Relevant bibliographies by topics / Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission

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Academic literature on the topic 'Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 26 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission"

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Clark, Janine Natalya. "National unity and reconciliation in Rwanda: A flawed approach?" Journal of Contemporary African Studies 28, no. 2 (April 2010): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001003736793.

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Thomson, Susan. "The Long Shadow of Genocide in Rwanda." Current History 116, no. 790 (May 1, 2017): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.790.183.

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Ndarishikanye, Barnabé. "The Question of the Protection of Minorities in Burundi." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 1 (1998): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502753.

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The definition of ethnicity and its application in Burundi represents a key stumbling block in the resolution of the country’s political crisis. Since 1990, successive power holders have elaborated fundamental documents (Charter of National Unity, Constitution, Convention of Government) and created institutions (Government of National Unity, political pluralism, National Reconciliation Commission) with the explicit goal of resolving the question of power sharing between Hutus and Tutsis. In this paper I wish to present the ethnic dilemma that confounds the democratic process, as well as the limits of initiatives undertaken to date.
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Clark, Phil. "Negotiating Reconciliation in Rwanda: Popular Challenges to the Official Discourse of Post-Genocide National Unity." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 8, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 303–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502977.2014.958309.

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Ernestine, Bayisenge. "Psychosocial Wellbeing of Genocide Widows in Rwanda through Their Associations: A Case Study of Avega in Rwimbogo Sector." International Journal of Social Work 3, no. 2 (June 27, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijsw.v3i2.9666.

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<p>The research conducted on the role of associations of genocide widows was undertaken with the purpose of determining the contribution of Association of Widows of Genocide in Rwanda (AVEGA) in addressing the problems of widows of genocide in Rwanda and improving their wellbeing. The results of investigation carried out on 72 genocide widows through a questionnaire revealed that AVEGA improves the wellbeing of widows with the promotion of good health by providing medical services to them, the economic development by introducing activities which generate income in order to eradicate poverty, establishment of good relationship by encouraging the national policy of unity and reconciliation among Rwandans and supporting children in their studies.</p>
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Lemarchand, René. "The Report of the National Commission to Study the Question of National Unity in Burundi: a Critical Comment." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 685–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020516.

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In May 1989 the National Commission for the Study of National Unity appointed by President Pierre Buyoya issued its eagerly awaited report, ostensibly designed to find a lasting solution to the bloody confrontations that have repeatedly pitted Hutu against Tutsi. For the first time in the history of independent Burundi an official statement has been made public which explicitly recognises the centrality of the Hutu-Tutsi problem, and sets forth specific solutions to resolve it. As such this is a document of historic significance, and the sum of its recommendations must be seen as an important breakthrough towards national reconciliation.
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SADAT, LEILA. "Transjudicial Dialogue and the Rwandan Genocide: Aspects of Antagonism and Complementarity." Leiden Journal of International Law 22, no. 3 (September 2009): 543–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156509990082.

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AbstractThe Rwandan genocide remains one of the most horrific atrocities of the twentieth century, resulting in the death of an estimated 500–800,000 human beings, massacred over a 100-day period. In the fourteen years since the genocide, attempts at justice and reconciliation in Rwanda have involved a delicate interplay between national legal systems and the international legal order. This article examines three fora in which Rwandans have been tried for involvement in the genocide: the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Rwandan courts including Gacaca tribunals, and French attempts to exercise universal jurisdiction. Using Rwanda as a case study, the article illustrates the issues, concerns, and difficulties that arise when multiple jurisdictions assert a right to exercise criminal jurisdiction over the perpetrators of serious atrocity crimes. Beginning with a discussion of the political context, this article considers what the competing narratives and litigation in various fora have meant for the project of international and transnational criminal justice. Cases involving the commission of atrocities pose unique challenges for the international legal order. As the normative structure of international criminal law has arguably been strengthened, political constraints increasingly come to the fore. As illustrated by Rwanda, universal jurisdiction or other bases of jurisdiction may remain necessary vehicles for justice and reconciliation, or, at the very least, they may serve as a catalyst for change in Rwanda itself.
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Barton, John. "Confusion and Communion: Christian Mission and Ethnic Identities in Postgenocide Rwanda." Missiology: An International Review 40, no. 3 (July 2012): 229–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182961204000302.

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This paper explores socio-political and ethnic identities in postgenocide Rwanda and what they contribute to an understanding of mission. As part of the country's reconstruction efforts, the Rwandan government continues to aggressively promote a homogenizing postethnic approach to national unity that officially eliminates references to groups such as the Hutu, Tutsi, and Twa. Using the work of Emmanuel Katongole and Miroslav Volf as reference points, I propose that the missional pursuit of reconciliation is undermined by such postethnic philosophies and policies. God's mission seeks not to eliminate identities per se, but to eliminate the enmity between them, thus calling people to accept and welcome the “other as other” in the name of Christ. Therefore, in the current climate in Rwanda, and despite impressive indicators of social and economic progress, the call of mission may increasingly require a subversive posture.
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Mannergren Selimovic, Johanna. "Gender, narrative and affect: Top-down politics of commemoration in post-genocide Rwanda." Memory Studies 13, no. 2 (September 29, 2017): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017730869.

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This article takes an interest in gendered memory politics and addresses the dearth of research on gender and commemoration in relation to the genocide in Rwanda. It analyses elite-produced gendered narratives at key sites of commemoration and investigates their affective role in constituting the post-genocide Rwandan state. Through a methodological approach of ‘the situated gaze’, three central observations are made. First, women are mourned as a specific category of rape victims and mothers. Second, women’s experiences of sexual violence are at the same time censored and de-individualized. Third, no other experiences, beyond being a victim, are taken into account. The article finds that the top-down affective memory politics circumscribes the role women played during and after the genocide, and restricts their agency within the present state project of ‘national unity and reconciliation’.
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Moss, Sigrun Marie. "Beyond Conflict and Spoilt Identities: How Rwandan Leaders Justify a Single Recategorization Model for Post-Conflict Reconciliation." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (August 26, 2014): 435–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.291.

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Since 1994, the Rwandan government has attempted to remove the division of the population into the ‘ethnic’ identities Hutu, Tutsi and Twa and instead make the shared Rwandan identity salient. This paper explores how leaders justify the single recategorization model, based on nine in-depth semi-structured interviews with Rwandan national leaders (politicians and bureaucrats tasked with leading unity implementation) conducted in Rwanda over three months in 2011/2012. Thematic analysis revealed this was done through a meta-narrative focusing on the shared Rwandan identity. Three frames were found in use to “sell” this narrative where ethnic identities are presented as a) an alien construction; b) which was used to the disadvantage of the people; and c) non-essential social constructs. The material demonstrates the identity entrepreneurship behind the single recategorization approach: the definition of the category boundaries, the category content, and the strategies for controlling and overcoming alternative narratives. Rwandan identity is presented as essential and legitimate, and as offering a potential way for people to escape spoilt subordinate identities. The interviewed leaders insist Rwandans are all one, and that the single recategorization is the right path for Rwanda, but this approach has been criticised for increasing rather than decreasing intergroup conflict due to social identity threat. The Rwandan case offers a rare opportunity to explore leaders’ own narratives and framing of these ‘ethnic’ identities to justify the single recategorization approach.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission"

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Purdeková, Andrea. "Political projects of unity in divided communities : discourse and performance of "Ubumwe" in post-genocide Rwanda." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b47fef23-18cf-44b6-97ba-9400719c6640.

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The present thesis explores the politics of reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda by focusing on one of its little-studied aspects— the government-led project of ‘unity building.’ To uncover the type of unit(ies) that are actually produced (not just officially envisioned), the analysis operates at three interconnected levels— i) at the level of the discourse of unity and reconciliation (studying its proper logic in addition to the ways in which it is shaped/structured by other discourses, such as security or prosperity/development); ii) at the level of concrete strategies and policies; and finally iii) at the level of ‘enaction’ through a score of official (and purportedly ‘local’ and ‘traditional’) activities. Many of the activities considered here have received no in-depth study. The official activities are explored both in toto and through an in in-depth analysis of one key exemplar – the ingando camps – transitory and transient spaces of re-education/sensitisation and reintegration tailored for selected segments of the population. The thesis demonstrates the ways in which the process of kubaka ubumwe / unity-building is profoundly politicised. Detailed attention is paid to exposing the way in which i) political dynamics affect the very conception of ‘unity’ and ‘reconciliation;’ ii) the manner in which power and the state mould unity and reconciliation activities, determining what can be achieved through them (or not); and finally iii) the ways in which the government appropriates the whole unity-building process for other than stated aims. The research shows how unity is shaped to imply consent, homogeneity and non-dissension, thus serving specific governmentality goals in the highly controlling environment of the authoritarian state (producing docile and legible subjects). Furthermore, the thesis shows how the process of unity and reconciliation is subsumed to the broader social engineering project of the state aimed at shaping citizens’ ‘mentalities’ and at their transformation into ‘perfect development subjects.’
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Vergos, Catherine. "BETWEEN RHETORIC AND REALITY: A PSYCHOSOCIAL EXAMINATION OF RWANDA'S NATIONAL UNITY AND RECONCILIATION POLICY." 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/14396.

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The policy of National Unity and Reconciliation in Rwanda has been the subject of much heated debate in recent years, prompted by the uncovering of repressive techniques of the current government. As the policy is designed to enhance the legitimacy of this government, the national rhetoric must be compared to its actions where reconciliation is concerned. Instead of promoting national unity and reconciliation, this thesis will show that the government actively obstructs Rwandan interpersonal reconciliation through the denial of acceptance and empowerment. The analysis is informed by the psychological needs-based model of reconciliation, bringing in aspects of psychological theory into a field largely dominated by law and political science.
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Siang'andu, Twaambo Ellah Mapenzi. "The methodology by which transitional justice strategies ought to be incorporated into the International Criminal Court framework." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21168.

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This research seeks to establish a methodology by which transitional justice strategies ought to be incorporated within the International Criminal Court (ICC) framework. The study is based on the situation in Uganda as an example of the state that has a situation and cases before the ICC. The aim of the thesis was achieved through the adoption of a combination of theoretical legal research and the non -doctrinal approaches. This research establishes that the primary responsibility to prosecute persons suspected of violating international law lies with the states. The importance of the concept of individual criminal responsibility, the idea that every person suspected of committing the most serious offences must be held accountable regardless of status. The principle of individual criminal responsibility is further developed with the creation of the ICC. This research clarifies that there are limitations in terms of what prosecutions can achieve during transitional periods; further, that trials in the ICC and national courts can be undertaken together with proceedings of the Truth and Reconciliation Commissions or indigenous mechasims. Such an approach will allow for confines of prosecutions to be addressed. Despite the existence of principles and institutional framework that are intended to ensure individuals are held accountable for the most serious offences of international concern, the majority of individuals are not held accountable. In order for the ICC to operate effectively it would need to seek to go beyond deterrence and retribution. This would require post – conflict states to devise transitional arrangements that compel with the ICC structure. Thus the research recommends that it would be better for judicial and non- judicial measures to be adopted in states that have cases before the ICC. Particularly Uganda must adopt the mato oput method formally as a tool to address the past human rights abuses in Uganda. All persons regardless of whether they have been granted amnesty or not must be held accountable under the mato oput measures. This implies all persons with exception to those that the ICC has issued the warrants of arrest against.
Public, Constitutional and International Law
LL. D.
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Books on the topic "Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission"

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Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission. Rwanda reconciliation barometer. Kigali, Rwanda: Republic of Rwanda, National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 2010.

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Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission. 15 years of unity and reconciliation process in Rwanda: The ground covered to date. Kigali]: Republic of Rwanda, National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 2009.

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Commission, Rwanda National Unity and Reconciliation. Evaluation and impact assessment of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC): Executive summary. Kigali: Republic of Rwanda, The National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC), 2005.

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4

Floride, Tuyisabe, and Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, eds. Community conflicts in Rwanda: Major causes and ways to solutions. Kigali: Republic of Rwanda, National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, 2007.

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5

Rudasingwa, Theogene. The balance between the necessity for justice and imperatives of national unity, reconciliation, and democratisation: A paper. Dar es Salaam: Thackers Publishers, 1996.

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6

Field, Sean. Disappointed Remains: Trauma, Testimony, and Reconciliation in Post-apartheid South Africa. Edited by Donald A. Ritchie. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195339550.013.0010.

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The apartheid regime in South Africa and the fight against the same, followed by the reconciliation is the crux of this article. The first democratic elections held on April 27, 1994, were surprisingly free of violence. Then, in one of its first pieces of legislation, the new democratic parliament passed the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act of 1995, which created the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. At the outset, the South African TRC promised to “uncover the truth” about past atrocities, and forge reconciliation across a divided country. As oral historians, we should consider the oral testimonies that were given at the Human Rights Victim hearings and reflect on the reconciliation process and what it means to ask trauma survivors to forgive and reconcile with perpetrators. This article cites several real life examples to explain the trauma and testimony of apartheid and post-apartheid Africa with a hint on the still prevailing disappointments and blurred memories.
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Book chapters on the topic "Rwanda. National Unity and Reconciliation Commission"

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Thomson, Susan. "Peasant Perspectives on National Unity and Reconciliation: Building Peace or Promoting Division?" In Rwanda Fast Forward, 96–110. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137265159_7.

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"Truth and Reconciliation Commission:." In Unity and Reconciliation in Rwanda, 33–40. Fortress Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1ddcpqj.9.

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"Truth and Reconciliation Commission:." In Unity and Reconciliation in Rwanda, 33–40. Fortress Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1ddcpqj.9.

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Laws, Meghan, Richard Ntakirutimana, and Bennett Collins. "‘One Rwanda For All Rwandans’: (Un)covering the Twa in Post-Genocide Rwanda." In Rwanda Since 1994, 125–44. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786941992.003.0008.

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The leading academic literature on Rwanda tends to focus on the Hutu-Tutsi dichotomy, either directly or indirectly, thus resigning the historical narratives of the Twa to a footnote, permanently buried in history. Based on interviews and focus groups, as well as personal testimony provided by three Twa civil society leaders, this chapter explores Twa perceptions and experiences of national unity and reconciliation during the post-genocide period. As a component of this, our chapter examines popular perceptions of the Historically Marginalized Peoples (HMP) label, a quasi-legal category generally associated with the Twa, within the broader framework of the government's unity-building and reconciliation campaign. This snapshot of Twa interactions with government policy and practice shows that Twa often feel excluded from efforts to foster national pride, unity and reconciliation. Equally, the majority of Twa object to the use of the HMP label, and many emphasize the continued relevance of Twa identity and culture at a community level.
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Journal articles
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