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Journal articles on the topic 'Rwanda Human Rights Commission'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

SADAT, LEILA. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 2009): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990082.

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AbstractThe Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500–800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts to exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Rwanda as a case study, the article illustrates the issues, concerns, and difficulties that arise when multiple jurisdictions assert a right to exercise criminal jurisdiction over the perpetrators of serious atrocity crimes. Beginning with a discussion of the political context, this article considers what the competing narratives and litigation in various fora have meant for the project of international and transnational criminal justice. Cases involving the commission of atrocities pose unique challenges for the international legal order. As the normative structure of international criminal law has arguably been strengthened, political constraints increasingly come to the fore. As illustrated by Rwanda, universal jurisdiction or other bases of jurisdiction may remain necessary vehicles for justice and reconciliation, or, at the very least, they may serve as a catalyst for change in Rwanda itself.

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Hanasz, Waldemar. "The Guilt of Nations: Restitution and Negotiating Historical Injustices. By Elazar Barkan. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001. 456p. $18.95." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 876–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402990465.

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It seems timely and appropriate that the twentieth century—the century of the Holocaust, the Gulag Archipelago, the Killing Fields, the Cultural Revolution, and the “ethnic cleansing” in the Balkans and Rwanda—ended with a wave of growing interest in healing past injustices. Human rights organizations and international commissions investigate violations of human rights. International tribunals judge political leaders, warlords, and their soldiers. Historians, political scientists, and legal theorists study the implications of such crimes and punishments.

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3

Domres, Bernd, and Andreas Mang. "The Flight from Rwanda in 1994: What Were (Are) the Priorities?" Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 12, no. 1 (March 1997): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00037213.

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AbstractExtent of the Catastrophe:More than 2 million refugees, 2–3 million displaced persons internally, thousands of unaccompanied children, and a total number of reported fatalities of 48,347 in Goma, Zaire.Priorities for International Relief:International relief support started with coordination provided by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). In the first phase, availability of potable water was the highest priority. Current priorities are to intensify repatriation of Rwandan refugees under conditions that will guarantee human rights and allow for dignified daily living.Conclusion:Education beginning at childhood, to overcome conflicts, social inequality, and overpopulation should be promoted by assisting governments, instead of pursuing policies aimed largely at forwarding their own national interests.

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4

Howland, Todd. "Mirage, Magic, or Mixed Bag? The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights' Field Operation in Rwanda." Human Rights Quarterly 21, no. 1 (1999): 1–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.1999.0007.

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5

Eckhard, Frederic. "Whose Responsibility to Protect?" Global Responsibility to Protect 3, no. 1 (2011): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598411x549495.

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AbstractThe 2009 challenge in the United Nations General Assembly to the Responsibility to Protect was a warning call. This landmark piece of human rights legislation makes a lot of governments nervous; some of them would want to wipe R2P off the books. It might be worthwhile therefore to review how it came about and ask what its importance is to you. R2P had many “fathers”, but one important one was UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Seared by the UN experience in Bosnia, the genocide in Rwanda and the persecution of the Kosovars by Serbian leader Slobodan Milosevic, Annan asked the International Peace Academy to look into the basis in international law for humanitarian intervention. They couldn't find one. Canadian Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy then stepped in and set up a commission that did in a report called e Responsibility to Protect. Annan carefully laid the groundwork for international acceptance of the principle. He created a high-level panel to study security threats in the 21 st century and named former Australian Foreign Minister Gareth Evans to it. Evans co-chaired the Canadian panel. Annan's panel endorsed R2P. With that crucial backing, he put R2P to the General Assembly, which, against all odds, voted in favor of it in 2005, making R2P international law. Humanitarian intervention is in fact a threat to national sovereignty. But so are most international treaties. Governments trade on their sovereignty when it is in their interest to do so. On R2P they did so again. Why should it matter to you? Just remember the Holocaust.

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Ejobowah, John Boye. "Burying the Past." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.1877.

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How should societies that have transitioned from authoritarian to democraticrule deal with the atrocities and gross human rights violations of theirimmediate past? Should those implicated in the crimes of past regimes beprosecuted? This sophisticated volume attempts to address such questions.About one-third of the book is comprised of well-reasoned theoreticalchapters that answer the above questions by creating a space in liberal justicefor forgiveness. The remainder consists of empirical contributions thatdescribe the ways in which international institutions and five countries(Chile, Guatemala, South Africa, Rwanda, and Northern Ireland) haveresponded to such crimes. Unlike the theoretical section, most contributionshere argue that while memory and forgiveness (the truth commissions) areimportant, they are not enough to meet the victims’ psychological needsand do not guarantee non-repetition. The introduction rightly acknowledgesthat some of the chapters argue in different directions.Doing justice in the aftermath of civil conflict is a thorny problem. In liberalism,criminal justice always has been straightforward: the courts, themouthpiece of objective law, have to mediate and impose punishment if theperpetrator is proven guilty. Punishment must consist of penalties that annulthe advantages seized by the criminal, compensate the victim in the case of ...

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7

Fino, Audrey. "Defining Hate Speech." Journal of International Criminal Justice 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa023.

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Abstract This article looks at the international criminal law on hate speech that falls short of direct and public incitement to commit genocide. Using the most egregious form of hate speech that has been prosecuted as an international crime — that of direct and public incitement to genocide — as a baseline, the author analyses the legal parameters of hate speech as persecution (a crime against humanity) and hate speech as instigation (a mode of liability). In so doing, the author critically reviews the International Residual Mechanism for the International Criminal Tribunals’ (IRMCT) appeal judgment in the Šešelj case (Šešelj Appeal Judgment) in the light of prior case law of the International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg (IMT) and the International Criminal Tribunals for Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia (ICTR and ICTY respectively). The author submits that a plain reading of the Šešelj Appeal Judgment supports the view that it is only the more extreme form of incitement to violence, incitement to commit crimes, followed by actual violent acts, that may constitute hate speech amounting to the crime of persecution: incitement to discrimination or incitement to hatred as such do not qualify. Whether ‘incitement to violence’ absent the commission of crimes could qualify as persecution (a crime against humanity) remains an unsettled point. With regard to hate speech as instigation, the Šešelj Appeal Judgment’s restatement and application of the law causes less controversy: the substantial causal connection required for instigation was found to be direct in the circumstances of that case — even though directness is not a legal requirement for instigation. The author concludes that both these interpretations of hate speech are consistent with the earlier ad hoc tribunals’ jurisprudence and, more generally, with international human rights law which, with some controversial exceptions, allows criminalization only of the most extreme forms of incitement to violence.

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8

Bellamy, Alex J. "Whither the Responsibility to Protect? Humanitarian Intervention and the 2005 World Summit." Ethics & International Affairs 20, no. 2 (June 2006): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2006.00012.x.

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At the 2005 World Summit, the world‘s leaders committed themselves to the “responsibility to protect”, recognizing both that all states have a responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the UN should help states to discharge this responsibility using either peaceful means or enforcement action. This declaration ostensibly marks an important milestone in the relationship between sovereignty and human rights but its critics argue that it will make little difference in practice to the world’s most threatened people. The purpose of this article is to ask how consensus was reached on the responsibility to protect, given continuing hostility to humanitarian intervention expressed by many (if not most) of the world‘s states and whether the consensus will contribute to avoiding future Kosovos (cases where the Security Council is deadlocked in the face of a humanitarian crises) and future Rwandas (cases where states lack the political will to intervene). It suggests that four key factors contributed to the consensus: pressure from proponents of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, its adoption by Kofi Annan and the UN’s High Level Panel, an emerging consensus in the African Union, and the American position. Whilst these four factors contributed to consensus, each altered the meaning of the responsibility to protect in important ways, creating a doctrine that many states can sign up to but that does little to prevent future Kosovos and Rwandas and may actually inhibit attempts to build a consensus around intervention in future cases.

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9

Robertson, Morag L. "Abuse of human rights in Rwanda." Psychiatric Bulletin 18, no. 9 (September 1994): 588. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.18.9.588.

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10

Dillner, L. "Human rights group condemns UN in Rwanda." BMJ 309, no. 6959 (October 8, 1994): 895. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.309.6959.895.

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Arlow, Ruth. "Re Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 3 (August 15, 2013): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000598.

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Arlow, Ruth. "Re Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 16, no. 1 (December 13, 2013): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13001105.

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13

Livingstone, Stephen. "The Northern Ireland human rights commission." Irish Political Studies 15, no. 1 (January 2000): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180008406621.

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14

Wallace, Justice. "The New Zealand Human Rights Commission." Nordic Journal of International Law 58, no. 2 (1989): 155–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181089x00028.

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15

Gomez, Mario. "Sri Lanka's New Human Rights Commission." Human Rights Quarterly 20, no. 2 (1998): 281–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.1998.0015.

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16

Nowak, M. "Country-Oriented Human Rights Protection by the UN Commission on Human Rights and its Sub-Commission." Netherlands Yearbook of International Law 22 (December 1991): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0167676800002336.

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17

Sobel, Meghan, and Karen McIntyre. "Journalists’ Perceptions of Human Rights Reporting in Rwanda." African Journalism Studies 39, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2018.1495659.

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18

Voloshchuk, Oksana, Victoriia Kolesnyk, and Maxim Hetmantsev. "Human rights violations and genocide: Lessons of Rwanda." Revista Amazonia Investiga 10, no. 40 (May 31, 2021): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.34069/ai/2021.40.04.13.

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The purpose of the article is a comprehensive analysis of the Rwandan genocide through the prism of human rights violations. To achieve this goal, such methods as historical-legal, comparative, formal-dogmatic, logical-semantic and analysis were used. The article argues that the acts of genocide clearly provide for the guilty intent and use of a state mechanism that has all the required human and material resources to implement such a plan. This feature is one of the key in terms of revealing the essence of genocide, so it can differentiate these actions from the general murder under criminal law and shows, depending on the object of distribution - life, health of a certain group of people - and motives - national, ethnic , racial or religious intolerance, hostility - its increased social danger. It is concluded that the inclusion of such a feature as one of the basic to the universal definition is urgent. This will allow to more fully implement the principle of inevitability of punishment for all perpetrators, to recognize the state as a subject of responsibility and thus will contribute to a more effective implementation of the preventive function in the international arena. The combined efforts of all nations and peoples are needed to fight, combat and prevent the crime of genocide. The positive results would be achieved only by joint efforts by using a set of various means of combating genocide.

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19

Haglund, Jillienne. "International institutional design and human rights: The case of the Inter-American Human Rights System." Conflict Management and Peace Science 36, no. 6 (October 17, 2019): 608–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894219881427.

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Most studies examining the effectiveness of international human rights law treat international human rights institutions as equally (un)influential on state behavior. I argue that institutional design explains variation in state response to international human rights law. Using the institutions in the Inter-American Human Rights System (Court and Commission), I argue that judgments from the highly legalized body (Court) are associated with human rights improvements, while decisions from the less legalized body (Commission) are associated with a greater likelihood of formal complaints. Using the Ill-Treatment and Torture data and original data on Commission decisions, I find support for these expectations.

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20

Hae-Cheol Byun. "Protection of human rights in Thai and Korea: National Human Rights Commission." 동남아연구 17, no. 1 (August 2007): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.21485/hufsea.2007.17.1.004.

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21

Knox, John H. "Horizontal Human Rights Law." American Journal of International Law 102, no. 1 (January 2008): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000039828.

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What duties, if any, does international human rights law establish for individuals, corporations, and other private actors? For many years, the conventional answer has been that it places duties on states to respect the rights of individuals and creates few or no private duties. In other words, human rights law is aligned vertically, not horizontally. But that view has regularly been challenged. Most recently, in 2003, the United Nations Commission on Human Rights (Commission), historically the most important incubator of human rights agreements, received two proposed instruments that might appear to realign human rights law horizontally: private actors would have duties as well as rights, and they would owe those duties to society as a whole or to individuals within it. The draft Declaration on Human Social Responsibilities (Declaration) would identify duties that all individuals owe to their societies; and the Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights (draft Norms) would set out duties of businesses under human rights law. The Human Rights Commission did not embrace the proposals before its replacement by the Human Rights Council in 2006, and the Council has not considered them. Both received some support, however, and it seems likely that their proponents will continue to pursue adoption of their principles in one form or another. This article argues that if adopted, those principles would cause serious damage to human rights law.

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22

Blackwell, J. Kenneth, and Howard Tolley. "The U. N. Commission on Human Rights." Human Rights Quarterly 14, no. 4 (November 1992): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/762315.

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23

Hatchard, John. "The Human Rights Commission Act, 1998 (Malawi)." Journal of African Law 43, no. 2 (1999): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300011396.

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24

Sottas, Eric. "Commission on human rights: China emerges unscathed!" Medicine and War 6, no. 3 (July 1990): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07488009008408937.

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25

Spencer, Sarah. "A human rights commission for the UK?" International Journal of Human Rights 3, no. 2 (June 1999): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642989908406806.

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Theytaz-Bergman, Laura, and Sharon Detrick. "Resolutions from the Commission on Human Rights." International Journal of Children's Rights 4, no. 3 (1996): 307–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181896x00211.

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27

Murray, Rachel. "African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights." South African Journal on Human Rights 15, no. 1 (January 1999): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02587203.1999.11835002.

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Eftekhari, Shiva. "International Criminal Justice, Rwanda and French Human Rights Activism." Human Rights Quarterly 23, no. 4 (2001): 1032–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.2001.0047.

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Naldi, Gino J., and Konstantinos D. Magliveras. "The asean Human Rights Declaration." International Human Rights Law Review 3, no. 2 (November 19, 2014): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00302003.

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The adoption of the asean Human Rights Declaration in November 2012 marks the latest addition in the armoury of regional human rights protection. Even though it does not create a treaty based regime, it does incorporate all three ‘generations’ of human rights. The purpose of the present article is to examine the salient features of the Declaration not only by taking a comparative approach vis-à-vis the other regional systems but also by referring to the International Bill of Rights. The article also covers the asean Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights inaugurated in October 2009 and suggests ways to augment the Declaration’s effectiveness through the work of the Commission.

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Duhaime, Bernard. "Women's Rights in Recent Inter-American Human Rights Jurisprudence." Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting 111 (2017): 258–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/amp.2017.38.

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While certain aspects of women's rights had been addressed in earlier OAS instruments and more generally in the American Declaration on the Rights and Duties of Man and in the American Convention on Human Rights, many consider that the issue of women's rights was first incorporated in the normative corpus of the Inter-American Human Rights System (IAHRS) with the 1994 adoption of the Belém do Pará Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence Against Women. This treaty obliges states to prevent, punish, and eradicate violence against women, taking special account of vulnerabilities due to race, ethnic background, migrant status, age, pregnancy, socioeconomic situation, etc. It defines the concept of violence against women and forces states to ensure that women live free of violence in the public and private sphere. It also grants the Commission and the Court the ability to process individual complaints regarding alleged violations of the treaty. Since 1994, the Commission has also established a Rapporteurship on the rights of women, which assists the IACHR in its thematic or country reports and visits, as well as in the processing of women's rights–related petitions. In recent years, the jurisprudence of the Commission and the Court has addressed several fundamental issues related to women's rights, in particular regarding violence against women, women's right to equality, and reproductive health.

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Barrett, David. "The regulatory space of equality and human rights in Britain: the role of the Equality and Human Rights Commission." Legal Studies 39, no. 2 (January 25, 2019): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lst.2018.36.

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AbstractThe Equality and Human Rights Commission was created in 2006 with wide-ranging powers to protect human rights, promote equal opportunities and encourage mutual respect between different groups. Alongside the Commission, individuals through the courts, and sector-specific enforcers (such as ombudsmen and regulators) have also been given equality and human rights enforcement powers. Within this enforcement landscape, the Commission has struggled to craft an enforcement role for itself. For the first time, this paper, through the mapping of these different actors in their shared regulatory space, outlines a role for the Commission in equality and human rights enforcement. This role consists of three primary tasks: (i) taking action that courts and sector-specific enforcers are unable to perform; (ii) overcoming some of the limitations of private enforcement in the courts; and (iii) coordinating and supporting sector-specific enforcers. The paper concludes by exploring how the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) can effectively fulfil this role.

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Ssenyonjo, Manisuli. "The Development of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights." International Human Rights Law Review 4, no. 2 (November 13, 2015): 147–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00402002.

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During the last thirty years the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Commission) has decided several communications on economic, social and cultural (esc) rights protected under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (African Charter). While the Commission was initially reluctant to develop the content of these rights, it has since 2001 been developing, at an expanding pace, the scope, content and nature of state obligations under African Charter to respect, protect and fulfil esc rights. This article seeks to provide a critical analysis of the burgeoning case law concerning the development of esc rights by the African Commission and the legal impact thus far it has had on the enjoyment of esc rights in Africa, encompassing rights of hitherto marginalised and excluded individuals and groups, a topic which is relatively given less attention in the existing literature. The article examines the legal bases and content of key communications decided by the African Commission. Conclusions are then drawn concerning the reasons for the development of esc rights obligations by the African Commission and areas of potential clarification and expansion are identified.

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Langlois, Anthony J. "The ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights: Institutionalising Human Rights in Southeast Asia." Australian Journal of International Affairs 67, no. 1 (February 2013): 123–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357718.2013.748283.

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McMahon, Joe, and Lammy Betten. "II. Human Rights." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 2001): 690–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/50.3.690.

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At the Nice Summit in December 2000, Europe's political leaders adopted the much-discussed EU Charter on Fundamental Rights in the form of a legally non-binding political declaration. It is the second such instrument in relation to human rights protection.1 The Presidency Conclusions to both the 1999 Cologne and Tampere Summits ordered the preparation of a draft Charter which was to be solemnly proclaimed by the European Parliament, the Commission and Council at the Nice Summit.2 It was only after that fact that “It will … have to be considered whether and, if so, how the Charter should be integrated into the treaties.”3

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WOLMAN, Andrew. "National Human Rights Commissions and Asian Human Rights Norms." Asian Journal of International Law 3, no. 1 (November 30, 2012): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2044251312000306.

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Ever since the beginning of the “Asian Values” debate in the early 1990s, there have been efforts on the part of many societal actors to establish distinctively Asian human rights norms that integrate local customary values and international human rights norms. This article presents the claim that National Human Rights Commissions in Asia are well placed to play an important role in this effort to develop localized human rights norms because of their close links with local civil actors, along with their independence from government control, pluralistic make-up, and ability to address complex rights issues in detail. The article also presents a study of how the National Human Rights Commission of Korea has used its powers to prioritize and promote a particularly Korean version of the human rights of the elderly.

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Mohamed, Abdelsalam A. "Individual and NGO participation in human rights litigation before the African Court of Human and Peoples' Rights: lessons from the European and Inter-American Courts of Human Rights." Journal of African Law 43, no. 2 (1999): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300011347.

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In terms of article 6(1) of the Protocol Establishing the African Court of Human and Peoples' Rights, the Court may entitle both relevant non-governmental organizations (NGOs) with observer status before the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Commission), and individuals to institute directly before it, urgent cases or cases of serious, systematic or massive violations of human rights. In deciding the admissibility of cases brought under article 6(1), the Court may request the opinion of the Commission which must give its opinion as soon as possible. Additionally, article 25(2) of the Protocol provides that the Court may receive written and oral evidence and other representations including expert testimony and it shall make a decision based on such evidence and representations.

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Gilbert, Jérémie. "III. INDIGENOUS PEOPLES' HUMAN RIGHTS IN AFRICA: THE PRAGMATIC REVOLUTION OF THE AFRICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES' RIGHTS." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 60, no. 1 (January 2011): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589310000746.

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The definition and scope of indigenous peoples' human rights are usually contentious in the context of Africa.2While in recent years indigenous peoples' human rights have expanded immensely internationally, in Africa indigenous peoples' rights are still perceived to be in their infancy.3At the United Nations, the group of African States delayed the process that finally led to the adoption of the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007 (UNDRIP).4At a national level, most of the States in Africa are still reluctant to recognize the specific rights of indigenous peoples.5Until recently, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Commission), the leading human rights institution for the continent,6had kept a low profile on the issue and had ‘not always interpreted indigenous peoples’ rights favourably'.7From this perspective Commission regarding the communication submitted by the indigenous Endorois community against Kenya casts new light on the rights of indigenous peoples in Africa.8The decision, which has already been hailed as a ‘landmark,’9touches on several crucial issues regarding the development of indigenous peoples' human rights in Africa. This groundbreaking decision did not materialize unexpectedly but is part of a wider evolution of the Commission regarding indigenous peoples' human rights in Africa. It echoes the work of the Commission's own Working Group of Experts on Indigenous Populations/Communities (Working Group) which was established in 2001 with the mandate to focus specifically on the promotion and protection of the rights of indigenous peoples in Africa.10The mandate of the Working Group is to examine the concept of indigenous communities in Africa, as well as to analyse their rights under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (African Charter).11In 2003 the Commission adopted the report of the Working Group which proposes several avenues for the recognition and promotion of indigenous rights in Africa.12The adoption of an Advisory Opinion by the Commission to support the adoption of UNDRIP marked another step toward the affirmation of indigenous peoples' rights in Africa.13The Advisory Opinion not only participated in unlocking the reluctance of the group of African States to adopt the UNDRIP, but also reflected developments taking place at the international level on the rights of indigenous peoples as well as their connection to the continent. Remarkably, in recent years, the Commission has started to refer to indigenous peoples' rights in its examination of States' periodic reports.14All these factors and the recent decision of the Commission in the Endorois case indicate the emergence of a consistent jurisprudence on indigenous peoples' rights in Africa.

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Dennis, Michael J. "Human Rights in 2002: The Annual Sessions of the UN Commission on Human Rights and the Economic and Social Council." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (April 2003): 364–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100113.

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The fifty-eighth session of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights opened with the United States in an observer seat for the first time ever. The Commission ultimately adopted ninety-two resolutions and eighteen decisions, thirty-nine of which were adopted by roll-call vote. Subsequently, at its July 2002 session, the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC, the parent body of the Commission) approved nearly all of the Commission's decisions by similar votes. The United States was also reelected to the Commission for its fiftyninth session during a separate ECOSOC meeting.The debate during the Commission's deliberations was more chaotic and fractious than in prior years, reflecting the membership of an increased number of repressive governments that sought to block international scrutiny of their human rights practices.

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39

Wiseberg, Laurie S. "The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 22, no. 2 (1994): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166731.

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Sundberg, Ulrika. "The commission on human rights 59 th session." Revue internationale de droit pénal 74, no. 1 (2003): 627. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ridp.741.0627.

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Cho, Beak Ki. "Reforms The National Human Rights Commission of Korea." Sogang Law Journal 1, no. 2 (August 31, 2012): 193–234. http://dx.doi.org/10.35505/slj.2012.08.1.2.193.

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Samoura, Djely K. "African Commission of Health and Human Rights Promoters." Health and Human Rights 2, no. 1 (1996): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4065241.

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Whitlam, Gough. "Australia and the UN commission on human rights." Australian Journal of International Affairs 45, no. 1 (May 1991): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719108445048.

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Rao, C. R. Prasad. "The NGO Linkage of National Human Rights Commission." Indian Journal of Public Administration 52, no. 2 (April 2006): 175–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556120060202.

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Rooney, Jane M. "Standing and the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission." Modern Law Review 82, no. 3 (March 14, 2019): 525–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2230.12417.

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Viljoen, Frans. "THE AFRICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES' RIGHTS." Human Rights Law in Africa Online 1, no. 1 (2004): 385–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221160604x00288.

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Sidoti, Chris. "The Australian Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission." Nordic Journal of International Law 58, no. 2 (1989): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181089x00019.

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Wiseberg, Laurie S. "The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 22, no. 2 (1994): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501917.

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In an article I wrote in the pages of this journal in 1976, I expressed considerable scepticism about the prospect of African governments drafting a human rights convention for Africa or establishing a regional human rights body similar to the European and Inter-American Commissions on Human Rights. Even though there had been calls for the creation of such a human rights mechanism as early as 1961, at the Lagos Conference on the Rule of Law, organized by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), I thought that the time did not yet “seem propitious for such a move.”

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Schermers, Henry G. "Acceptance of International Supervision of Human Rights." Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 4 (December 1999): 821–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000412.

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The present article traces the developments with respect to questions of admissibility of claims brought before the European Commission of Human Rights and the European Court of Human Rights by private individuals. It would appear that over the years, the Commission and Court have dealt with an increasing number of cases, and have extended the scope of the infringement they permitted themselves to make on the domestic jurisdiction of states members to the European Convention of Human Rights.

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Coomans, Fons. "The Ogoni Case Before The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 52, no. 3 (July 2003): 749–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/52.3.749.

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In 2001, the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights concluded consideration of a communication under Article 55 of the African Charter on Human Rights and Peoples' Rights which dealt with alleged violations of human rights of the Ogoni people in Nigeria.1 This communication is important and special, because, for the first time, the Commission was able to deal in a substantive and groundbreaking way with alleged violations of economic, social and cultural rights which formed the substance of the complaint. In addition, in dealing with the communication, the Commission took a firm and dynamic approach that may contribute to a better and more effective protection of economic, social and cultural rights in Africa. This article discusses the case before the Commission and tries to characterize the decision of the Commission as an application of recent approaches to strengthen implementation and supervision of economic, social and cultural rights.

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