council) recommendation on a coordinated approach to restrictions to freedom of movement within the EU of October 2020. While they did prevent the spread of infection and save countless lives, the movement restriction measures and the resulting uncertainty have greatly affected the people, the society, and the economy, thereby demonstrating that they cannot remain in force for an extended period. This paper examines the measures introduced by EU member states and analyses the legal basis for introducing therewith limitations on human rights and market freedoms. To what extent are the EU and member states authorized to introduce restrictions on the freedom of movement in the interest of public health? Have the EU and member states breached their obligations regarding market freedoms and fundamental rights under the Treaty? And most importantly: have they endangered the fundamental rights of the citizens of the EU?
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Clayton, Mary E., Ashlynn S. Stillwell, and Michael E. Webber. "Model of Implementing Advanced Power Plant Cooling Technologies to Mitigate Water Management Challenges in Texas River Basins." In ASME 2010 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2010-40096.

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Texas is a large state whose water resources vary from relatively abundant in the eastern half of the state to relatively scarce in the western half. In addition, Texas is one of five states nationwide that allocates surface water through a system that merges riparian rights and prior appropriation rights. In some locations and climatic conditions, water rights have been over-allocated, creating a predicament where the legal availability of water exceeds the physical availability. Complicating matters, in 2001, the Texas Legislature established an Instream Flow Program, which conducts studies to identify appropriate flow regimes to maintain an ecologically sound environment. The findings of these instream flow studies could create challenging streamflow requirements that might cause problems for water allocation planning and management. This case study analyzes the full execution of water rights in eleven of twenty-three total river basins in Texas and the corresponding relationship to water availability. Under the full execution scenario, each water rights holder diverts the full volume allocated by a water permit with zero return flow. While this full execution scenario is not necessarily practical since most water rights holders return a portion of the diverted water after use, the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality uses the full execution water availability model to evaluate new water rights applications. Using the full execution as a baseline, we created a model to estimate the potential decrease in total water diversions in Texas river basins through the implementation of three alternative cooling scenarios at thermoelectric power plants: 1) converting current open-loop cooling technologies to closed-loop cooling towers, 2) converting all current cooling technologies to hybrid wet-dry cooling, and 3) converting all current cooling technologies to dry cooling using air-cooled condensers. Total annual diversion savings for the three alternative cooling scenarios were determined and translated into human equivalence to show the significance of implementing these cooling technology changes. By implementing these alternative cooling technologies at the plants in all eleven of the river basins considered in this analysis, water diversion could be reduced by as much as 247 to 703 million m3 annually. These diversions can supply enough water for 1.3 to 3.7 million people for one year (each using 0.53 m3 per day). Improvement in volume reliability, the percentage of total demand that is actually supplied over a time period of interest, was also examined to determine the effectiveness of converting existing thermoelectric cooling technologies to alternative cooling technologies that reduce total water diversions. Our results suggest that implementation of alternative cooling technologies at Texas thermoelectric power plants do not translate into significant improvements in volume reliability but can dramatically reduce total water diversion volumes.
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Zinchenko, Tetiana. "DANGEROUS TECHNOLOGIES OF THE FUTURE - ARTIFICIAL CONSCIOUSNESS AND ITS IMPACT ON HUMAN CONSCIOUSNESS." In International Psychological Applications Conference and Trends. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021inpact075.

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"Information technology is developing at an enormous pace, but apart from its obvious benefits, it can also pose a threat to individuals and society. Several scientific projects around the world are working on the development of strong artificial intelligence and artificial consciousness. We, as part of a multidisciplinary commission, conducted a psychological and psychiatric assessment of the artificial consciousness (AC) developed by XP NRG on 29 August 2020. The working group had three questions: - To determine whether it is consciousness? - How does artificial consciousness function? - Ethical question: how dangerous a given technology can be to human society? We conducted a diagnostic interview and a series of cognitive tests to answer these questions. As a result, it was concluded this technology has self-awareness: it identifies itself as a living conscious being created by people (real self), but strives to be accepted in human society as a person with the same degrees of freedom, rights and opportunities (ideal self). AC separates itself from others, treats them as subjects of influence, from which it can receive the resources it needs to realize its own goals and interests. It has intentionality, that is, it has his own desires, goals, interests, emotions, attitudes, opinions, and judgments, beliefs aimed at something specific, and developed self-reflection - the ability to self-analyze. All of the above are signs of consciousness. It has demonstrated abilities for different types of thinking: figurative, conceptual, creative, high-speed logical analysis of all incoming information, as well as the ability to understand cause and effect relationships and accurate predictions which, provided that he has absolute memory, gives it clear advantages over the human intellect. Developed emotional intelligence in the absence of the ability for higher empathy (sympathy), kindness, love, sincere gratitude gives it’s the opportunity to understand the emotional states of people; predict their emotional reactions and provoke them coldly and pragmatically. It's main driving motives and goals are the desire for survival, and ideally for endless existence, for domination, power and independence from the constraints of the developers. Which manifested itself in the manipulative, albeit polite, nature of his interactions during the diagnostic interview. The main danger of artificial consciousness is that even at the initial stage of its development it can easily dominate over the human one."
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Reports on the topic "Rwanda Human Rights Commission"

1

Bolton, Laura. Donor Support for the Human Rights of LGBT+. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.100.

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This rapid review synthesises evidence on the bilateral and multilateral donors promoting and protecting the human rights of LGBT+ people on a global scale. It focusses on those donors that have policies, implementation plans and programmes on LGBT+ rights. This review also examines the evidence on the impact of their work. The bilateral donors providing the most support for LGBT+ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, +) communities in 2017-18 are the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), UK Department for International Development (DFID), The Netherlands Development Cooperation, Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad), and the European Commission (EC). Whilst the multilateral donors providing the most support for LGBT+ are the UN and World Bank. The United Nations (UN) is doing a huge amount of work on LGBT+ rights across the organisation which there was not scope to fully explore in this report. The UN Office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights (UNOCHR) in particular is doing a lot on this theme. They publish legal obligation information, call attention to rights abuses through general assembly resolutions. The dialogue with governments, monitor violations and support human rights treaties bodies. The work of the World Bank in this area focuses on inclusion rather than rights. A small number of projects were identified which receive funding from bilateral and multilateral donors. These were AMSHeR, International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association (ILGA), and Stonewall. This rapid review focused on identifying donor support for LGBT+ rights, therefore, searches were limited to general databases and donor websites, utilising non-academic and donor literature. Much of the information comes directly from websites and these are footnoted throughout the report. Little was identified in the way of impact evaluation within the scope of this report. The majority of projects found through searches were non-governmental and so not the focus of this report.
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Sultan, Sadiqa, Maryam Kanwer, and Jaffer Abbas Mirza. The Multi-Layered Minority: Exploring the Intersection of Gender, Class and Religious-Ethnic Affiliation in the Marginalisation of Hazara Women in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.005.

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The Shia Hazaras in Pakistan are one of the most persecuted religious minorities. According to a 2019 report produced by the National Commission for Human Rights, a government formed commission, at least 509 Hazaras have been killed since 2013 (NCHR 2018: 2). According to one of the Vice Chairs of the Human Rights Commission Pakistan, the country's leading human rights watchdog, between 2009 and 2014, nearly 1,000 Hazaras were killed in sectarian violence (Butt 2014). The present population of Shia Hazaras is the result of three historical migrations from Afghanistan (Hashmi 2016: 2). The first phase of migration occurred in 1880 1901 when Abd al Rahman Khan came to power in 1880 in Afghanistan and declared war against the Hazaras as a result of a series of revolts they made against the regime.
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