Relevant bibliographies by topics / Rwanda. National Electoral Commission

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Rwanda. National Electoral Commission'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 25 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Rwanda. National Electoral Commission"

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Butt, Simon, and Fritz Siregar. "Multilayered Oversight: Electoral Administration in Indonesia." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (2021): S121—S135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.32.

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AbstractElectoral administration in Indonesia is complex. The Electoral Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum) is responsible for planning and running five-yearly elections for one national and two regional legislatures, and one additional national regional representative body, as well as direct presidential, gubernatorial, mayoral and regent elections. Because candidates and parties often have significant financial stakes in their outcome, these elections are hotly contested and the results quite commonly disputed, including in Indonesia's Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi). Electoral contestants often point to mistakes in administration and vote counting, which appear to be natural consequences of the great logistical challenges these elections present. For example, on 17 April, 2019, well over 150 million citizens attended one of over 800,000 polling stations to vote for candidates to fill 19,817 legislative seats in national and subnational parliaments. Many of these elections are said to be marred by attempts by candidates and their parties to gain illegal advantage, whether through misuse of incumbency or vote buying. There is also said to be much potential for corruption amongst electoral administrators themselves in registering candidates, verifying parties, procuring equipment for polling stations, and counting and tallying votes on election day. Given the potential of mistakes and illegality to jeopardise the legitimacy of election results, lawmakers in Indonesia have created multi-layered oversight mechanisms to oversee the planning and running of the elections by the Electoral Commission, as well as to oversee the Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu, Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum) itself, which is charged with supervising that Commission. This article examines the work and performance of these institutions, and the Electoral Administration Honour Council (DKPP, or Dewan Kehormatan Penyelenggara Pemilu), which hears allegations of breaches by the Commission and the Board.
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Ezugworie, Chikwado, Christopher Ostar, and Okorie Albert. "INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION AND THE PROSECUTION OF ELECTORAL OFFENCES IN NIGERIA: IS THE 2010 ELECTORAL ACT IMPLICATED." International Journal of Business Management and Economic Review 04, no. 01 (2021): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35409/ijbmer.2021.3229.

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Dube, Angelo. "Implications of the Failure to Pay The Required Electoral Deposit in South Africa: Analysing National Freedom Party V Electoral Commission and Another." Afrika Focus 33, no. 1 (2020): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03301004.

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The right to participate in elections is one of the cornerstones of any democratic country. This is true of South Africa’s electoral process, which was put to the test in the case of National Freedom Party v Electoral Commission in 2016. To promote free and fair elections, certain safeguards must be put in place. These include notifying the Electoral Commission of an intention to participate in elections through the payment of a deposit on a specified date by the party intending to participate in elections, and the publication of an election timetable by the government. This research has found that once published, the Electoral Commission has no power to change the electoral timetable. The only remedy for a party that fails to comply with the electoral prescripts such as the payment of an electoral deposit lies under section 11(2)(a) of the South African Local Government: Municipal Electoral Act. Additionally, it found that the concept of free and fair elections takes into account the interests of all parties concerned, and not just that of the party that alleges unfairness stemming from the exclusion. Whilst the exclusion of a party can lead to the violation of certain fundamental rights, such as the right to regular free and fair elections, and the right to vote, it is important to note that this case clearly establishes the legal position that a party’s failure to comply with the legal prescripts, will bar that political party from obtaining a remedy for exclusion.
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Pyrzyńska, Agata. "SUPERVISION OF THE STATE ELECTORAL COMMISSION OVER ELECTORAL COMMITTEES DURING THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN." Studia z zakresu nauk prawnoustrojowych. Miscellanea VIII, z. 2 (2018): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0369.

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The subject of this article is the problem of the supervisory tasks of the National Electoral Commission (the NEC) in relation to electoral committees. Within the meaning of the Polish Electoral Code, the NEC is the most important supervisory body over the observance of the electoral law. While the NEC’s supervision does not raise any doubts with regard to lower-level electoral bodies, so controversy arises in the context of entities involved in the electoral process, but which are not part of electoral administration. Among these entities there are mainly electoral committees. In this article the author analyzes the means by which the NEC may influence the activity of electoral committees during the election campaign. In the article the procedure of examining notifications about the establishment of electoral committees was discussed as well as the Commission's impact on committees through guidelines issued by it, explanations and other documents (positions, appeals and information).
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Muslim, OMOLEKE,. "An Assessment of Determinants of Electoral Integrity: A Case of Independent National Electoral Commission in Nigeria." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 9, no. 08 (2018): 20194–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr/2018/9/08/588.

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The paper examined determinants of Electoral integrity in Nigeria with a view to amongst others identifying the ingredients of credible elections and underlying factors that could drive the integrity of election. It is also aimed at comparing the integrity of election in Nigeria prior to 2011 and beyond. The paper relied on primary and secondary sources of data which include administration of questionnaire on relevant stakeholders, consultation of books, journals and internet surfing. The study revealed that Electoral integrity is a term that cannot be underestimated in transitional and developed democracies. The paper also discovered that transparency, capacity building and independence of the commission are the major variables that could improve the integrity of election in Nigeria. Furthermore, the 2015 election was empirically adjudged to be the freest and most acceptable election in Nigeria, while 2003 and 2007 elections were declared to be the most unacceptable elections in the country. It also revealed that unless some of the identified factors or variables shaping the integrity of electoral process are addressed, the outcome of not paying attention to these factors may result to violence at worst.
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Ugoh, Samuel C., and Wilfred I. Ukpere. "Assessment of Electoral Management and Democratization System in Nigeria: A Case of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)." Journal of Reviews on Global Economics 8 (August 7, 2019): 469–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-7092.2019.08.40.

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Thym, Daniel. "The Barroso Drama: Pöttering and Schulz Take Over Action and Inaction of National Politics in the Making of the Barroso Commission." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 2 (2005): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002038.

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Appointment of European Commission and German Constitution. Influence EPP's electoral victory and German internal politics on Barroso's appointment. Socialist Verheugen accepted by rightwing German politicians. Role of national politicians and German MEPs in Buttiglione crisis.
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Nasruddin, Nasruddin, Galang Asmara, and RR Cahyowati. "Authority of General Election Commission for the Electoral Constitutional Rights." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 6 (2019): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i6.1197.

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Indonesia is a country that adopts a democratic system that puts sovereignty in the hands of the people. As a manifestation of people's sovereignty, there is a direct election process, in which the people can determine their choices in electing the House of Representatives, the Regional Representative Council, the Regional People's Representative Council, the President and Vice President, the Governor and Deputy Governor, the Regent and Deputy Regent, as well as the Mayor and Deputy Mayor. The purpose of the study was to analyze the discretionary authority of the National Election Commission as a state institution. Research methods, this type of research is normative research, using a statutory approach, and conceptual. Sources of legal materials use primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. After the legal materials are collected and identified, the analysis of legal materials is carried out using analytical prescrisive methods, namely studying the purpose of the law, the values of justice, the validity of the rule of law, legal concepts, and legal norms. In conclusion, the General Election Commission is a supporting state institution or an auxiliary institution or an independent institution that is of a national, permanent and independent nature which holds elections in Indonesia. The General Election Commission in safeguarding the constitutional rights of voters has the authority to make discretionary decisions on issues if the laws and regulations do not regulate, are incomplete or unclear so that it causes stagnation at some stages, especially in the preparation and determination of the Voter List in the Data Upgrading Stages.
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Hanlon, Joseph. "Collapsing electoral integrity in Mozambique." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 1 (2021): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i1a3.

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Excessive secrecy has always compromised the integrity of Mozambique’s elections. The National Elections Commission secretly changes results with no records kept nor any public notice that changes have been made. The official final results of the 2019 elections were changed three times by the Constitutional Council with no comment and identical document numbers. The political parties want a politicised electoral machine with party nominees to all electoral bodies, and integrity has steadily declined. By 2018-9 elections had become dominated by the ruling party, Frelimo, which was able to openly change the outcome of municipal elections and create 329 430 ghost voters in the national elections. Civil society observers had become an important check on elections; but in 2019, independent observation was blocked in several provinces and the head of civil society observation in one province was assassinated by a police hit squad. The judiciary, which ordered a rerun in one town in the 2013 municipal elections, has become politicised and will no longer intervene. This paper is an empirical account of those events.
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Pyrzyńska, Agata. "Zaskarżalność uchwał Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej w trybie art. 161a Kodeksu wyborczego." Przegląd Sejmowy 4(171) (2022): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.128.

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The aim of this study is to analyse the operation of a new institution in the form of a complaint by the electoral representative against the resolutions of the National Electoral Commission in the form of guidelines and explanations, as well as to assess the legitimacy of the implementation of this institution into the Polish electoral law. On the one hand, there is no doubt that this solution contributes to the implementation of a long-reported postulate for the decisions of the election administration to be brought under judicial control, and also influences the extension of the catalogue of instruments for social control of the election process. On the other hand, however, it is impossible to analyse a venture of this institution with complete disregard for other conditions of the election process. The analysis is intended to provide an answer to the question of whether the complaint against the resolutions of the National Electoral Commission, as referred to in Article 162a of the Polish Election Code, in its current form is a desirable component of the Polish electoral law, or is it rather an institution limiting the efficiency of the election process. In the study, the construction of Article 161a of the Election Code was examined using a formal and legal method, and the consequences of the application of the new solution in election practice were analysed using an empirical method and the achievements of the doctrine of constitutional law.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rwanda. National Electoral Commission"

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Dieudonne, Tumba Tuseku. "Stakeholders' perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20300.

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This study investigated the perceptions of election stakeholders with regard to the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The involvement of civil society organizations, electoral experts and academia, including party agents as domestic observers and stakeholders in Congolese electoral processes, is crucial as they help electoral and participatory democracy to take root in the DRC. This study was underpinned by political trust, political support and neopatrimonial theories. Furthermore, a mixed methods research design was used in order to understand the perceptions of stakeholders on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC. The findings of the study showed that stakeholders‟ perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC were driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in the INEC and other institutions involved in the electoral processes.<br>Political Sciences<br>M.A. (Politics)
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Siang'andu, Twaambo Ellah Mapenzi. "The methodology by which transitional justice strategies ought to be incorporated into the International Criminal Court framework." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21168.

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This research seeks to establish a methodology by which transitional justice strategies ought to be incorporated within the International Criminal Court (ICC) framework. The study is based on the situation in Uganda as an example of the state that has a situation and cases before the ICC. The aim of the thesis was achieved through the adoption of a combination of theoretical legal research and the non -doctrinal approaches. This research establishes that the primary responsibility to prosecute persons suspected of violating international law lies with the states. The importance of the concept of individual criminal responsibility, the idea that every person suspected of committing the most serious offences must be held accountable regardless of status. The principle of individual criminal responsibility is further developed with the creation of the ICC. This research clarifies that there are limitations in terms of what prosecutions can achieve during transitional periods; further, that trials in the ICC and national courts can be undertaken together with proceedings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions or indigenous mechasims. Such an approach will allow for confines of prosecutions to be addressed. Despite the existence of principles and institutional framework that are intended to ensure individuals are held accountable for the most serious offences of international concern, the majority of individuals are not held accountable. In order for the ICC to operate effectively it would need to seek to go beyond deterrence and retribution. This would require post – conflict states to devise transitional arrangements that compel with the ICC structure. Thus the research recommends that it would be better for judicial and non- judicial measures to be adopted in states that have cases before the ICC. Particularly Uganda must adopt the mato oput method formally as a tool to address the past human rights abuses in Uganda. All persons regardless of whether they have been granted amnesty or not must be held accountable under the mato oput measures. This implies all persons with exception to those that the ICC has issued the warrants of arrest against.<br>Public, Constitutional and International Law<br>LL. D.
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Books on the topic "Rwanda. National Electoral Commission"

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Commission, Rwanda National Electoral. Inventory of projects for the National Electoral Commission in the year 2005. National Electoral Commission, 2004.

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Strategic plan, 2012-2017. Republic of Rwanda, National Electoral Commission, 2012.

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Rwanda Commission for Human Rights. Profile of Rwanda National Commission for Human Rights. National Commission for Human Rights, 2007.

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Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission. Rwanda reconciliation barometer. Republic of Rwanda, National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 2010.

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Consortium for Development Partnerships. Governance and Institution-Building in Africa and Codesria, eds. A study of the Independent National Electoral Commission of Nigeria. CODESRIA, 2010.

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Commission, Rwanda National Unity and Reconciliation. Evaluation and impact assessment of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC): Executive summary. Republic of Rwanda, The National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC), 2005.

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Floride, Tuyisabe, and Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, eds. Community conflicts in Rwanda: Major causes and ways to solutions. Republic of Rwanda, National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 2007.

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Commission on the Powers and Electoral Arrangements of the National Assembly for Wales. Summary report of the Richard Commission: Commission on the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly for Wales. National Assembly for Wales, 2004.

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Citizens' Forum for Constitutional Reform (Nigeria). Memorandum submitted to the Senate Committee on Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). CFCR, 2005.

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Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission. 15 years of unity and reconciliation process in Rwanda: The ground covered to date. Republic of Rwanda, National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Rwanda. National Electoral Commission"

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Oyeshola, Dokun, and Phebe Ubani. "The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the 2015 as Well as 2019 Elections in Nigeria." In Elections and Electoral Violence in Nigeria. Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4652-2_11.

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Ahuja, Amit, and Susan Ostermann. "The Election Commission of India: Guardian of Democracy." In Guardians of Public Value. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51701-4_2.

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AbstractThis chapter tells the story of how the Election Commission of India (ECI) became one of the most awe-inspiring electoral regulatory bodies in the world. One of the most widely celebrated and trusted public institutions in India, it has ensured the integrity—free and fair—of 17 national and more than 370 state elections since 1947, in what is not only the most populous but also one of the most potentially fractious democracies in the world. Ever under pressure from the executive branch and governing parties to bow to demands fed by their desire for electoral windfalls, the ECI managed to strengthen its autonomy through assertive leadership by a series of Chief Electoral Commissioners following the decline of the Congress Party’s political dominance. The rise of the Hindu Nationalist BJP as the new dominant force in Indian politics provides a crucial test for the endurance of the ECI’s role as India’s guardian of electoral integrity.
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Duff, Andrew. "Parliamentary Europe." In Constitutional Change in the European Union. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-10665-1_4.

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AbstractDevelopment of EU democracy is hampered by the lack of proper political parties at the federal level. To rectify this, electoral reform of the European Parliament must introduce transnational lists for a portion of MEPs. Treaty rules for the election of the next Commission president should be respected by the Parliament. A formula should be agreed upon for seat apportionment in the Parliament, and the federal principle of degressive proportionality should be extended to the voting system in the Council. A limited right of initiative should be granted to MEPs, alongside internal reforms. Both the European Parliament and national parliaments should reinforce the scrutiny of their respective executives.
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"Composition of the Independent National Electoral Commission." In The National Assembly and Presidential Elections in Nigeria, 20 and 27 February 1999. Commonwealth, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.14217/9781848596962-20-en.

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Yacob-Haliso, Olajumoke, and Victor Adesiyan. "Political parties, independent national electoral commission, and electoral credibility in Nigeria." In Governance and Leadership Institutions in Nigeria. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003111405-19.

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"Appendix: Timetable and Schedule of Activities for 2019 General Elections Independent National Electoral Commission." In Nigeria's 2019 Democratic Experience. De Gruyter, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110766561-017.

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Assay, Benjamin Enahoro. "Electoral Umpires and the Task of Tracking Political Campaign Funds." In Political Propaganda, Advertising, and Public Relations. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1734-5.ch002.

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In some climes, the electoral law places a limit on the amount political parties and candidates can spend during campaigns. But very often, contestants and their parties flout the law on campaign funds limit especially in evolving democracies where the implementation of the law is weak. And this has prompted stakeholders in the political process to urgently canvass for the tracking of campaign funds by Election Management Bodies (EMBs). In Nigeria, despite the existence of a law which requires political parties to make public their campaign spending and submit same to the Independent National Electoral Commission for scrutiny, there appears to be a zero compliance with the Electoral Act. Political parties' non-compliance with the provisions of the law has placed INEC in a precarious situation as far as the tracking of campaign funds is concerned. It is against this backdrop that this chapter proffers solutions and recommends ways to make the electoral umpire live up to its responsibilities.
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Gattermann, Katjana. "Media Personalization in Domestic Political Contexts." In The Personalization of Politics in the European Union. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198798712.003.0004.

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Abstract Chapter 4 investigates the extent to which media personalization is conditional upon domestic political and institutional contexts. To do so, it analyses media personalization with respect to news coverage involving the European Commission and the Parliament in national newspapers from seven European countries between 1992 and 2019. Media personalization is operationalized as individualization, that is, an increasing focus on individual politicians at the expense of either institution, and presidentialization in terms of an increasing focus on the Commission President vis-à-vis the Commission. The chapter cannot confirm any universal trend towards greater media personalization in the news coverage of either institution. Domestic media systems—rather than electoral systems and politicization of EU affairs in domestic contexts—appear to be responsible for cross-country differences in personalization. The chapter concludes that these findings have consequences for the likelihood that European citizens become aware of individual politicians in EU politics.
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Tunmibi, Sunday, and Wole Olatokun. "Anomalies in Nigeria Presidential Election Data and the Way Forward." In Election and Democracy in the Digital Age - Status, Challenges, and Trends [Working Title]. IntechOpen, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106657.

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Nigeria presently runs a presidential system of government and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is saddled with the responsibility of conducting elections, every four years. A fraud-free and credible election is a necessary ingredient to the growth of democracy. However, election fraud has become a major challenge in the Nigerian political system. Till date, reports show that elections in Nigeria have been marred with vote buying, falsification of results, underage voting, and the use of security forces to intimidate voters, among others. Hence, the authors suggest the need for transparency in the voting process and in the collation of results. There is also a need for an electoral reform to address the issue of electronic voting and electronic transmission of results. Electronic voting should be supported and encouraged by all stakeholders. The INEC, executive and legislative arms of government are advised to work in tandem to provide credible electoral process and improve on the conducts of elections in Nigeria. The chapter concludes with suggestion on the possibility of adopting election forensic techniques to address anomalies in Nigeria electoral results. The authors believe that this chapter contribution will be of great benefit to Nigeria and Africa as a whole.
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Agberu, Oluwaseun Abioye, and Stephen Damilola Odebiyi. "Narrative Analysis of the Coverage of the 2015 and 2019 Presidential Elections in Selected Nigerian Newspapers." In Global Perspectives on the Impact of Mass Media on Electoral Processes. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-4820-2.ch004.

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The media is important for the sustenance of democracy. While several studies have examined the role played by the Nigerian media during elections, none has examined issues discussed by the media during elections, in particular the 2015 and 2019 presidential elections. Therefore, the study undertook, through narrative research design, the coverage of the 2015 and 2019 presidential elections in Vanguard Nigeria and Daily Trust newspapers. Findings from the study reveal that Nigerian newspapers preached national unity, warned of economic depression and the need to diversify the economy, questioned the preparedness of the electoral commission to conduct elections, questioned the ability of the presidential aspirants to eradicate corruption, spoke out against pre-election violence and vote-buying, and spoke against the use of divisive rhetoric by politicians. The study recommends that media owners and professionals themselves should safeguard the profession from being a tool in the hands of divisive politicians.
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Conference papers on the topic "Rwanda. National Electoral Commission"

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Shuaibu, Aishatu, Muhammadou Kah, and Olumide Longe. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ICT TOOL FOR THE FACILITATION OF ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION." In 13 th IADIS International Conference Information Systems 2020. IADIS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33965/is2020_202006c022.

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