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1
Butt, Simon, and Fritz Siregar. "Multilayered Oversight: Electoral Administration in Indonesia." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (2021): S121—S135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.32.
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AbstractElectoral administration in Indonesia is complex. The Electoral Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum) is responsible for planning and running five-yearly elections for one national and two regional legislatures, and one additional national regional representative body, as well as direct presidential, gubernatorial, mayoral and regent elections. Because candidates and parties often have significant financial stakes in their outcome, these elections are hotly contested and the results quite commonly disputed, including in Indonesia's Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi). Electoral contestants often point to mistakes in administration and vote counting, which appear to be natural consequences of the great logistical challenges these elections present. For example, on 17 April, 2019, well over 150 million citizens attended one of over 800,000 polling stations to vote for candidates to fill 19,817 legislative seats in national and subnational parliaments. Many of these elections are said to be marred by attempts by candidates and their parties to gain illegal advantage, whether through misuse of incumbency or vote buying. There is also said to be much potential for corruption amongst electoral administrators themselves in registering candidates, verifying parties, procuring equipment for polling stations, and counting and tallying votes on election day. Given the potential of mistakes and illegality to jeopardise the legitimacy of election results, lawmakers in Indonesia have created multi-layered oversight mechanisms to oversee the planning and running of the elections by the Electoral Commission, as well as to oversee the Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu, Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum) itself, which is charged with supervising that Commission. This article examines the work and performance of these institutions, and the Electoral Administration Honour Council (DKPP, or Dewan Kehormatan Penyelenggara Pemilu), which hears allegations of breaches by the Commission and the Board.
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Ezugworie, Chikwado, Christopher Ostar, and Okorie Albert. "INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION AND THE PROSECUTION OF ELECTORAL OFFENCES IN NIGERIA: IS THE 2010 ELECTORAL ACT IMPLICATED." International Journal of Business Management and Economic Review 04, no. 01 (2021): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35409/ijbmer.2021.3229.
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Dube, Angelo. "Implications of the Failure to Pay The Required Electoral Deposit in South Africa: Analysing National Freedom Party V Electoral Commission and Another." Afrika Focus 33, no. 1 (2020): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03301004.
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The right to participate in elections is one of the cornerstones of any democratic country. This is true of South Africa’s electoral process, which was put to the test in the case of National Freedom Party v Electoral Commission in 2016. To promote free and fair elections, certain safeguards must be put in place. These include notifying the Electoral Commission of an intention to participate in elections through the payment of a deposit on a specified date by the party intending to participate in elections, and the publication of an election timetable by the government. This research has found that once published, the Electoral Commission has no power to change the electoral timetable. The only remedy for a party that fails to comply with the electoral prescripts such as the payment of an electoral deposit lies under section 11(2)(a) of the South African Local Government: Municipal Electoral Act. Additionally, it found that the concept of free and fair elections takes into account the interests of all parties concerned, and not just that of the party that alleges unfairness stemming from the exclusion. Whilst the exclusion of a party can lead to the violation of certain fundamental rights, such as the right to regular free and fair elections, and the right to vote, it is important to note that this case clearly establishes the legal position that a party’s failure to comply with the legal prescripts, will bar that political party from obtaining a remedy for exclusion.
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Pyrzyńska, Agata. "SUPERVISION OF THE STATE ELECTORAL COMMISSION OVER ELECTORAL COMMITTEES DURING THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN." Studia z zakresu nauk prawnoustrojowych. Miscellanea VIII, z. 2 (2018): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0369.
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The subject of this article is the problem of the supervisory tasks of the National Electoral Commission (the NEC) in relation to electoral committees. Within the meaning of the Polish Electoral Code, the NEC is the most important supervisory body over the observance of the electoral law. While the NEC’s supervision does not raise any doubts with regard to lower-level electoral bodies, so controversy arises in the context of entities involved in the electoral process, but which are not part of electoral administration. Among these entities there are mainly electoral committees. In this article the author analyzes the means by which the NEC may influence the activity of electoral committees during the election campaign. In the article the procedure of examining notifications about the establishment of electoral committees was discussed as well as the Commission's impact on committees through guidelines issued by it, explanations and other documents (positions, appeals and information).
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Muslim, OMOLEKE,. "An Assessment of Determinants of Electoral Integrity: A Case of Independent National Electoral Commission in Nigeria." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 9, no. 08 (2018): 20194–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr/2018/9/08/588.
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The paper examined determinants of Electoral integrity in Nigeria with a view to amongst others identifying the ingredients of credible elections and underlying factors that could drive the integrity of election. It is also aimed at comparing the integrity of election in Nigeria prior to 2011 and beyond. The paper relied on primary and secondary sources of data which include administration of questionnaire on relevant stakeholders, consultation of books, journals and internet surfing. The study revealed that Electoral integrity is a term that cannot be underestimated in transitional and developed democracies. The paper also discovered that transparency, capacity building and independence of the commission are the major variables that could improve the integrity of election in Nigeria. Furthermore, the 2015 election was empirically adjudged to be the freest and most acceptable election in Nigeria, while 2003 and 2007 elections were declared to be the most unacceptable elections in the country. It also revealed that unless some of the identified factors or variables shaping the integrity of electoral process are addressed, the outcome of not paying attention to these factors may result to violence at worst.
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Ugoh, Samuel C., and Wilfred I. Ukpere. "Assessment of Electoral Management and Democratization System in Nigeria: A Case of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC)." Journal of Reviews on Global Economics 8 (August 7, 2019): 469–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.6000/1929-7092.2019.08.40.
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Thym, Daniel. "The Barroso Drama: Pöttering and Schulz Take Over Action and Inaction of National Politics in the Making of the Barroso Commission." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 2 (2005): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002038.
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Appointment of European Commission and German Constitution. Influence EPP's electoral victory and German internal politics on Barroso's appointment. Socialist Verheugen accepted by rightwing German politicians. Role of national politicians and German MEPs in Buttiglione crisis.
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Nasruddin, Nasruddin, Galang Asmara, and RR Cahyowati. "Authority of General Election Commission for the Electoral Constitutional Rights." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, no. 6 (2019): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i6.1197.
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Indonesia is a country that adopts a democratic system that puts sovereignty in the hands of the people. As a manifestation of people's sovereignty, there is a direct election process, in which the people can determine their choices in electing the House of Representatives, the Regional Representative Council, the Regional People's Representative Council, the President and Vice President, the Governor and Deputy Governor, the Regent and Deputy Regent, as well as the Mayor and Deputy Mayor. The purpose of the study was to analyze the discretionary authority of the National Election Commission as a state institution. Research methods, this type of research is normative research, using a statutory approach, and conceptual. Sources of legal materials use primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. After the legal materials are collected and identified, the analysis of legal materials is carried out using analytical prescrisive methods, namely studying the purpose of the law, the values of justice, the validity of the rule of law, legal concepts, and legal norms. In conclusion, the General Election Commission is a supporting state institution or an auxiliary institution or an independent institution that is of a national, permanent and independent nature which holds elections in Indonesia. The General Election Commission in safeguarding the constitutional rights of voters has the authority to make discretionary decisions on issues if the laws and regulations do not regulate, are incomplete or unclear so that it causes stagnation at some stages, especially in the preparation and determination of the Voter List in the Data Upgrading Stages.
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Hanlon, Joseph. "Collapsing electoral integrity in Mozambique." Journal of African Elections 20, no. 1 (2021): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i1a3.
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Excessive secrecy has always compromised the integrity of Mozambique’s elections. The National Elections Commission secretly changes results with no records kept nor any public notice that changes have been made. The official final results of the 2019 elections were changed three times by the Constitutional Council with no comment and identical document numbers. The political parties want a politicised electoral machine with party nominees to all electoral bodies, and integrity has steadily declined. By 2018-9 elections had become dominated by the ruling party, Frelimo, which was able to openly change the outcome of municipal elections and create 329 430 ghost voters in the national elections. Civil society observers had become an important check on elections; but in 2019, independent observation was blocked in several provinces and the head of civil society observation in one province was assassinated by a police hit squad. The judiciary, which ordered a rerun in one town in the 2013 municipal elections, has become politicised and will no longer intervene. This paper is an empirical account of those events.
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Pyrzyńska, Agata. "Zaskarżalność uchwał Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej w trybie art. 161a Kodeksu wyborczego." Przegląd Sejmowy 4(171) (2022): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2022.128.
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The aim of this study is to analyse the operation of a new institution in the form of a complaint by the electoral representative against the resolutions of the National Electoral Commission in the form of guidelines and explanations, as well as to assess the legitimacy of the implementation of this institution into the Polish electoral law. On the one hand, there is no doubt that this solution contributes to the implementation of a long-reported postulate for the decisions of the election administration to be brought under judicial control, and also influences the extension of the catalogue of instruments for social control of the election process. On the other hand, however, it is impossible to analyse a venture of this institution with complete disregard for other conditions of the election process. The analysis is intended to provide an answer to the question of whether the complaint against the resolutions of the National Electoral Commission, as referred to in Article 162a of the Polish Election Code, in its current form is a desirable component of the Polish electoral law, or is it rather an institution limiting the efficiency of the election process. In the study, the construction of Article 161a of the Election Code was examined using a formal and legal method, and the consequences of the application of the new solution in election practice were analysed using an empirical method and the achievements of the doctrine of constitutional law.
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Shrestha, Amrit Kumar. "TRENDS OF WOMEN'S CANDIDACY IN NATIONAL ELECTIONS OF NEPAL." Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and Society 3, no. 3 (2018): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v3i3.21549.
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The study area of this article is women's candidacy in national elections of Nepal. It focuses on five national elections held from 1991 to 2013. It is based on secondary source of data. The Election Commission of Nepal publishes a report after every election. Data are extracted from the reports published by the Election Commission and analyzed with the help of the software SPSS. This article analyzes only facts regarding the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system. Such a study is important in order to lead to new affirmative action policies that will enhance gender mainstreaming and effective participation in all leadership and development processes. The findings will also be resourceful to scholars who are working in this field. The findings from this investigation provide evidence that the number of women candidates in national elections seems almost invisible in an overwhelming crowd of men candidates. The number of elected women candidates is very few. Similarly, distribution of women candidates is unequal in geographical regions. Where the human development rate is high the number of women candidates is greater. The roles of political parties of Nepal are not profoundly positive to increase women's candidacy. Likewise, electoral systems are responsible to influence women‟s chances of being elected. FPTP electoral system is not more favorable for women candidates. This article recommends that if a constituency would reserve only for women among three through FPTP then the chances of 33 percent to win the elections by women would be secured. Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and SocietyVol. 3, No. 3, January 2018, Page: 47-62
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Mielewczyk, Jakub. "Wpływ jednomandatowych okręgów wyborczych na wyniki wyborów do rad gmin w gminach powyżej 20 tys. mieszkańców." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 12 (October 31, 2018): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2015.16.
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The aim of this article is to analyze the impact of changes in the electoral formula on the results of local elections in municipalities with more than 20,000 inhabitants. In this municipalities, existing proportional formula was replaced by FPTP system with single member districts. In this study, author makes a comparative analysis of the results of the municipal councils elections since 2002. Empirical analysis is based on quantitative data of the National Electoral Commission. The research proves that the change of the electoral formula was important factor which affected the results of the elections in the municipalities with more than 20,000 inhabitants.
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Renshaw, Catherine, and Michael Lidauer. "The Union Election Commission of Myanmar 2010–2020." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (2021): S136—S155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.33.
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AbstractThe 2008 Constitution of the Union of Myanmar establishes the framework for a ‘discipline-flourishing’ constitutional democracy in which the Tatmadaw, the Burmese military, retains a significant degree of power. Under this Constitution, the Union Election Commission (UEC) is vested with significant authority to supervise elections, regulate political parties and electoral campaigns, register voters, suspend elections, and to make conclusive determinations in electoral disputes. Between 2010 and 2020, the UEC oversaw three consecutive general elections and three by-elections. Following a term under the former military leadership, the country's major democratic opposition party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), won a resounding victory in the 2015 elections. In the years that followed, civilian-military relations were a source of tension, as the NLD attempted to reform the executive and legislative roles for the military guaranteed by the Constitution. These tensions became in particular tangible during the 2020 elections, which the NLD again won in a landslide victory. The military alleged the election was marred by fraud while the UEC rejected this allegation. On 1 February 2021, hours before the new parliament was to convene, the Tatmadaw staged a coup d’état. This article reviews the UEC in its constitutional and political context. It identifies its institutional features, significant points in its brief history, and the impact of UEC leadership as a contributing factor in fostering confidence in the electoral process.
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Oke, Christiantus Ifeanyi Adebowale, and Harriet Omokiniovo Efanodor-Obeten. "Gagging Electoral Fraud in Nigeria: The Imperative of Electoral Reforms." Khazanah Sosial 3, no. 2 (2021): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v3i2.11585.
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Elections all over the world are the only recognized legitimate means of changing and constituting governments. In other democratic climes, citizens eagerly await elections with excitement, because it affords them the opportunity to appraise the scorecards of their elected representatives. However, preparing for elections in Nigeria is akin to getting set for a major warfare that requires humongous human and natural resources including the deployment of full military arsenal. Despite the unease this vital democratic practice puts the nation, elections are fraught with irregularities and malfeasances. The crux of this paper is to adumbrate what constitutes electoral fraud and proffer possible panaceas using the instruments of electoral reforms. The study utilizes secondary source of data and content analysis as its methodology and use qualitative approach. The paper argues that electoral malpractices manifest in diverse forms and are orchestrated by the political class to perpetuate themselves in office. It is also the opinion of this study that if there is a holistic electoral reform, most politicians that are currently occupying offices might not get valid chance of winning (re)elections, hence, their stiff opposition and resistance to the reforms. This paper recommends amongst others that the 9th National Assembly should as a matter of urgent national importance, timely debate, update and represent the Electoral (Amendment) Bill to the President for his assent. Furthermore, it is recommended that for free, fair and credible elections to take place, technology should be embraced and Electoral Offences Commission should be established to prosecute electoral fraudsters.
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Kaburu, Mercy Kathambi. "Free, fair and credible? An assessment of Kenya 2017 Election." Journal of African Elections 21, no. 1 (2022): 44–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2022/v21i1a3.
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Periodic, free, fair, and credible elections are one of the undisputed principles of liberal democracy. Kenya embraced multiparty democracy at independence in 1963 and has since used periodic elections as a means of selecting leaders to office. Focusing on Kenya’s national election held on 8 August 2017, this paper evaluates the fundamental requirements for a free, fair, and credible election. To this end, the paper assesses Kenya’s electoral legal framework and its application during the 2017 national elections. In addition, the paper uses primary data by Afrobarometer to explore public opinion on the performance of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), political parties, and the media towards free, fair, and credible elections. This study finds that despite some institutional challenges, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were conducted under a comprehensive electoral legal framework and met the threshold of free, fair, and credible as affirmed by the citizenry through Afrobarometer’s public opinion survey. The positive assessment of universally accepted electoral practice indicators by most of the people affirms that, notable challenges notwithstanding, Kenya’s 2017 national elections were free, fair, and credible, thus endorsing the legitimacy and authority of elected leaders. This argument is cognisant of the election outcome as a fundamental factor in shaping public perception of freeness and fairness in the electoral process.
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Kolawole, Aliyu M., and Hope Amoge Ikedinma. "Assessing the Effect of Federal Universities Academics and National Youth Service Corps Members on the Conduct of General Elections in Nigeria." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 12, no. 6 (2021): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/mjss-2021-0055.
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This study examined issues that necessitated the use of federal universities academics and national youth service corps members in the conduct of general elections in Nigeria and discussed the credibility of election management with their involvement. It also interrogated the effectiveness and challenges of using them by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The study utilised primary data that was collected through semi-structured interviews with thirty respondents. Secondary data was sourced from periodicals, journals, election manuals, and electoral act of 2010 as amended. The data collected were analysed using content analysis. The study showed that the need to sanitize the electoral system informed the use of universities academics and national youth service corps members. The study also showed that the academics and national youth service corps members have facilitated the credibility of the electoral system and that the activities of desperate politicians who are driven by the lust for political power are some of the challenges faced in using university academics and national youth service corps members. It is suggested that the current use of universities academics and national youth service corps members in the conduct of future elections should be sustained.
 
 Received: 5 August 2021 / Accepted: 30 september 2021 / Published: 5 November 2021
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Jung, Joon Pyo. "A Critical Analysis of Electoral System Reform Proposal by the National Election Commission." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 18, no. 1 (2015): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.15235/jir.2015.6.18.1.197.
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SÁNCHEZ, JAIME. "Revisiting McGovern-Fraser: Party Nationalization and the Rhetoric of Reform." Journal of Policy History 32, no. 1 (2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000253.
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Abstract:The Democratic Party faced a crisis of political legitimacy in the late 1960s as distrust and protest permeated its electoral base. In response, the Democratic National Committee established the Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection, tasked with restructuring the party’s presidential nomination process. Contrary to the conventional historical narrative of the McGovern-Fraser Commission that has focused on a supposed displacement of the party’s old guard by radical insurgents, this article instead argues that the main impetus for reform came from national party leaders seeking to build up the legitimacy and authority of the National Committee. Commission Chair George McGovern and the DNC used a particular reform rhetoric that charged state parties with the corruption of the political process, necessitating rescue by an empowered national party. This focus on the nationalizing impulses behind McGovern-Fraser serves to shift our attention away from ideological struggles and toward institutional motives.
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Kashirkina, Anna A., and Andrey N. Morozov. "Expert examination of electoral legislation in the conclusions of the Venice Commission." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Law 12, no. 4 (2021): 1109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu14.2021.419.
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The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical approaches of the European Commission for Democracy through Law (the Venice Commission) to the assessment of electoral processes and elections in states. Since the Venice Commission is a subsidiary body of the Council of Europe, special attention is paid to the observance of Council of Europe standards in the field of human and civil rights in regard to elections. Through an empirical analysis of various documents of the Venice Commission (conclusions, recommendations, codes of practice, etc.), a conclusion is drawn about the existential approach of this body to assessing the electoral legislation of states. This approach is based on a wide array of sources perceived by experts of the Venice Commission, which, in addition to state legislation and official comments, may also include reports from the media, the Internet, the personal worldview of the expert and comments from other persons familiar with the situation. Based on this broad range of sources, the Venice Commission also objectifies its assessments into different acts, which may have a variety of names, but have the force of recommendations for states. Thus, the conclusions of the Venice Commission are acts of soft law and can be perceived by national legal systems using various channels of implementation. The analysis of the documents of the Venice Commission on elections and electoral processes shows that in the orbit of expertise of this body are such issues as: prevention of abuse of power and administrative resources of power in the organization and holding of elections; prevention of discrimination against opposition and various minorities, etc. The issues of gender equality in state authorities, protection of the rights of stateless persons, and voting using digital technologies are also considered.
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NWANGWU, CHIKODIRI, and OLIHE ADAEZE ONONOGBU. "Electoral Laws and Monitoring of Campaign Financing during the 2015 Presidential Election in Nigeria." Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, no. 4 (2016): 614–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109916000268.
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AbstractThe emergence of politicians with overwhelming financial muscle in Nigeria since 1990s has complicated the relationship between money and politics in the country. This has been intensified by lack of clear legislation on how political parties should seek funding for their campaigns. Although effective supervision of political parties’ finance is critical to the survival and consolidation of any democracy, the relevant electoral laws in Nigeria have not been effectively enforced. This is evident in the unbridled deployment of financial and other material resources by moneyed politicians and corporations during party campaign fundraising and electioneering. Among other things, this paper investigated the interface between the electoral laws and monitoring of campaign financing during the 2015 Presidential Election in Nigeria. The study is a documentary research and data were analyzed using a qualitative descriptive method. Utilizing the Marxist theory of the post-colonial state, the paper established that the electoral laws are generally couched ambiguously by politicians with vested interests in order to weaken the enforcement capacity of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), as well as facilitate the advancement of the electoral interests of the ‘political entrepreneurs’. Thus, the unbundling of the Commission is recommended as a sine qua non for effective monitoring and supervision of political parties in the country.
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Semenov, A. A., and E. S. Anichkin. "INFORMATION AND LEGAL WAYS OF REALIZATION OF CITIZENS' ELECTORAL RIGHTS IN THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." Russian-Asian Legal Journal, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ralj(2022)2.7.
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Currently, the Central Election Commission of the Russian Federation, together with electioncommissions of all levels, is implementing measures within the framework of the federal project “DigitalPublic Administration” of the national program “Digital Economy of the Russian Federation”, the result ofwhich is the digitalization of the electoral process, providing for the introduction of digital technologies anddigital transformation of services for all participants in the electoral process. The paper studies and analyzesthe theoretical and constitutional-legal foundations and principles of the implementation of constitutionalelectoral rights in the conditions of digitalization of the electoral process and the introduction of new digitaltechnologies in the field of public administration, develops recommendations on the introduction and useof digital services for the implementation of the participants of the electoral process of their constitutionalelectoral rights.
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Ajagba, Caleb Okezie, Daniel Eseme Gberevbie, and Osita Agbu. "Rebranding the Electoral Process in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999-2019): Constraints and Prospects of the Independent National Electoral Commission." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 1 (2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0005.
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Nigeria continued to dominate both national and international political discourse as a model of democracy for the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa immediately after the successful conduct of the 2015 general elections that saw for the first time peaceful conduct of elections and transition from one civilian administration to the other and which brought the opposition party to power without violence or bloodshed. However, following the conclusion and outcome of the 2019 general elections, the perception of Nigeria has changed from being a beacon of hope for democratic Africa to being an amazement to Political scholars and commentators who find it difficult to unravel how she failed to consolidate the gains of the 2015 general elections and to emerge stronger as a democratic nation. This study leverages the governance approach, and explores the need to rebrand the electoral process for enhanced democratic governance in Nigeria. It examines the need for a healthy synergy between the electorate, the political class, political parties and the institutions of government for inclusive nation building. It adopts both the qualitative and quantitative methods of research in its exploration between 1999 and 2019. It takes a critical look at what has become characterized as Nigeria’s ‘brand of politics’- which is essentially corrupt, violent, and manipulative of the wishes of the people. The work argues that except the electoral process is rebranded in line with acceptable international best practices of democratic culture where the will of the people is seen to prevail, political apathy may persist.
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Catarina, Antunes Gomes. "On how power is produced: The case of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) in the Angolan electoral process of 2008." International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 6, no. 5 (2014): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ijsa10.020.
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Moliki, Ahmed Olawale. "Political party elite and election-related violence in Nigeria: The nexus and implications for democracy and governance." Simulacra 4, no. 1 (2021): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v4i1.10520.
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Failure to conduct violence-free elections in Nigeria has frequently reflected in the writings of local and foreign election observers and monitoring groups. Previous studies have devoted much attention to the consequences of electoral violence on sustenance and consolidation of democracy but less attention has been paid to the role political party elite play in this violence. This study examined the role of political party elite in election-related violence in Nigeria, 2011-2019. It equally assessed its nexus and implications for democracy and governance. The study utilized documentary research method using qualitative documentary analysis to analyze the data obtained from secondary sources following four-step approach. Findings revealed that political party elite exerted greater influence on politically-sponsored thugs, who were utilized to perpetrate election-related violence due to zerosum game, winners-takes-all syndrome, and non-punishment of electoral offenders with far-reaching implications for popular participation, free, fair and credible election, party politics, leadership legitimacy and stable polity. The study submitted that curbing party elite-sponsored electoral violence requires that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the National Assembly wake up to their responsibility of ensuring strict enforcement of laws for electoral offences as this would deter both sponsors and perpetrators from engaging in violence during election.
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Owusu, Maxwell. "Tradition and Transformation: Democracy and the Politics of Popular Power in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (1996): 307–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005535x.
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In April 1992, after nearly 11 years of military rule in Ghana, a draft democratic constitution of the Fourth Republic was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum.1 The ban on multi-party politics was lifted by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) Government in the following month. An independent interim National Electoral Commission was established, and a hotly contested presidential election in 200 constituencies monitored by teams of international observers was held in November 1992. After multi-party parliamentary elections to the National Assembly, boycotted unfortunately by opposition groups, the democratically elected Government of Ghana's Fourth Republic was inaugurated in January 1993.2
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Ben E, Odigbo, Silk Ugwu Ogbu, and Okonkwo Raphael Valentine. "Appraisal of Africa Traditional Media (Oramedia) as Communication Tools for Effective Management of Electoral Violence in Nigeria." Asian Journal of Empirical Research 6, no. 6 (2016): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.1007/2016.6.6/1007.6.142.151.
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The study dwelt on an appraisal of the potency of Africa traditional media vehicles (oramedia) as communication tools for effective prevention and management of pre- and post-electoral violence in Nigeria. It was occasioned by the perennial incidence of electoral violence that has characterized general elections in the country since independence. The specific objectives were to: determine the effect of oramedia human-vehicular media as antidote to electoral violence in Nigeria; examine the effect of oramedia traditional anti-violence symbols as tools for preventing electoral violence in Nigeria; and determine the effect of oramedia idiomatic expressions as tools for preventing electoral violence in Nigeria. The study adopted survey design, where primary data were sourced through structured questionnaire. The study area was Portharcourt in the South-South, Kaduna in the North, Aba in the South-East and Lagos in the South-West. The results show that: Oramedia human-vehicular media; oramedia traditional anti-violence symbols and oramedia idiomatic expressions were significantly effective antidote for the prevention and management of electoral violence in Nigeria. Based on these outcomes, it was then recommended that the Nigerian Government and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), should give priority and devote more resources to the use of Africa traditional media for checkmating pre- and post-electoral violence in the country.
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Makunya, Trésor Muhindo. "Overcoming challenges to the adjudication of election-related disputes at the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights: Perspectives from the Ngandu case." African Human Rights Law Journal 22, no. 2 (2023): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1996-2096/2022/v22n2a3.
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The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights is increasingly taking on the role of a regional electoral adjudication body in resolving election-related human rights violations. While this role is essential because of the contested nature of elections in Africa and the inability of many national election resolution mechanisms to sanction election irregularities, the African Commission must master the intricacies of election dispute resolution in member states for its recommendations to be based on sound legal principles. Its decision in the Ngandu case provides an opportunity to assess the nature of some of the challenges faced by the Commission when adjudicating election-related disputes and how to overcome these. In this decision, the African Commission found that the Democratic Republic of the Congo had violated the complainant's right to defence, to political participation and to work following the annulment of his election as a member of the National Assembly by the country's interim Constitutional Court (the Supreme Court of justice). The analysis of the case suggests that, despite the African Commission's ability to re-affirm the relevance of the right to political participation for the consolidation of democracy in Africa and protecting the right to a fair trial and to work, it must address three types of challenges in its role as election-adjudication body using the procedural mechanisms provided for in both the African Charter and the Rules of Procedure. These challenges are the knowledge of electoral justice systems operating in the DRC and Africa at large; the impossibility of restitution as a form of reparation; and the state's participation in proceedings and the implementation of recommendations.
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Zych, Radosław. "Rozważania o społecznej szkodliwości czynu na podstawie art. 497a Kodeksu wyborczego. Teoria i praktyka." Przegląd Sejmowy 1(162) (2021): 147–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2021.08.
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The purpose of this article is to answer the question whether the assessment of the degree of social harm of offences against elections can be determined by their hierarchy established on the basis of the systematics of the specific part of the Penal Code. The aim of the study is to show the phenomenon of carrying away ballot papers and to assess the degree of social harm of the act. The reports of the National Electoral Commission on the 2019 elections to the European Parliament and on the 2019 elections to the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland were examined with regard to improper handling of the ballot papers. In addition, the decision of the Supreme Court of 2019 resolving the electoral protest based on the allegation of violation of Article 497a of the Electoral Code was analysed.
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Składowski, Konrad. "Tryb zgłaszania kandydatów w wyborach na urząd Prezydenta RP." Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego 70, no. 6 (2022): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.06.08.
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The article analyzes the procedure of nominating candidates for the office of the President of the Republic of Poland. The provisions of the Constitution and the Electoral Code were assessed. The analysis of the elections to the office of the President in Poland indicates that the requirement to collect 100,000 signatures of citizens who have the right to vote for the Sejm is not difficult to reach. As a result, candidates with low public support, who receive less than 100,000 votes, participate in the election of the President. At the same time, election practice shows that there is a lot of irregularities during collecting the signatures. This problem was repeatedly pointed out by the National Electoral Commission The article ends with proposals to amend the Electoral Code aimed at clarifying the rules for collecting signatures of support and introducing an election deposit.
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Shrestha, Amrit Kumar. "Exercise of Multiparty System through the Major Electoral Practices in Nepal." Researcher: A Research Journal of Culture and Society 5, no. 1 (2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/researcher.v5i1.41518.
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Nepal has entered into multiparty democracy in 1951. From begging to till dates of these seven decades, three decades were practiced party-less Panchayat system where political parties were outlawed. Within the remaining four decades Nepal has conducted seven national elections held in accordance to democratic norms and values. Many political parties fielded their candidates in these elections. They got various positions as per the cast of votes by Nepalese citizens. Results of elections show that Nepal has implemented the multiparty system. That was not the single or bi-party system. This article tries to analyze the participation of political parties in the elections and their position after the elections. It is based on reports published by the election commission after each election of Nepal. It analyzes only data of national elections. Nepali Congress (NC) a rightist party is a popular party of Nepal; results of elections proved it. Similarly, communists are also popular among Nepalese voters. They obtained higher votes in some national elections of Nepal. Other some rightist and leftist parties have also appeared in a significant position in the scenario of national politics of Nepal.
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Innocent, Alfa Patrick, and Otaida Eikojonwa. "Candidate Selection and the Electoral Prospects of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) In Nigeria: 1999-2015." Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 1, no. 2 (2019): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v1i2.1136.
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Objective: The essence of this article is to examine the centrality of candidate selection in the changes in the electoral fortunes of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015.Methodology: This paper is qualitative and conceptual in nature. The issues were analysed under various related themes. The data were gathered through the secondary method such as textbooks, journal articles, reports of election observer teams, party constitutions, workshop papers, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) documents, the Electoral Acts and the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The analysis of the information gathered helped to manifest the factors that were responsible for the electoral setbacks suffered by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which led to the triumph of the hitherto opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2015 general elections.Results: The paper discovered that interferences and manipulation in the candidate selection procedures in particular and gross disregard for internal party democracy in the Peoples' Democratic Party led to its electoral misfortunes in the 2015 elections.Implication: The paper avers that political parties are fundamental elements in any democratic setting, but for them to retain and boost their electoral chances they must adopt a transparent candidate selection process and adhere to the other tenets of internal party democracy.
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SADAT, LEILA. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (2009): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990082.
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AbstractThe Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500–800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts to exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Rwanda as a case study, the article illustrates the issues, concerns, and difficulties that arise when multiple jurisdictions assert a right to exercise criminal jurisdiction over the perpetrators of serious atrocity crimes. Beginning with a discussion of the political context, this article considers what the competing narratives and litigation in various fora have meant for the project of international and transnational criminal justice. Cases involving the commission of atrocities pose unique challenges for the international legal order. As the normative structure of international criminal law has arguably been strengthened, political constraints increasingly come to the fore. As illustrated by Rwanda, universal jurisdiction or other bases of jurisdiction may remain necessary vehicles for justice and reconciliation, or, at the very least, they may serve as a catalyst for change in Rwanda itself.
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Bodansky, Daniel, and Kevin Jon Heller. "International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda—genocide—conspiracy to commit genocide—complicity in genocide—mens rea—judicial notice." American Journal of International Law 101, no. 1 (2007): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000029614.
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Prosecutor v. Karemera, Ngirumpatse, & Nzirorera. Case No. ICTR-98-44-AR73(C). Decision on Prosecutor's Interlocutory Appeal of Decision on Judicial Notice. At <http://www.ictr.org>.International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Appeals Chamber, June 16, 2006.In an interlocutory appeal in Prosecutor v. Karemera, the appeals chamber of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) held that the commission of genocide against the Tutsis in 1994 is a “fact of common knowledge” of which trial chambers must take judicial notice (Appeals Decision, paras. 35, 38). The decision represents a significant reversal in ICTR practice: although some trial chambers have been willing to take notice of “widespread and systematic attacks” against Tutsis in Rwanda, they have uniformly insisted that the question of whether the attacks amounted to genocide is so fundamental that formal proof is required.As noted in the indictment, Edouard Karemera and Jospeh Nzirorera were minister-level officials in the Rwanda’ interim government (Indictment, paras. 1, 3) and served, along with Mathieu Ngirumpatse, as the national executive leadership of the National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND) (id., para. 9). They are charged with, inter alia, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, genocide, and—alternatively—complicity in genocide (id.). The prosecution alleges that they created, recruited, and organized the Interahamwe, the vicious youth wing of the MRND; provided members of the Interahamwe with weapons and military training; and helped formulate and implement policies of the interim government of April 8, 1994, that were intended to incite, encourage, and abet killings of Tutsis (id., para. 14).
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Lihiru, Victoria. "The 2020 Chadema special seats dispute in Tanzania.Does the National Electoral Commission Comply with the Law?" Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (2021): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a6.
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This article focuses on the CHADEMA dispute regarding the selection of its 19 women to special parliamentary seats after the completion of the 2020 general elections in Tanzania. It argues that the dispute is caused by the failure of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) to provide political parties with a uniform and transparent modality for the selection of women to special seats against the requirement of Article 81 of the 1977 Constitution. The NEC’s failure has led to modalities of implementing women’s special seats that are incompatible with the international standards governing ‘Temporary Special Measures’ (TSM). This has led to conflict, the marginalisation and discrimination of women in special seats, ridicule of the special seats system, and a slow transition of women from special to constituency seats. The article provides suggestions on how the special seats system could be reviewed and repositioned to achieve its intended objectives.
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Lihiru, Victoria. "The 2020 Chadema special seats dispute in Tanzania.Does the National Electoral Commission Comply with the Law?" Journal of African Elections 20, no. 2 (2021): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2021/v20i2a6.
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This article focuses on the CHADEMA dispute regarding the selection of its 19 women to special parliamentary seats after the completion of the 2020 general elections in Tanzania. It argues that the dispute is caused by the failure of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) to provide political parties with a uniform and transparent modality for the selection of women to special seats against the requirement of Article 81 of the 1977 Constitution. The NEC’s failure has led to modalities of implementing women’s special seats that are incompatible with the international standards governing ‘Temporary Special Measures’ (TSM). This has led to conflict, the marginalisation and discrimination of women in special seats, ridicule of the special seats system, and a slow transition of women from special to constituency seats. The article provides suggestions on how the special seats system could be reviewed and repositioned to achieve its intended objectives.
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Unufe, Edono Joseph, and Oluch Justin-Ugo. "Election Administration in Nigeria: Interrogating Independent National Electoral Commission Transition Efforts from Manual to Electronic Voting." African Research Review 13, no. 4 (2019): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v13i4.2.
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RC, Eze, and Agena James E. "Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Electronic Card Readers (ECR) and the 2015 General Elections in Nigeria." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 7 (2016): 796–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.21276/sjahss.2016.4.7.8.
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Szonert, Zbigniew. "On the election system from the perspective of the experience of the National Electoral Commission member." Law and Administration in Post-Soviet Europe 4, no. 1 (2017): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lape-2017-0005.
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Orłowski, Wojciech. "Electoral Administration in Poland. Present Legal Solutions and Possible Future Changes." Barometr Regionalny. Analizy i Prognozy 14, no. 4 (2017): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/br.463.
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The paper deals with the issues concerning the so far existing model of the election administration and the problems connected with the regional and local elections conducted in December 2014 in Poland. The computer system failure making it impossible to announce the election results on time challenged the social confidence in the election process and led to questioning the range and necessity of changes within the election system. The paper discusses in detail the origin and evolution of the election administration bodies underlining its specific character i.e. its composition of independent judges. Evaluating the National Election Committee activity alternative solutions are presented — the ones recommended in the election law by the Council of Europe through its Venice Commission.
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Osadolor, F. O. "Burden and Standard of Proof in Election Petitions without Criminal Allegations." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 3 (2019): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n3p156.
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The burden and standard of proof in election petition without criminal allegation is in tandem with the extant Evidence Act, as election petitions is sui generis. The purpose of election laws is to obtain a correct expression of the intent of the voters. However, this paper argues that whereas proof of election petition without criminal allegations requires proof on the preponderance of evidence, the shallow chant of &ldquo;he who asserts must prove&rdquo; in the extant law is a conduit pipe for electoral injustice. This paper therefore makes a clarion call for the amendment of the relevant extant law to usher in a legal regime of burden of proof on the pleadings, where whoever asserts the affirmative or positive must prove on the state of the pleadings. 
 
 The rebuttable presumption of the regularity of the conduct of elections and declaration of results, no longer serve the end of justice in our electoral process. This paper therefore argues that the Electoral Act be amended to place the burden of proof of the regularity of elections and declaration of results on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), to meet the desired justice contemplated in the electoral process.
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Ziller, Jacques. "National Constitutional Concepts in the New Constitution for Europe." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 3 (2005): 452–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605004529.
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Precedents in European Union member states for the negative referenda in France and The Netherlands on the Constitution for Europe. Evolution of the investiture of the Commission: parallel with France under Third and Fourth Republic. Double headed executive (President of the European Council and President of the Commission) and ‘double hats’ (Union Minister for Foreign Affairs) in line of the European constitutional tradition. The unborn ‘Legislative Council’ and its Austrian and German counterparts. The aborted ‘Congress of the Peoples of Europe’: forum for ‘State of the Union’ speech, not a electoral body. Protection of minority rights in the Constitution for Europe due to insistence of the Hungarian government; foreign to the dominant Western constitutional concepts. Representative democracy and the formal concept of law: European Laws and Framework Laws as ‘Acts of Parliament’. Strict limits on the possibility to delegate legislation: German, Italian, French roots. European Laws and Regulations: unachieved hierarchy and French precedent. Judiciary as a relative minor branch of government as in the British and French traditions. No German Verfassungsbeschwerde or Spanish recurso de amparo, but probably more annulment procedures and preliminary questions on legality and constitutionality than before. Parallels with German federal concepts: Union Law über Alles; no rigid Kompetenzkatolog and joint competences; distribution of competences not limited to law-making. More than lip service to decentralisation. Constitutional ping-pong and intertwined constitutionalism: territories d'outre- mer and outermost regions.
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Zainuddin MZ, M. "Kewenangan Komisi Pemilihan Umum dalam Menetapkan Pasangan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden." al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 5, no. 1 (2015): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2015.5.1.33-62.
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Abstract: The General Election Commission (KPU) is national, permanent, and independent general election organizers. General election, which is held to elect members DPR, DPRD, DPD, the president and vice president, is a means of implementing the rule of the people who carried out directly, generally, freely, confidentially, honestly and fairly in the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (UUD) 1945. Within the Islamic political jurisprudence’s perspective, the duties and authorities of the General Election Commission in selecting the candidate for president and vice president participants are not contrary to the principles or the Islamic teachings. They also more emphasize to consultation and transparency in justice in doing the job. Otherwise, KPU can also be equated with ahlul halli wal aqdi institution. This institutions has the authority to decide and accommodate the aspirations of the people and institutions that have duty to determine a leader.Keywords: Electoral commission, president, Islamic political jurisprudence.
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Nyandoro, Mark. "Zimbabwe’s port-2000 elections: more hotly contested yet less democratic than in the past." Journal of African Elections 21, no. 1 (2022): 70–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2022/v21i1a4.
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This article investigates Zimbabwe’s post-2000 elections, why they have been more hotly contested than previously, and whether they have been undemocratic. The post-2000 period marked what is arguably the most turbulent phase in the electoral history of the country since independence in 1980, and Zimbabwe’s elections were de facto degraded, becoming a means of sustaining incumbents in power. The paper asserts that Zimbabwe’s elections are mainly a front for hoodwinking both the electorate and observers. They are not used to provide for the free expression of the will of the people, but to endorse the incumbents rather than effectively challenge them. To this extent, they are manipulated to produce a pre-determined outcome confirming the current leaders, irrespective of their performance. Supported by empirical data from interviews and primary sources together with statistical records from electoral institutions such as the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), the Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency (ZIMS TAT), and Afrobarometer, the article concludes that elections are mainly for show, to entrench the incumbents.
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Ijim-Agbor, Uno. "Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) As An (Im)Partial Umpire in the Conduct of the 2007 Elections." Journal of African elections 6, no. 2 (2007): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2007/v6i2a5.
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Dudek, Dariusz. "Ekspertyza prawna w sprawie Uchwały nr 129/2020 Państwowej Komisji Wyborczej z dnia 10 maja 2020 r." Przegląd Sejmowy 2(163) (2021): 223–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2021.24.
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The author of the expertise analyses in detail the content of the Resolution No. 129/2020 of the National Electoral Commission (PKW) of 10 May 2020 and its legal consequences for the election of the President of the Republic of Poland, in the context of the regulation of the Polish Constitution and the Electoral Code. This Resolution was in fact an act supplementing the binding legal regulations, not directly provided for in the Polish legal system, and constituted a quasi-source of law. In the existing crisis reality of the COVID-19 pandemic, the impossibility of holding the presidential election on the originally ordered date of 10 May 2020, the Resolution enabled the Speaker of the Sejm to re-order and legally conduct the elections on the new date. The condition for its implementation was the publication in the Journal of Laws, which the author recommended.
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Kadiri, Kehinde Kadijat, Adetola Kehinde, Adeyinka Tella, and Raji Khalid. "Usage of Social Media for 2019 Electoral Peace Campaign by Non-Governmental Organizations in Kwara State, Nigeria." Jurnal Pengajian Media Malaysia 22, no. 1 (2020): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jpmm.vol22no1.3.
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There is a growing interest in the ways non-governmental organisations (NGOs) can ensure that electorates have access to information that could improve comprehension of the electoral process and reinforce tranquil relations between the electorates and political stakeholders. This study examined the usage of social media for 2019 electoral peace campaign by NGOs in Kwara State, Nigeria. The study adopted a qualitative research method and multistage sampling technique was adopted as sampling technique. The study focused mainly on four LGAs i.e. Asa, Ilorin South, Ilorin West and Ilorin East Local Government Areas. In these four LGAs, 15 NGOs with vested interest in electoral peace campaigns were purposively selected. Unstructured interview was used to collect data from the social media handlers of theses NGOs. The data collected were recorded and transcribed. The gathered data were arranged in themes following the approach of manual thematic analysis. Findings from this study showed that NGOs in Kwara State used social media for electoral peace campaign during 2019 general elections. Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, Instagram and LinkedIn were the most used social media platforms among NGOs in Kwara State during 2019 general elections; however, there level of usage is average. The motivation for social media usage among NGOs in Kwara State during 2019 general elections can be attributed to the wider coverage and reach of social media. Lastly, during 2019 general elections, NGOs in Kwara State embarked on peace campaigns before elections, some do it during and few do it post electoral peace campaign. Among several recommendations, the study recommended that the electoral umpire in Nigeria, Independent National Electoral Commission should include training of officers in their electoral briefings on the viability of social media use during elections by officers.
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Johnson, Thomas. "The 2019 Afghan Presidential Election: An Assessment of Problematic Processes and Results." Afghanistan 4, no. 1 (2021): 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2021.0062.
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This article assesses Afghanistan's Presidential Election of 2019. Analyzing official data from the Afghan Independent Election Commission (IEC), it examines voting patterns at both the national and provincial levels and compares these results with those of past elections. It draws on statistical methods to evaluate Afghan electoral procedures, focusing in particular on the practice of ballot invalidation and voter suppression as well as the role of ethno-linguistic voting blocs. The analysis reveals highly unusual voting patterns and other dynamics that point to significant irregularities and fraud. The article concludes with a number of recommendations for future Afghan elections.
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FH-Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Pusat Kajian Konstitusi dan Pemerintahan. "Suara Terbanyak dan Kualitas Anggota DPRD Provinsi DIY (Implementasi Putusan MK No. 22-24/ PUU-VI/2008 dalam Pemilu 2009)." Jurnal Konstitusi 8, no. 1 (2016): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk817.
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The implementation of the Constitutional Court Decision No. 22-24/ PUU-VI/2008 about counting majority votes in 2009 legislative elections in the province of DIY has a significant effect. considering the system used in the vote count to determine the members of both national and local legislatures are new and very different from previous elections. However, these effects are not caused major problems, because before the election day, the decision has been disseminated by each political party internally and implemented by Electoral Commission. Although the Constitutional Court decision issued after a waiting list of legislative candidates have been announced by the KPU.
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Belluati, Marinella. "Signs of Europeanization?: the 2014 EP election in European newspapers." Italian Political Science Review/Rivista Italiana di Scienza Politica 46, no. 2 (2016): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipo.2016.10.
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Taking into account the European public sphere and the EU democratic deficit theories, and utilizing the European elections as an evidence, this article demonstrates that despite appearances the European public sphere is showing signs of Europeanization. In the last European electoral campaign, the electorate has gained a more direct voice in the selection of the President of the European Commission. For the first time, EP parties (or party groups) have selected candidates for this position, hence structuring the electoral campaign and giving visibility to such candidates, as suggested by the European Parliament resolution document issued on 4 July 2013. Through political communication approaches, the article explores the impact these guidelines had in the domestic electoral strategies. It does so drawing on a comparative perspective approach. Descriptive content analysis tools are utilized to examine the online edition of articles related to the European election campaign in five European newspapers: The Guardian, Le Monde, El Pais, La Stampa, and Süddeutche Zeitung. The research focused on (i) coverage of European campaign, (ii) main issues and topics of the electoral debate, (iii) visibility of European and national leaders, and (iv) impact of Eurosceptic perspective in the European election debate. Special attention is given to comparing the different journalistic approaches about gender balance and Euroscepticism. The results of this comparative analysis show a strengthening of the Europeanization of the public sphere.
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SAMBO, USMAN, and BABAYO SULE. "INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION (INEC) AND THE PROCESS OF ELECTORAL CONDUCT IN NIGERIA: THE PHENOMENON OF ELECTION POSTPONEMENT AND ITS EFFECTS ON THE OUTCOME AND PERFORMANCE OF THE 2019 GENERAL ELECTION." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 6, no. 1 (2021): 226–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/1202.60.0121.
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This study investigates the effects of election postponement on the outcome and performance of the 2019 General Election, as well as practices of Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Process of Electoral Conduct in Nigeria. The study adopts a case study design and utilizes a qualitative approach in which both primary and secondary data were collected/engaged. The data were analysed and interpreted, using thematic analytical process. The main findings reveal that postponement of general election in Nigeria is gradually becoming the norm and/or a re-occurrence practice. It was also found that the postponement did impact negatively on the outcome and performance of the same, arising from low voters’ turnout. Crucially, it also observes that the country suffered economic loss worth billions of Naira. The study suggests a fully funded and equipped INEC with all its needs and logistics provided and three months to a year period provided, before elections are conducted could be an important panacea.