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Journal articles on the topic 'Rwandais'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Sydor, Guy, and Pierre Philippot. "Conséquences psychologiques des massacres de 1994 au Rwanda." Dossier : Les états de stress post-traumatique 21, no. 1 (September 11, 2007): 229–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/032389ar.

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RÉSUMÉ Un programme de recherches portant sur la prévalence des réactions de stress posttraumatique est décrit. Ce programme est spécifiquement centré sur les conséquences psychologiques des événements d'avril 1994 au Rwanda et du génocide qui a suivi. Il comporte trois études psycho-épidémiologiques : une sur les enfants rwandais non accompagnés; une autre sur un petit groupe de coopérants belges; et une dernière sur un échantillon important de civils et de militaires belges ayant vécu les événements rwandais. L'impact psychologique des événements rwandais est décrit en terme de prévalence des symptômes de stress post-traumatique.

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2

Laliberté, Annie. "Le silence du figurant de sa propre histoire." Au plus près. Silences, fractures, liens 32 (February 19, 2009): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000206ar.

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Résumé Une abondante cinématographie est née des cendres du génocide rwandais de 1994. En juin 2007, le cinéaste français Alain Tasma et son équipe ont parcouru le Rwanda dans le but de tourner un film sur l’Opération Turquoise, une action militaire organisée par la France vers la fin du génocide rwandais. L’équipe s’est arrêtée dans la ville de Butare, province très touché par les massacres : elle y a recruté des figurants parmi les Rwandais présents au moment du drame de 1994 et a procédé à une reconstitution du drame tandis que les habitants vaquaient à leurs occupations quotidiennes. Le tout treize ans après le drame. Une réflexion peut s’engager sur la perception de ces tournages chez les Rwandais. Nous avons choisi de mettre l’accent sur les intellectuels de Butare : dans le cadre de discussions avec les élèves et les enseignants et la présence sur les lieux du tournage de l’Opération Turquoise, nous avons constaté que ce tournage suscitait des attentes au sujet du déséquilibre dans les représentations, en particulier pour des raisons politiques. Ce point de vue des élites est aussi révélateur d’un rapport trouble avec la transparence, l’expression et la relation avec la paysannerie.

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3

Jessee, Erin, and Sarah E. Watkins. "Good Kings, Bloody Tyrants, and Everything In Between: Representations of the Monarchy in Post-Genocide Rwanda." History in Africa 41 (April 23, 2014): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.7.

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AbstractSince assuming power after the 1994 genocide, President Paul Kagame and his political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, have struggled to unite Rwanda’s citizens using, among other initiatives, a simplified version of Rwandan history to diminish the ethnic tensions that made the 1994 genocide possible. As a result, Rwanda’s history has become highly politicized, with vastly divergent versions of the nation’s past narrated in private settings, where it is more politically appropriate for Rwandans to share their experiences. This paper focuses on divergent representations of Rwandan monarchical figures – often unnamed – whom the narrators imbue with values according to their individual political affiliations, lived experiences, and identity. These narratives are indicative of the broader ways that modern Rwandans narrate their experiences of history in response to Rwanda’s current official history, as well as previous official histories. Careful analysis reveals much about the current political climate in post-genocide Rwanda: most notably, that Rwandans continue to see their nation’s past through vastly different lenses, demonstrating the enormous challenges facing the Rwandan government as it seeks to reconcile its population using current methods. It also highlights the ongoing need on the part of historians to approach contemporary sources critically, informed by sources produced and debated in the pre-genocide period.

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4

Nkusi, Alphonse. "Le miracle rwandais." Le Courrier de l'UNESCO 2019, no. 2 (May 11, 2019): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/60e60d9d-fr.

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5

Kagabo, José, and Claudine Vidal. "L'extermination des Rwandais tutsi." Cahiers d’études africaines 34, no. 136 (1994): 537–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1994.1471.

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6

Vidal, Claudine. "Le génocide des Rwandais tutsi." L'Homme 38, no. 145 (1998): 229–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/hom.1998.370428.

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7

Aptel, Cécile. "À propos du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 721–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003533610005721x.

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Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) a été créé le 8 novembre 1994 par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, dont il est un organe subsidiaire. Il a pour mission de contribuer au rétablissement et au maintien de la paix et à la réconciliation nationale, en jugeant les personnes présumées responsables d'actes de génocide ou d'autres violations graves du droit international humanitaire commis sur le territoire du Rwanda, ainsi que les citoyens rwandais présumés responsables de tels actes ou violations commis sur le territoire d'États voisins entre le 1er janvier et le 31 décembre 1994.

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8

Wembou, Djiena. "Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda: Rôle de la Cour dans la réalité africaine." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 731–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057221.

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Devant les atrocités commises au Rwanda entre avril et juillet 1994, la communauté internationale s'est engagée à faire respecter le droit international humanitaire et à juger les responsables des infractions à ce droit. C'est ainsi que le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, par sa résolution 955 du 8 novembre 1994, a créé le Tribunal pénal international, chargé déjuger à la fois les personnes présumées responsables d'actes de génocide ou d'autres violations graves du droit international humanitaire commis sur le territoire du Rwanda, et les citoyens rwandais présumés responsables de tels actes ou violations commis sur le territoire d'États voisins.

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9

Robson, Julia, James Bao, Alissa Wang, Heather McAlister, Jean-Paul Uwizihiwe, Felix Sayinzoga, Hassan Sibomana, Kirstyn Koswin, Joseph Wong, and Stanley Zlotkin. "Making sense of Rwanda’s remarkable vaccine coverage success." International Journal of Healthcare 6, no. 1 (February 26, 2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijh.v6n1p56.

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After the Rwandan genocide in 1994, vaccine coverage was close to zero. Several factors, including extreme poverty, rural populations and mountainous geography affect Rwandans’ access to immunizations. Post-conflict, various other factors were identified, including the lack of immunization program infrastructure, and lack of population-level knowledge and demand. In recent years, Rwanda is one of few countries that has demonstrated a sustained increase to near universal vaccination coverage, with a current rate of 98%. Our aim was to ask why and how Rwanda achieved this success so that it could potentially be replicated in other countries.Literature searches of scientific and grey literature, as well as other background research, was conducted from September 2016 through August 2017, including primary fieldwork in Rwanda. We determined that four factors have had a major influence on the Rwandan vaccine program, including strong central government leadership (political will), a culture of accountability, local ownership and a strong health value chain. Rwanda’s national immunization program is rooted in a political landscape shaped by unique aspects of Rwandan history and culture. Rwanda has a strong central government and a hierarchical chain of command supported by decentralized implementation bodies. A culture of accountability transcends the entire health system and there is local-level ownership of the immunization program, including the role of engaged community health workers and a strong health information system. Together, these four factors likely account for Rwanda’s vaccination coverage success.

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10

Charpentier, Émeline. "L’Éthiopie des Congolais, Burundais et Rwandais réfugiés." African Diaspora 8, no. 1 (2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-00801003.

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Ethiopia as a land of asylum is still little known. Welcoming in 2014 about 400,000 people with refugee status, it represents one of the largest countries of asylum in the Horn of Africa. Among this population, is a tiny minority of Congolese, Burundians and Rwandese. In this article, I wish to analyze, through an anthropological approach, their integration in the host country. The relationship that this refugee population has with the Ethiopian space, with Ethiopia as a political and legal structure, and finally, with the Ethiopians will be questioned. It appears that the political and social relationships between Congolese, Burundians and Rwandans with Ethiopia are characterized by a kind of “mutual disinterest”. In conclusion, the “Ethiopia of the Congolese, Burundian and Rwandan refugees” will emerge, largely based on the sharing of a common origin (Great Lakes) and a common status (the refugee status).

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11

Erasmus, Gerhard, and Nadine Fourie. "Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda: Tous les tenants et aboutissants ont-ils bien été pesés? Que révèle la comparaison avec la Commission sud-africaine pour la vérité et la réconciliation?" Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 79, no. 828 (December 1997): 751–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100057245.

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La réaction de la communauté internationale aux massacres et au génocide du Rwanda a été par moments «indécise» et «inadéquate». L'une des explications réside sans doute dans le fait qu'il aurait fallu disposer de ressources humaines et matérielles considérables pour rétablir la paix et pour répondre aux questions plus fondamentales posées par l'effondrement de l'État lui-même. Il n'en reste pas moins que le cas rwandais soulève de graves interrogations quant à l'adequation des structures internationales et régionales responsables du maintien et du rétablissement de la paix.

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12

Kuczyńska-Koschany, Katarzyna. "Rwanda z reportaży Jeana Hatzfelda – czytana przez różnie formułowane definicje ludobójstwa." Narracje o Zagładzie, no. 6 (November 22, 2020): 279–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/noz.2020.06.15.

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The present essay reflects upon the outstanding, from the reporter’s craft point of view, and unprecedented when it comes to empathy (which sometimes borders on European, colonialcomplicity) books by Jean Hatzfeld (born 1949), which consist of five volumes on Rwanda: Dans le nu de la vie. Récits des marais rwandais (2000), Une saison de machettes (2002), La stratégie des antilopes: récits (2007), Engelbert des collines (2014), Un papa de sang (2015). Various definitions of genocide (starting with the notion itself, authored by criminal lawyer, a Polish Jew Rafał Lemkin (1900–1959)), that were also formulated ad hoc in works of art (thecase of a feature film by Joanna Kos-Krauze and Krzysztof Krauze Ptaki śpiewają w Kigali [Birds Are Singing in Kigali]) prove to be a kind of Ariadne’s thread. Embedding Hatzfeld’s reportages in the context of the notion of genocide aims at broadening the field of associations for both, the narrator himself and his Rwandan interlocutors, whosporadically and comparatively/by way of comparison refer to the Shoah.

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13

Bülte, Nicolai, Johanna Grzywotz, Tobias Römer, and Leonard Wolckenhaar. "Monitoring the Trial of Onesphore R. Before theOberlandesgerichtFrankfurt." German Law Journal 16, no. 2 (May 2015): 285–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s207183220002085x.

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“Twenty years ago today our country fell into deep ditches of darkness—twenty years later, today, we are a country united and a nation elevated.”Those were the words of Rwanda's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Louis Mushikiwabo, on 7 April 2014, as he spoke to the Rwandan People at the twentieth anniversary of the beginning of the Rwandan genocide. Thousands of Rwandans gathered at Rwanda's main sports stadium, the Amahoro stadium, in Kigali to mourn their losses together. Ban Kimoon, the UN Secretary-General, lit a flame at the Kigali Genocide Memorial Center and not only expressed his solidarity with all Rwandans, but also emphasized that the United Nations could and should have done more to avoid the most devastating chapter in Rwanda's history.

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14

Korman, Rémi. "Rwanda : Épisode 5 - Rivières et marais rwandais : lieux de mémoire du génocide ?" Témoigner. Entre histoire et mémoire, no. 121 (October 1, 2015): 182–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/temoigner.3597.

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15

Sebuhoro, C. "Séquelles du génocide chez l'adolescent rwandais." Archives de Pédiatrie 12, no. 6 (June 2005): 880–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.arcped.2005.04.036.

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16

Poreau, Brice. "Le génocide rwandais : une génération après." Humanisme N° 316, no. 3 (July 3, 2017): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/huma.316.0064.

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17

Megwalu, Amaka, and Neophytos Loizides. "Dilemmas of Justice and Reconciliation: Rwandans and the Gacaca Courts." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 18, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889009000486.

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Following the 1994 genocide, several justice initiatives were implemented in Rwanda, including a tribunal established by the United Nations, Rwanda's national court system and Gacaca, a ‘traditional’ community-run conflict resolution mechanism adapted to prosecute genocide perpetrators. Since their inception in 2001, the Gacaca courts have been praised for their efficiency and for widening participation, but criticised for lack of due process, trained personnel and attention to atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). To evaluate these criticisms, we present preliminary findings from a survey of 227 Rwandans and analyse their attitudes towards Gacaca in relation to demographic characteristics such as education, residence and loss of relatives during the genocide.

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18

Korman, Rémi. "L'État rwandais et la mémoire du génocide." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 122, no. 2 (2014): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.122.0087.

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19

Payette, Dominique. "Les médias canadiens et le génocide rwandais." Le Temps des médias 5, no. 2 (2005): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tdm.005.0047.

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20

Fahmi, Mariam. "Le Génocide Rwandais D’après quelques écrits Africains." مجلة البحث العلمی فی الآداب 2, no. 2 (August 1, 2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/jssa.2017.10875.

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21

Sankara, Edgard. "Mémorialistes et témoins rwandais by François Lagarde." Nouvelles Études Francophones 31, no. 1 (2016): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nef.2016.0031.

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22

Audoin-Rouzeau, Stéphane, and Hélène Dumas. "Le génocide des Tutsi rwandais vingt ans après." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire 122, no. 2 (2014): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ving.122.0002.

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23

de Lame, Danielle. "Deuil, commémoration, justice dans les contextes Rwandais et Belge." Politique africaine 92, no. 4 (2003): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polaf.092.0039.

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24

Auron, Ya�r, and Dalit Lahav. "Le g�nocide rwandais et la politique isra�lienne." Revue d�Histoire de la Shoah N�190, no. 1 (2009): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.190.0225.

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25

Lepage, P., J. Bogaerts, M. Ntahorutaba, F. Nsengumuremyi, D. G. Hitimana, and C. Van Goethem. "Bactérémies acquises dans la communauté chez les enfants rwandais." Médecine et Maladies Infectieuses 16, no. 5 (May 1986): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0399-077x(86)80053-1.

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26

Audoin-Rouzeau, Stéphane, Jean-Pierre Chrétien, and Hélène Dumas. "Le génocide des Tutsi rwandais, 1994 : revenir à l'histoire." Le Débat 167, no. 5 (2011): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.167.0061.

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27

Eramian, Laura. "Ethnicity without labels?" Focaal 2014, no. 70 (December 1, 2014): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2014.700108.

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Following the 1994 genocide, the government of Rwanda embarked on a “deethnicization” campaign to outlaw Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa labels and replace them with a pan-Rwandan national identity. Since then, to use ethnic labels means risking accusations of “divisionism” or perpetuating ethnic schisms. Based on one year of ethnographic fieldwork in the university town of Butare, I argue that the absence of ethnic labels produces practical interpretive problems for Rwandans because of the excess of possible ways of interpreting what people mean when they evaluate each other's conduct in everyday talk. I trace the historical entanglement of ethnicity with class, rural/urban, occupational, and moral distinctions such that the content of ethnic stereotypes can be evoked even without ethnic labels. In so doing, I aim to enrich understandings of both the power and danger inherent in the ambiguous place of ethnicity in Rwanda's “postethnic” moment.

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28

Muhammad, Ali, and Amalia Nurul Hutami. "Why did Rwanda join British Commonwealth?" Nation State: Journal of International Studies 4, no. 1 (June 29, 2021): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.454.

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This article aims to examine Rwanda's foreign policy decision to join the British Commonwealth. Rwanda was former French colony and has historic association with Francophone countries. But the country decided to join the British Commonwealth in 2009. Using theory of foreign policy decision making, it argues that the shift of Rwanda’s foreign policy was caused by the political transition in Rwanda’s domestic politics, its economy condition in the post-genocide epoch as well as the international context which included Rwanda’s geographic position and the role of the United Kingdom in aiding Rwanda’s state-building in the aftermath of the genocide. This research uses qualitative method and uses secondary data such as, books, articles, journals, e-news, reports and other library sources.

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29

Riot, Thomas. "Les politiques de « loisir » et le génocide des Tutsi rwandais." Politique africaine 133, no. 1 (2014): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polaf.133.0131.

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30

Bancel, Nicolas, and Thomas Riot. "Génocide ou « guerre tribale » : les mémoires controversées du génocide rwandais." Hermès 52, no. 3 (2008): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.4267/2042/28686.

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31

Dalley, Phyllis. "Choix scolaires des parents rwandais et congolais à Edmonton (Canada)." Clientèles et interventions 21, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2011): 305–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/045332ar.

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L’accès à l’espace scolaire francophone est un élément important dans le parcours de ceux qui voudraient se joindre aux rangs de la francophonie canadienne, voire simplement maintenir leur compétence à communiquer en français. Le choix ou non de l’école de langue française par les parents immigrants revêt donc une importance pour le maintien et l’enrichissement du capital linguistique de leurs enfants. Cet article fait état des résultats d’une recherche qualitative dont le premier objectif était d’explorer les facteurs influant sur les choix scolaires d’un groupe de parents immigrants francophones à Edmonton. Quatre critères principaux semblent guider les choix scolaires. Le premier est la question de la langue: la sauvegarde de la langue française pour ceux qui choisissent l’école francophone et le programme d’immersion ou la maîtrise coûte que coûte de l’anglais pour ceux qui optent pour l’école anglophone. La continuité linguistique et scolaire est également une considération importante pour les parents: les jeunes qui ne parlent pas anglais ou qui ont fait leur scolarité antérieure en français sont inscrits à l’école de langue française. Le troisième critère concerne l’accueil ressenti au sein de l’école par soi-même, ses enfants ou son entourage. Enfin, l’âge des enfants à leur arrivée à Edmonton constitue un autre facteur qui n’est pas sans influence. La langue d’enseignement, l’accueil, le parcours pré-migratoire des jeunes et l’excellence académique sont au centre des préoccupations des parents rencontrés dans le cadre de cette recherche. Celle-ci avait également un second objectif: identifier des moyens pour répondre aux besoins, tant d’apprentissage que d’inclusion, des élèves issus de l’immigration, notamment au sein des écoles de la minorité francophone. Ceux-ci touchent, entre autres, à la mise en place de services divers, spécifiquement financés, à la formation, initiale et continue, du personnel des écoles francophones, ainsi qu’à la facilitation d’un dialogue interculturel parent / école, planifié et inscrit dans la vie communautaire.

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32

Lefranc, Sandrine. "Des « procès rwandais » à Paris. Échos locaux d’une justice globale." Droit et société N° 102, no. 2 (2019): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/drs1.102.0299.

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33

Vidal, Claudine. "Le génocide des Rwandais tutsi et l'usage public de l'histoire." Cahiers d’études africaines 38, no. 150 (1998): 653–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1998.1821.

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34

Chemouni, Benjamin. "Introduction au thème. La recherche sur l’État rwandais en débat." Politique africaine 160, no. 4 (2020): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polaf.160.0007.

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35

Thasiah, Victor. "Prophetic Pedagogy: Critically Engaging Public Officials in Rwanda." Studies in World Christianity 23, no. 3 (December 2017): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2017.0195.

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After genocide, civil war and a complex history of colonial and postcolonial state violence, many within and beyond the African Great Lakes region have called for Rwandan Christians to better maintain critical distance from the state and hold public officials responsible for the flourishing of all, regardless of ethnic identity or political persuasion. The pairing of Rwandan community organising practices and Emmanuel Katongole's political theology offers what I call a prophetic pedagogy for responding to this need. To support this claim, we consider (1) Katongole's theoretical contribution to prophetic Christianity in Africa; (2) the practical contribution of John Rutsindintwarane – the founder–executive director of PICO Rwanda (People Improving Communities through Organizing) – to critically engaging public officials through community organising; and (3) the views of PICO Rwanda's most respected leaders, who demonstrate the potential for holding the Rwanda government accountable. We also use PICO Rwanda's work to develop an effective response to Katongole's sharpest critics.

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36

Zorbas, Eugenia. "Reconciliation in Post-Genocide Rwanda." African Journal of Legal Studies 1, no. 1 (2004): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221097312x13397499735904.

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AbstractNational reconciliation is a vague and 'messy' process. In post-genocide Rwanda, it presents special difficulties that stem from the particular nature of the Rwandan crisis and the popular participation that characterized the Rwandan atrocities. This article outlines the main approaches being used in Rwanda to achieve reconciliation, highlighting some of the major obstacles faced by these institutions. It then goes on to argue that certain 'Silences' are being imposed on the reconciliation process, including the failure to prosecute alleged RPA crimes, the lack of debate on, and the instrumentalization of, Rwanda's 'histories', the collective stigmatization of all Hutu as génocidaires, and the papering over of societal cleavages through the 'outlawing' of 'divisionism'. The role economic development can play in the reconciliation process is also discussed. Given the Government of Rwanda's central role in the reconciliation process and its progressive drift towards authoritarianism, the article ends with a reflection on the worrisome parallels between the pre and post-genocide socio-political contexts.

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37

Jessee, Erin. "‘There Are No Other Options?’: Rwandan Gender Norms and Family Planning in Historical Perspective." Medical History 64, no. 2 (March 17, 2020): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2020.4.

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This article surveys the evolution of Rwandan family planning practices from the nation’s mythico-historical origins to the present. Rwanda is typically regarded as a patriarchal society in which Rwandan women have, throughout history, endured limited rights and opportunities. However, oral traditions narrated by twentieth-century Rwandan historians, storytellers and related experts, and interpreted by the scholars and missionaries who lived in Rwanda during the nation’s colonial period, suggest that gender norms in Rwanda were more complicated. Shifting practices related to family planning – particularly access to contraception, abortion, vasectomies and related strategies – are but one arena in which this becomes evident, suggesting that women’s roles within their families and communities could be more diverse than the historiography’s narrow focus on women as wives and mothers currently allows. Drawing upon a range of colonial-era oral traditions and interviews conducted with Rwandans since 2007, I argue that Rwandan women – while under significant social pressure to become wives and mothers throughout the nation’s past – did find ways to exert agency within and beyond these roles. I further maintain that understanding historical approaches to family planning in Rwanda is essential for informing present-day policy debates in Rwanda aimed at promoting gender equality, and in particular for ensuring women’s rights and access to adequate healthcare are being upheld.

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Kamuzinzi, Masengesho. "L’évolution du système éducatif rwandais à travers un siècle de réformes." Revue internationale d'éducation de Sèvres, no. 59 (April 1, 2012): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/ries.2251.

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Kanangire, C. K., E. Depiereux, and J. C. Micha. "Essai de caractérisation de quelques lacs rwandais par leur peuplement piscicole." Annales de Limnologie - International Journal of Limnology 35, no. 2 (June 1999): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/limn/1999019.

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Halen, Pierre. "Ecrivains et artistes face au génocide rwandais de 1994. Quelques enjeux." Études littéraires africaines, no. 14 (2002): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1041745ar.

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Baraduc, Violaine. "L’ordre des prisons. Les défis du système pénitentiaire rwandais post-génocide." Politique africaine 160, no. 4 (2020): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polaf.160.0035.

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Obame, Fabiola. "Au fil d’une mémoire écoféministe du colonialisme et du génocide rwandais." Women in French Studies 2020, no. 1 (2020): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wfs.2020.0045.

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Duriesmith, David, and Georgina Holmes. "The masculine logic of DDR and SSR in the Rwanda Defence Force." Security Dialogue 50, no. 4 (June 24, 2019): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619850346.

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Since the 1994 genocide and civil war, the Rwandan government has implemented an externally funded disarmament, demobilization and reintegration/security sector reform (DDR/SSR) programme culminating in the consolidation of armed groups into a new, professionalized Rwanda Defence Force. Feminists argue that DDR/SSR initiatives that exclude combatant women and girls or ignore gendered security needs fail to transform the political conditions that led to conflict. Less attention has been paid to how gendered relations of power play out through gender-sensitive DDR and SSR initiatives that seek to integrate women and transform hyper-masculine militarized masculinities. This article investigates how Rwanda’s DDR/SSR programme is governed by an oppressive masculine logic. Drawing on critical studies on men and masculinities and feminist work on peacebuilding, myths and the politics of belonging, it argues that Rwanda’s locally owned DDR/SSR programme places the military and militarization at the centre of the country’s nation-building programme. Through various ‘boundary-construction’ practices, the Rwandan government attempts to stabilize the post-1994 gender order and entrench the hegemony of a new militarized masculinity in Rwandan society. The case study draws on field research conducted in 2014 and 2015 and a discourse analysis of historical accounts, policy documents and training materials of the Rwanda Defence Force.

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Owoso, A., S. Jansen, D. M. Ndetei, A. Musau, V. N. Mutiso, C. Mudenge, A. Ngirababyeyi, A. Gasovya, and D. Mamah. "A comparative study of psychotic and affective symptoms in Rwandan and Kenyan students." Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences 27, no. 2 (January 26, 2017): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045796016001074.

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Aims.War and conflict are known to adversely affect mental health, although their effects on risk symptoms for psychosis development in youth in various parts of the world are unclear. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 and Civil War had widespread effects on the population. Despite this, there has been no significant research on psychosis risk in Rwanda. Our goal in the present study was to investigate the potential effects of genocide and war in two ways: by comparing Rwandan youth born before and after the genocide; and by comparing Rwandan and Kenyan adolescents of similar age.Methods.A total of 2255 Rwandan students and 2800 Kenyan students were administered the Washington Early Recognition Center Affectivity and Psychosis (WERCAP) Screen. Prevalence, frequency and functional impairment related to affective and psychosis-risk symptoms were compared across groups using univariate and multivariate statistics.Results.Rwandan students born before the end of the genocide and war in 1994 experienced higher psychotic and affective symptom load (p’s < 0.001) with more functional impairment compared with younger Rwandans. 5.35% of older Rwandan students met threshold for clinical high-risk of psychosis by the WERCAP Screen compared with 3.19% of younger Rwandans (χ2 = 5.36; p = 0.02). Symptom severity comparisons showed significant (p < 0.001) group effects between Rwandan and Kenyan secondary school students on affective and psychotic symptom domains with Rwandans having higher symptom burden compared with Kenyans. Rwandan female students also had higher rates of psychotic symptoms compared with their male counterparts – a unique finding not observed in the Kenyan sample.Conclusions.These results suggest extreme conflict and disruption to country from genocide and war can influence the presence and severity of psychopathology in youth decades after initial traumatic events.

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Vidal, Claudine. "Questions sur le rôle des paysans durant le génocide des Rwandais tutsi." Cahiers d’études africaines 38, no. 150 (1998): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1998.1806.

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King, Adele, and Benjamin Sehene. "Le Feu sous la soutane: Un prêtre au cœur du génocide rwandais." World Literature Today 80, no. 4 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40159157.

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Bris, Mathilde. "Réévangéliser par l’humanitaire ? ONG chrétiennes et génocide des Tutsi rwandais en 1994." Bulletin de l'Institut Pierre Renouvin N° 45, no. 1 (2017): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/bipr1.045.0111.

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Tembo, Nick Mdika. "Writing ‘Parrhesia’, Narrating ‘the Other Rwandan Genocide’." Matatu 48, no. 2 (2016): 418–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04802011.

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At the end of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, close to a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus had been murdered, and over 1.5 million people were either internally displaced or had fled over the borders into neighbouring countries and beyond for fear of reprisals from the advancing Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). This article places Marie Béatrice Umutesi’s Surviving the Slaughter (2004) and Pierre-Claver Ndacyayisenga’s Dying to Live (2012) within the context of post-1994 Rwandan testimonial literature that writes what is feared to be “the other Rwandan genocide,” particularly against those who fled to eastern Zaïre (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). In the two narratives, I argue, Umutesi and Ndacyayisenga destabilise and deconstruct the claim of genocide to create a literature that captures the anxieties of genocide memories in Rwanda. Specifically, Umutesi and Ndacyayisenga deploy a rhetorical narrative form that employs cynicism, bitter humour and a harsh tone to suggest that the suffering of Rwandans must not be seen, or even told, from a single perspective, and that only a balanced engagement with extant issues would lead to genuine reconciliation in Rwanda. To illustrate the ideological purpose at work in the two texts, I reference Michel Foucault’s parrhesia as a framework for understanding how the authors contest genocide memories in Rwanda.

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Amougou, Louis Bertin. "The memory of the Rwandan genocide two decades after "Rwanda: writing as a duty to memory": psychological disorders and duty to justice for an exemplum in Eugène Ébodé's Souveraine magnifique." Romanica Olomucensia 31, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5507/ro.2019.011.

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Rutayisire, Paul. "Le remodelage de l�espace culturel rwandais par l��glise et la colonisation." Revue d�Histoire de la Shoah N�190, no. 1 (2009): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhsho.190.0083.

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