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1
Jessee, Erin, and Sarah E. Watkins. "Good Kings, Bloody Tyrants, and Everything In Between: Representations of the Monarchy in Post-Genocide Rwanda." History in Africa 41 (April 23, 2014): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.7.
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AbstractSince assuming power after the 1994 genocide, President Paul Kagame and his political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, have struggled to unite Rwanda’s citizens using, among other initiatives, a simplified version of Rwandan history to diminish the ethnic tensions that made the 1994 genocide possible. As a result, Rwanda’s history has become highly politicized, with vastly divergent versions of the nation’s past narrated in private settings, where it is more politically appropriate for Rwandans to share their experiences. This paper focuses on divergent representations of Rwandan monarchical figures – often unnamed – whom the narrators imbue with values according to their individual political affiliations, lived experiences, and identity. These narratives are indicative of the broader ways that modern Rwandans narrate their experiences of history in response to Rwanda’s current official history, as well as previous official histories. Careful analysis reveals much about the current political climate in post-genocide Rwanda: most notably, that Rwandans continue to see their nation’s past through vastly different lenses, demonstrating the enormous challenges facing the Rwandan government as it seeks to reconcile its population using current methods. It also highlights the ongoing need on the part of historians to approach contemporary sources critically, informed by sources produced and debated in the pre-genocide period.
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Tembo, Nick Mdika. "Writing ‘Parrhesia’, Narrating ‘the Other Rwandan Genocide’." Matatu 48, no. 2 (2016): 418–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04802011.
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At the end of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, close to a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus had been murdered, and over 1.5 million people were either internally displaced or had fled over the borders into neighbouring countries and beyond for fear of reprisals from the advancing Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). This article places Marie Béatrice Umutesi’s Surviving the Slaughter (2004) and Pierre-Claver Ndacyayisenga’s Dying to Live (2012) within the context of post-1994 Rwandan testimonial literature that writes what is feared to be “the other Rwandan genocide,” particularly against those who fled to eastern Zaïre (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). In the two narratives, I argue, Umutesi and Ndacyayisenga destabilise and deconstruct the claim of genocide to create a literature that captures the anxieties of genocide memories in Rwanda. Specifically, Umutesi and Ndacyayisenga deploy a rhetorical narrative form that employs cynicism, bitter humour and a harsh tone to suggest that the suffering of Rwandans must not be seen, or even told, from a single perspective, and that only a balanced engagement with extant issues would lead to genuine reconciliation in Rwanda. To illustrate the ideological purpose at work in the two texts, I reference Michel Foucault’s parrhesia as a framework for understanding how the authors contest genocide memories in Rwanda.
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Hintjens, Helen M. "Explaining the 1994 genocide in Rwanda." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 2 (June 1999): 241–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99003018.
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Any adequate account of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda must acknowledge manipulation by external forces, domestic pressures and psychological factors. Even so, the nature of the Rwandan state must be seen as absolutely central. The genocide took place under the aegis of the state, and Rwandans were the main actors involved. Both precolonial legacies and colonial policies contributed to the formation of this state, whose increasingly autocratic and unpopular government was, by the early 1990s, facing serious threats to its hold on state power, for which genocide represented a last-ditch attempt at survival. Many of the mechanisms through which genocide was prepared, implemented and justified in Rwanda bore striking resemblances to those used during the twentieth century's other major genocide, the Nazi Holocaust against the Jews.
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Megwalu, Amaka, and Neophytos Loizides. "Dilemmas of Justice and Reconciliation: Rwandans and the Gacaca Courts." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 18, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889009000486.
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Following the 1994 genocide, several justice initiatives were implemented in Rwanda, including a tribunal established by the United Nations, Rwanda's national court system and Gacaca, a ‘traditional’ community-run conflict resolution mechanism adapted to prosecute genocide perpetrators. Since their inception in 2001, the Gacaca courts have been praised for their efficiency and for widening participation, but criticised for lack of due process, trained personnel and attention to atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). To evaluate these criticisms, we present preliminary findings from a survey of 227 Rwandans and analyse their attitudes towards Gacaca in relation to demographic characteristics such as education, residence and loss of relatives during the genocide.
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Robson, Julia, James Bao, Alissa Wang, Heather McAlister, Jean-Paul Uwizihiwe, Felix Sayinzoga, Hassan Sibomana, Kirstyn Koswin, Joseph Wong, and Stanley Zlotkin. "Making sense of Rwanda’s remarkable vaccine coverage success." International Journal of Healthcare 6, no. 1 (February 26, 2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijh.v6n1p56.
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After the Rwandan genocide in 1994, vaccine coverage was close to zero. Several factors, including extreme poverty, rural populations and mountainous geography affect Rwandans’ access to immunizations. Post-conflict, various other factors were identified, including the lack of immunization program infrastructure, and lack of population-level knowledge and demand. In recent years, Rwanda is one of few countries that has demonstrated a sustained increase to near universal vaccination coverage, with a current rate of 98%. Our aim was to ask why and how Rwanda achieved this success so that it could potentially be replicated in other countries.Literature searches of scientific and grey literature, as well as other background research, was conducted from September 2016 through August 2017, including primary fieldwork in Rwanda. We determined that four factors have had a major influence on the Rwandan vaccine program, including strong central government leadership (political will), a culture of accountability, local ownership and a strong health value chain. Rwanda’s national immunization program is rooted in a political landscape shaped by unique aspects of Rwandan history and culture. Rwanda has a strong central government and a hierarchical chain of command supported by decentralized implementation bodies. A culture of accountability transcends the entire health system and there is local-level ownership of the immunization program, including the role of engaged community health workers and a strong health information system. Together, these four factors likely account for Rwanda’s vaccination coverage success.
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Owoso, A., S. Jansen, D. M. Ndetei, A. Musau, V. N. Mutiso, C. Mudenge, A. Ngirababyeyi, A. Gasovya, and D. Mamah. "A comparative study of psychotic and affective symptoms in Rwandan and Kenyan students." Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences 27, no. 2 (January 26, 2017): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045796016001074.
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Aims.War and conflict are known to adversely affect mental health, although their effects on risk symptoms for psychosis development in youth in various parts of the world are unclear. The Rwandan genocide of 1994 and Civil War had widespread effects on the population. Despite this, there has been no significant research on psychosis risk in Rwanda. Our goal in the present study was to investigate the potential effects of genocide and war in two ways: by comparing Rwandan youth born before and after the genocide; and by comparing Rwandan and Kenyan adolescents of similar age.Methods.A total of 2255 Rwandan students and 2800 Kenyan students were administered the Washington Early Recognition Center Affectivity and Psychosis (WERCAP) Screen. Prevalence, frequency and functional impairment related to affective and psychosis-risk symptoms were compared across groups using univariate and multivariate statistics.Results.Rwandan students born before the end of the genocide and war in 1994 experienced higher psychotic and affective symptom load (p’s < 0.001) with more functional impairment compared with younger Rwandans. 5.35% of older Rwandan students met threshold for clinical high-risk of psychosis by the WERCAP Screen compared with 3.19% of younger Rwandans (χ2 = 5.36; p = 0.02). Symptom severity comparisons showed significant (p < 0.001) group effects between Rwandan and Kenyan secondary school students on affective and psychotic symptom domains with Rwandans having higher symptom burden compared with Kenyans. Rwandan female students also had higher rates of psychotic symptoms compared with their male counterparts – a unique finding not observed in the Kenyan sample.Conclusions.These results suggest extreme conflict and disruption to country from genocide and war can influence the presence and severity of psychopathology in youth decades after initial traumatic events.
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Beloff, Jonathan R. "Rwandan Perceptions of Jews, Judaism, and Israel." Journal of Religion in Africa 52, no. 3-4 (September 7, 2022): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340230.
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Abstract Religious studies of Rwanda typically focus on Christianity’s involvement before, during, and after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, also referred to as the Rwandan Genocide. Rwanda’s postgenocide reconstruction has witnessed new and changing political and social commitments by previously established religious organisations such as the Roman Catholic, Protestant, and Adventist Churches. The Rwandan government has taken a more progressive stance on divisions of power and religious institutions, and the promotion of religious freedoms that has benefitted the domestic Muslim population. This essay examines how Judaism, a previously unknown religion in the region, is impacting Rwandan identity formation. Jewish identity is increasingly being tied to the nation’s own reconstructed identity, with a strong focus on historical persecution, rebuilding after genocide, and development. This essay suggests that Rwandan identity and religious studies should include the ever-growing ties with Jews and Israel to better understand its political and social reconstruction since 1994.
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Burns, Holly. "Environmental Parasitic Disease Affecting the Health Status in Rwanda." E3S Web of Conferences 396 (2023): 01118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202339601118.
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The analysis gleaned from Rwanda’s history following the 1994 genocide to the post-war aftermath has provided the ability to examine the improvements in life expectancy, health care, and social disparities within this country. The following paper describes Rwanda’s environmental and social health determinants, examines health literacy, and evaluates the inequalities within this country. Understanding the multiple influences surrounding the ecological living conditions that lead to tungiasis was pursued to reduce the prevalence of the parasitic disease. Policies should be established to enhance better environmental living conditions so Rwandan citizens can overcome several health barriers. Low socioeconomic status is associated with impoverished housing conditions and unhygienic living environments. Poor housing conditions, elevated indoor relative humidity levels, and unhygienic living environments expose Rwandan citizens to bacterial, viral, and parasitic risks. Therefore, examinations of peer-reviewed scholarly articles assist with determining the efforts used through governmental policies and programs to reduce health disparities in Rwanda. Finally, developing policies can help reduce exposure to a prevalent parasitic disease affecting many Rwandan individuals. Rwanda has many obstacles to reducing exposure to tungiasis, like managing healthy living environments, large city populations, access to quality sanitation systems, contaminated water, and funding for improved water treatment. Approximately 23% of the participants in three primary schools acquired tungiasis by walking barefoot in the sand, with unclean feet, in poor living environments, with elevated relative humidity levels, and in impoverished housing with dirt floors [5 & 12]. Aligned with overcoming Rwandans' barriers, tungiasis can be reduced and eliminated through paved concrete floors in residential housing, controlling indoor atmospheric conditions, education on tungiasis, knowledge of proper hygiene, environmental remedies, social policy reformation, and cultural modifications. In conclusion, goals should be established to create social change to protect at-risk Rwandan citizens from exposure to Tungiasis, especially school children.
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Duriesmith, David, and Georgina Holmes. "The masculine logic of DDR and SSR in the Rwanda Defence Force." Security Dialogue 50, no. 4 (June 24, 2019): 361–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619850346.
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Since the 1994 genocide and civil war, the Rwandan government has implemented an externally funded disarmament, demobilization and reintegration/security sector reform (DDR/SSR) programme culminating in the consolidation of armed groups into a new, professionalized Rwanda Defence Force. Feminists argue that DDR/SSR initiatives that exclude combatant women and girls or ignore gendered security needs fail to transform the political conditions that led to conflict. Less attention has been paid to how gendered relations of power play out through gender-sensitive DDR and SSR initiatives that seek to integrate women and transform hyper-masculine militarized masculinities. This article investigates how Rwanda’s DDR/SSR programme is governed by an oppressive masculine logic. Drawing on critical studies on men and masculinities and feminist work on peacebuilding, myths and the politics of belonging, it argues that Rwanda’s locally owned DDR/SSR programme places the military and militarization at the centre of the country’s nation-building programme. Through various ‘boundary-construction’ practices, the Rwandan government attempts to stabilize the post-1994 gender order and entrench the hegemony of a new militarized masculinity in Rwandan society. The case study draws on field research conducted in 2014 and 2015 and a discourse analysis of historical accounts, policy documents and training materials of the Rwanda Defence Force.
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Denis, Philippe. "The Missionaries of Africa and the Rwandan Genocide." Journal of Religion in Africa 50, no. 1-2 (August 10, 2021): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340180.
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Abstract On the basis of documentary evidence, this paper examines the position of the Missionaries of Africa, also known as White Fathers, in political and ethnic matters during the buildup to the genocide in Rwanda, the genocide itself, and the postgenocide period. It argues that the Missionaries of Africa responded to the genocide in different ways. Some, especially those who returned to Rwanda after 1994, recognised the errors done by the church and tried to restart their ministry on a new foundation. However, many, particularly in Belgium, the country from where half of them originated, adopted a more defensive attitude. They subscribed, explicitly or not, to the double genocide theory according to which the crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front equalled or even surpassed those of the Rwandan authorities and the militias during the genocide. On the whole, the General Council of the congregation in Rome reacted to the Rwandan situation in a nonpartisan manner.
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Kubai, Anne. "Post-Genocide Rwanda: The Changing Religious Landscape." Exchange 36, no. 2 (2007): 198–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254307x176606.
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AbstractThis paper seeks to examine the proliferation of Pentecostal churches and the changing religious landscape of Rwanda. The horrific genocide of 1994, left the country's traditional mainline churches bloodied and the Christian faith seriously challenged. Unlike elsewhere in Africa, prior to the genocide, Pentecostal churches had not got a foot-hold in Rwanda, then referred to as the most Catholic country in Africa. In the aftermath, Rwanda has experienced a spontaneous growth of new churches imported by returnees from far and wide. Though the Catholic Church still retains its dominant position, there has been an upsurge of Protestants and the Rwandan religious landscape is changing considerably. This gospel explosion has been attributed to the enormous challenges of social-economic reconstruction of a fractured society, where reconciliation and healing are of utmost importance. By packaging their messages with hindsight of the disillusionment with the traditional churches and the spiritual as well as the material need to arise from the ashes of genocide and rebuild their lives, these churches have attracted thousands of Rwandans.
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Beloff, Jonathan R. "The Arrest and Trial of Paul Rusesabagina and its Impact on Rwandan Foreign Affairs." Journal of Strategic Security 15, no. 3 (October 2022): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.15.3.1999.
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The 2020 arrest and subsequent trial of Paul Rusesabagina fostered controversy about Rwanda’s human rights record and the political dominance of President Paul Kagame against oppositional voices. Despite human rights organizations and even the European Union condemning the arrest and questioning the ability for him to receive a fair trial, Rwandans remain resolute in their desire to seek justice against Rusesabagina. He is best known as the African version of Oscar Schindler because of the 2004 movie, Hotel Rwanda. However, the historical narrative of Rusesabagina’s heroism is questioned within Rwanda. Additionally, he is accused of forming ties to numerous terrorist groups which committed deadly attacks in Rwanda. This article examines Rusesabagina’s role during and after the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi and the impact of his arrest and trial on Rwanda’s foreign relations.
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Van’t Spijker, Gerard. "Religion and the Rwandan genocide." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 19 (January 1, 2006): 339–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67316.
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This article discusses the problems concerning the relation of religion and the genocide in Rwanda in 1990. One of the most urgent questions – formulated as an accusation by the present political regime in Rwanda – is whether religion and the influence of the churches and church leaders have, in fact, fuelled the genocide, or even was Christian missionary activity the ultimate cause of the genocide? In the broader circles of the present regime that articulate public opinion, it is argued that the presence of Christianity, more precisely the activities of the Roman Catholic Church, has not only contributed to the possibility of the genocide, but has been at the root of the political constellation that led to the genocide, and that during the genocide, Church leaders were actively involved in it. In many documents, it is argued that the Rwandan genocide would never have taken place, if Christian missions, particularly those of the Roman Catholic Church, had not been established in Rwanda. Related to this is the question of how the religious change after the genocide is to be interpreted, since in fact, after 1994, many new Christian communities have been founded, and a striking growth of Islam may be noticed.
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Pulla, Venkat Rao, and Charles Kalinganire. "The 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 3 (November 30, 2021): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i3.1065.
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This study, written collaboratively with a native Rwandan author, briefly recalls the historical reality from a Rwandan perspective and addresses the consequences of the Genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda. Furthermore, the way the Western world was a passive spectator to the economic, political and social pillage and Genocide that occurred in the last part of the 20th Century, that was, in 1994, is discussed.
How is reconciliation fostered in the communities across Rwanda? In particular, the sites and communities where massacres were held? Strong community ties and community being central to social work practice is observed in most East African countries, with no exception to Rwanda. While social work pedagogy is something new and possibly introduced by Western idiom, the tradition of welfare and mutual caring (would have been/ has been part) of the Kinyarwanda culture, language, and manner of living. What factors have worked for reconciliation, reconstruction of the society? How were people made to understand violence, and what did they replace it with? How is the post-genocide moral narrative shaped? The traditional indigenous processes that have been utilised, including the Gacaca, unique court process, are briefly discussed. How do people implant hate into people? By the same token, how do people put peace and love into people? These are a few questions that were central to this study throughout.
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Gilani, Syed Raza Shah, Zahid Ullah, and Kiramat Ullah. "THE RWANDAN GENOCIDE (1994): A NEW PERSPECTIVE ON ITS CAUSES AND ON THE INDIFFERENCE OF THE INTERNATIONAL ACTORS AND INSTITUTIONS TOWARDS THE GENOCIDE." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 04 (December 31, 2022): 708–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i04.884.
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This Article explores the political, ethical, and legal implications of the Rwandan genocide, on the one hand, and the unsatisfactory role of the US and the UN in averting and/or containing the murderous violence, on the other. In addition, this article examines the advantages and disadvantages of community courts, i.e., the Gacaca Tribunals, which were established for trying/prosecuting those who were allegedly involved in the genocide. The role of the Gacaca Tribunals is analyzed in terms of their shortcomings in meting out justice to the perpetrators of the genocide at the grassroot level. Also, the functioning of the Tribunals is probed in terms of their capacity, or its lack thereof, of the Rwandan courts to deal with the number of cases, which it had to handle in case the government had not set up the Tribunals. This article argues that the genocide could have been averted if the Habyarimana-led Rwandan government was stopped from deliberately fanning ethnic tension between the Hutus and Tutsis ethnic groups for political purposes, and had the UN and the US intervened in a timely manner to stop the carnage. Keywords: Rwanda, Genocide, International Law, Rwanda Patriotic Force (RPF), Gacaca Tribunals.
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André, Charles. "Phrenology and the Rwandan Genocide." Arquivos de Neuro-Psiquiatria 76, no. 4 (April 2018): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0004-282x20180022.
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ABSTRACT Belgian colonizers used phrenology to create an irreducible division between the two major groups living for centuries in Rwanda-Urundi. This formed the basis for the implementation of systematic efforts to subdue the large Hutu population. Both the Hutus and the smaller, and initially privileged, Tutsi group soon incorporated the racist discourse, which was pivotal to the gradual increase in violence before and after Rwandan independence in 1962. The Rwandan genocide in 1994 culminated in the horrible pinnacle of this process, involving recurrent episodes of slaughtering. Doctors should not underestimate the racist potential of pseudoscientific misconceptions.
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Mupendana, Pierre Claver. "LEGAL BASIS OF GENOCIDAL PRACTICE IN TRADITIONAL RWANDA (15th - 20th centuries)." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 149 (2021): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2021.149.1.36-51.
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Some people wonder why Rwanda experienced an atrocious genocide in 1994. The main reason is that Rwanda is traditionally a destructive, destructive and violent society prone to the tradition of exterminator. It constitutes a society dominated by physical, psychological and structural violence. The specter of conflicting relationships runs through Rwandan culture and anyone who does not understand its nuances commits errors in value judgments believing that they are operating according to Western logic. The culmination of this violence is the practice of extermination (gutsembatsemba). The latter is tightly tied around a politico-legal architecture carefully designed by the ruling class. Thus the esoteric code, traditional criminal law, traditional military law, war poetry, dynastic poetry and the panegyric system are the basis of the genocidal tradition in pre-colonial Rwanda. This study therefore constitutes an analysis of the legal basis of the practice of genocide in pre-colonial and modern Rwanda.
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Sodaro, Amy. "Skabelsen af fortiden i Kigali Genocide Memorial Center." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 60 (March 9, 2018): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i60.103986.
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Emerging from the extremely violent 20th century, memorial museums are a new form of commemoration, created to both commemorate and educate about past genocide, human rights abuses and other injustices with the goal of instilling in their visitors an ethic of “never again.” However, these ambitious goals are often compromised by the politics behind the creation of memorial museums. The focus of this paper is on the ways in which memorial museums produce history according to the dictates, needs and desires of the regimes that build them, using the example of the Kigali Genocide Memorial Center in Rwanda. Despite the fact that the Kigali Center commemorates the 1994 Rwandan genocide using the increasingly familiar, global memorial museum form, it reveals much more about current Rwandan politics and the government’s hopes for the future of Rwanda than it does confront the terrible past.
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Hedlund, Anna. "“There Was No Genocide in Rwanda”." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010104.
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This article analyzes how the 1994 genocide in Rwanda is recalled and described by members of a Hutu rebel group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) whose leadership can be linked to the 1994 atrocities in Rwanda. The article explores how individuals belonging to this rebel group, currently operating in the eastern territories of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), articulate, contest, and oppose the dominant narrative of the Rwandan genocide. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with members of the FDLR in a rebel camp, this article shows how a community of exiled fighters and second-generation Hutu refugees contest the official version of genocide by constructing a counterhistory of it. Through organized practices such as political demonstrations and military performances, it further shows how political ideologies and violence are being manufactured and reproduced within a setting of military control.
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Melvern, Linda. "Moral Equivalence." Journal of International Peacekeeping 22, no. 1-4 (April 8, 2020): 190–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-0220104012.
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Since the very beginning of the Rwandan Genocide of the Tutsis in 1994, members of Hutu Power, the Akazu, and other interested allies of the former government of Rwanda have been conducting a campaign of genocide denial, one in which they blame the Tutsi dominated Rwandan Patriotic Army for carrying out murder of civilians during the civil war in 1994. In this article Linda Melvern examines the role that Hutu Power played in creating the myth of a counter-genocide and the unwitting legitimacy that was given to it by several UN agencies and their associated employees and consultants. Melvern notes that despite overwhelming evidence that demonstrates that there was no ‘counter genocide’, the lies and misinformation planted in the early post-genocide days persist, with some authors making new unsubstantiated claims about a slaughter of those Hutu who did not flee the country in July 1994.
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Aptel, Cécile. "The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 321 (December 1997): 675–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400077767.
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The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was created on 8 November 1994 by the United Nations Security Council, of which it is a subsidiary body. Its task is to help restore and maintain peace and bring about national reconciliation by trying persons allegedly responsible for acts of genocide and other grave breaches of international humanitarian law committed in Rwanda and Rwandan citizens suspected of committing such acts and violations in the territory of neighbouring States between 1 January and 31 December 1994.
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Habimana, Aloys. "Lending a Voice to the Voiceless: The Quest for Justice in Umutesi's Narrative." African Studies Review 48, no. 3 (December 2005): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0018.
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Surviving the Slaughter is a powerful narrative that takes us into one of the many tragedies of the African Great Lakes region that affected tens of thousands of helpless Rwandan civilians in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide inside Rwanda. Through the eyes of an ordinary, but also remarkable, woman, we learn the horrifying details of the ordeals that Rwandan refugees in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) went through after their camps were destroyed manu militari. The value of this book goes beyond that of a simple narrative. As we read it, we are absorbed by an account of a breathtaking and excruciating journey of tens of thousands of people as they are hunted down in the dense rainforests of the Congo. At the core of this account is one woman's protest against the absurdity of mass violence and the inhuman brutality of military regimes.At first glance, the book stands out as a strong stand against the corrosive tradition of silence that often accompanies gross violations of human rights, especially those unfolding beyond the scrutiny of the major world media. In a simple but engaging style, Umutesi strips off the usual veneer of reserve that characterizes Rwandans in general and Rwandan women in particular. Rwandans don't usually talk about their experiences, let alone write about them. And writing about the plight of people whom the world has often considered pariahs since the 1994 genocide requires a strong personality.
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Eramian, Laura. "Ethnicity without labels?" Focaal 2014, no. 70 (December 1, 2014): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2014.700108.
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Following the 1994 genocide, the government of Rwanda embarked on a “deethnicization” campaign to outlaw Tutsi, Hutu, and Twa labels and replace them with a pan-Rwandan national identity. Since then, to use ethnic labels means risking accusations of “divisionism” or perpetuating ethnic schisms. Based on one year of ethnographic fieldwork in the university town of Butare, I argue that the absence of ethnic labels produces practical interpretive problems for Rwandans because of the excess of possible ways of interpreting what people mean when they evaluate each other's conduct in everyday talk. I trace the historical entanglement of ethnicity with class, rural/urban, occupational, and moral distinctions such that the content of ethnic stereotypes can be evoked even without ethnic labels. In so doing, I aim to enrich understandings of both the power and danger inherent in the ambiguous place of ethnicity in Rwanda's “postethnic” moment.
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Kolman, Ondřej. "Aplikovaný výzkum fenoménu dehumanizace ve Rwandě." Český lid 111, no. 1 (March 25, 2024): 49–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21104/cl.2024.1.03.
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The study discusses the applied research conducted by the author in Rwanda. The aim was to confirm or refute the basic thesis of the key relevance of situational factors for the construction of dehumanization and the initiation of mass violence in Rwandan society in general. The respondents in the field research were perpetrators and victims of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Semi-structured interview was chosen as the qualitative research method.
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Reed, Wm Cyrus. "Exile, Reform, and the Rise of the Rwandan Patriotic Front." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 479–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055567.
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In July 1994, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and its armed wing, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA),1 entered Kigali after routing the former régime and putting an end to months of genocide in which upwards of 500,000 had lost their lives. By August, another one to two million had fled from Rwanda. All in all, nearly half of the population had been killed, displaced inside the country, or was in exile.
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Longman, Timothy. "Genocide and Socio-Political Change: Massacres in two Rwandan Villages." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501978.
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From the comfort of American living rooms, the violence that ravaged Rwanda for four months in mid-1994 seemed almost incomprehensible. The daily newspaper reports and nightly television coverage that presented disturbing images of slaughter and destruction failed to provide the necessary background to make sense of the disaster. For most Americans, little option was left than to view the devastation as an expression of some inherent savagery in the Rwandan population.In this article, I draw upon the example of two Rwandan communities to help explain the nature of the violence that swept Rwanda after the death of President Juvénal Habyarimana. These two communities bear certain similarities: they lie in neighboring communes in Kibuye Prefecture; both are relatively remote; and each community centers around a parish of the Presbyterian Church.
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Wembou, Djiena. "The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: Its role in the African context." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 321 (December 1997): 685–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400077779.
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In the face of the atrocities committed in Rwanda between April and July 1994, the international community committed itself to ensuring respect for international humanitarian law and trying those responsible for breaches of it. Thus, on 8 November 1994, the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 955 creating the International Criminal Tribunal for the prosecution of persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of Rwanda and of Rwandan citizens responsible for such acts committed in the territory of neighbouring States.
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Jaji, Rose. "Under the shadow of genocide: Rwandans, ethnicity and refugee status." Ethnicities 17, no. 1 (July 25, 2016): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796815603754.
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This article discusses ethnicity and refugee status among Rwandan refugees self-settled in Nairobi, Kenya. It addresses conflation of Hutu fugitives who participated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide and refugees, and critiques perception of Hutu and Tutsi as mutually exclusive ethnicities with no points of intersection. Framed within the social constructivist approach to identity, the article problematizes ethnic essentialism and wholesale criminalization and stigmatization of Rwandan refugees and, in particular, Hutu ethnicity in ways that silence individual viewpoints emanating from personal experience. Conversely, the article highlights how Rwandan refugees deflect collective guilt and legitimize their refugee status under the shadow of the genocide which was committed by extremist Hutu on Tutsi and moderate Hutu. The refugees’ reaction to association with the genocide confounds theoretically irreconcilable extremes through self-representations centred on experiences that muddle the simplistic perpetrator – victim and guilty – innocent binary. The refugees’ narratives portray victimhood in Rwanda as complex, cyclical and heterogeneous.
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Songolo, Aliko. "Marie Béatrice Umutesi's Truth: The Other Rwanda Genocide?" African Studies Review 48, no. 3 (December 2005): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0040.
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Une tragédie n'exclut pas l'autreet il n'existe aucune hiérarchie dans la souffrance.(One tragedy does not cancel out the other,and there is no hierarchy in suffering.)Calixthe Beyala (2005)There can be no reconciliation between Hutu and Tutsi withoutjustice, and no justice without truth. This proposition holds truefor all three states of former Belgian Africa.René Lemarchand (1998)The title of Marie Béatrice Umutesi's book, Fuir ou mourir au Zaïre: Le vécu d'une Réfugiée Rwandaise—or in its English version, Surviving the Slaughter: The Ordeal of a Rwandan Refugee in Zaïre—might prove confusing for some readers on at least two counts. Because the name Rwanda will forever be associated in our memory with the horror of the 1994 genocide, one might surmise that this is the story of a Tutsi survivor taking refuge in neighboring Zaire, as in previous massacres in 1959, 1963, and 1973. But then again, considering the disastrous wars that have raged in that country for the last decade, one might conclude that Umutesi's book tells the story of a Rwandan refugee caught in the crossfire between competing forces, Rwanda versus Uganda and their proxies within the former Zaire. Both assumptions would be only half true. The missing half in both inferences is that the ordeal of this refugee and her cohort originated in the Rwandan conflict that began in 1990 and culminated in the genocide four years later. Shrewdly orchestrated and largely perpetrated by the Tutsi-dominated regime that took power in Rwanda in the aftermath of the genocide, the slaughter of these Hutu refugees has been concealed behind a curtain of silence on the part of the international community. In the drama that unfolds in Umutesi's book, Zairian territory is the unwitting, albeit highly significant, theater of the cynically suppressed story of the disappearance of nearly a quarter million Hutu refugees from Rwanda at the hands of shadowy “rebels.”
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Askin, Kelly D. "Sexual Violence in Decisions and Indictments of the Yugoslav and Rwandan Tribunals: Current Status." American Journal of International Law 93, no. 1 (January 1999): 97–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2997957.
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The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) was established in 1993 to prosecute war crimes committed during the Yugoslav conflict; the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) was established in 1994 to prosecute war crimes committed during the Rwandan civil war. The Yugoslav Tribunal has the competence to try alleged offenders for crimes enumerated in Articles 2-5 of its Statute, namely, grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, violations of the laws or customs of war, genocide, and crimes against humanity. Similarly, the Rwandan Statute accords the Tribunal authority to try defendants for crimes enunciated in Articles 2-4, namely, genocide, crimes against humanity, and violations of common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions and of Additional Protocol II. Article 7, paragraphs (1) and (3) of the ICTY Statute and Article 6, paragraphs (1) and (3) of the ICTR Statute grant jurisdiction to these ad hoc Tribunals to try the accused for individual criminal responsibility on the bases of individual culpability and superior authority.
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McGarty, Craig. "Twenty Years After Genocide: The Role of Psychology in the Reconciliation and Reconstruction Process in Rwanda." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2, no. 1 (December 19, 2014): 377–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v2i1.449.
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This Special Thematic Section brings together eight papers that showcase different aspects of the contribution of psychology to the processes of recovery in Rwanda following the 1994 genocide. The Section is noteworthy in part because a majority of the papers have Rwandan authors. In summarizing the contributions I make six observations about the remarkable context of the genocide and its aftermath: a) it was distinctive from previous mass violence in its intensity and character; b) it has been characterized by bystander inaction and the problems of positioning outsiders to help; c) hundreds of thousands of accused or convicted perpetrators have lived alongside survivors; d) electronic media played a profound role not only in promoting violence but also in building peace; e) Rwanda has been the site of unprecedented societal interventions with political goals that have the character and content of social psychological experiments; and f) the role of memorialization in repairing or sustaining harm needs further examination. I conclude by noting that the study of recovery is clear proof that the genocide in Rwanda, as is the case with genocides of the past, failed to achieve its aims.
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Banatvala, Nicholas, Alison J. Roger, Ailsa Denny, and John P. Howarth. "Mortality and Morbidity Among Rwandan Refugees Repatriated from Zaire, November, 1996." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 13, no. 2-4 (December 1998): 17–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00030107.
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AbstractIntroduction:Following renewed ethnic violence at the end of September 1996, conflict between Tutsi rebels and the Zairian army spread to North Kivu, Zaire where approximately 700,000 Rwandan Hutu refugees resided following the 1994 genocide. After a major rebel offensive against the camps' militia groups on 15 November, a massive movement of refugees towards Rwanda through Goma town, the capital of North Kivu, began. Massive population movements such as this are likely to be associated with substantial mortality and morbidity.Objective:To study patterns of mortality, morbidity, and health care associated with the Rwandan refugee population repatriation during November 1996.Methods:This study observed the functioning of the health-care facilities in the Gisenyi District in Rwanda and the Goma District in Zaire, and surveyed mortality and morbidity among Rwandan refugees returning from Zaire to Rwanda. Patterns of mortality, morbidity, and health care were measured mainly by mortality and health centre consultation rates.Results:Between 15 and 21 November 1996, 553,000 refugees returned to Rwanda and 4,530 (8.2/1,000 refugees) consultations took place at the border dispensary (watery diarrhea, 63%; bloody diarrhea, 1%). There were 129 (0.2/1,000) surgical admissions (72% soft tissue trauma) to the Gisenyi hospital in the subsequent two weeks. The average number of consultations from the 13 health centres during the same period was 500/day. Overall, the recorded death rate was 0.5/10,000 (all associated with diarrhea). A total of 3,586 bodies were identified in the refugee camps and surrounding areas of Goma, almost all the result of trauma. Many had died in the weeks before the exodus. Health centres were overwhelmed and many of the deficiencies in provision of health care identified in 1994 again were evident.Results:Non-violent death rates were low, a reflection of the population's health status prior to migration and immunity acquired from the 1994 cholera out-break. Health facilities were over stretched, principally because of depleted numbers of local, health-care workers associated with the 1994 genocide. Health-care facilities running parallel to the existing health-care system functioned most effectively.
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Berry, Marie E. "From Violence to Mobilization: Women, War, and Threat in Rwanda*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 2 (June 1, 2015): 135–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-2-135.
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Theories of social movement emergence posit “threat” as an important concept in explanations of mobilization. This article uses the case of the 1994 Rwandan genocide to investigate whether threats that stem from mass violence can also have a mobilizing effect. Drawing from interviews with 152 women in Rwanda, I reveal how threatening conditions created by the genocide and civil war initiated a grassroots mobilization process among women. This mobilization featured women founding and joining community organizations, engaging in new forms of claims making toward state institutions, and eventually running for political office. Two mechanisms facilitated this process: the social appropriation of feminine values for the reconceptualization of women as legitimate political actors, and the brokerage of connections between individual women, organizations, and government institutions by foreign actors. I conclude by suggesting that this mobilization served as a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for the meteoric rise of women in Rwanda's politics.
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Cantrell, Phillip A. "“We Were a Chosen People”: The East African Revival and Its Return To Post-Genocide Rwanda." Church History 83, no. 2 (May 27, 2014): 422–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714000080.
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This article, drawing upon primary field research, analyzes the origins and history of the East African Revival of the 1930s and its ongoing relevance and role in post-genocide Rwanda. Starting as a Holiness-inspired, Anglican movement, the Revival persisted among the Tutsi Diaspora during their exile to refugee camps in Uganda following the 1959 Hutu-led Revolution and has returned with them following the coming to power of the Rwandan Patriotic Front in 1994. The Revival, as it presently experiences a reawakening in the post-genocide church, provides the Tutsi returnees with a spiritual mechanism to explain their plight as refugees and a means by which to heal from decades of suffering. Additionally, a narrative has emerged in which they believe themselves to be a “Chosen People” who found redemption and healing in the refugee camps by embracing the revival spirit. Many Anglican returnees further believe they have been “chosen” to bring healing and reconciliation, through the revivalist tradition, to post-genocide Rwanda. While the return of the Revival tradition in the post-genocide Anglican Church offers potential benefits for Rwanda's reconciliation and recovery, the church must also abandon its apolitical inclinations and challenge the ruling regime in the name of truth, democratization, and justice.
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Sobel, Meghan, and Karen McIntyre. "The State of Journalism and Press Freedom in Postgenocide Rwanda." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 96, no. 2 (June 27, 2018): 558–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699018782201.
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News media played a prominent role in perpetuating the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Since then, Rwanda has undergone impressive social and economic growth, but the media landscape during this redevelopment remains understudied. Qualitative interviews with Rwandan journalists reveal that reporters censor themselves to promote peace and reunification. Short-term, prioritizing social good over media rights might help unify the country, but ultimately it could limit development and reinforce existing authoritarian power structures. Findings suggest that McQuail’s development media theory and Hachten’s developmental concept maintain relevance but point to the need for a new or revised media development paradigm.
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Mwambari, David. "Music and the politics of the past: Kizito Mihigo and music in the commemoration of the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (February 6, 2019): 1321–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018823233.
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After the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda, the post-genocide government spearheaded the creation of genocide commemorations. Over the past two decades, political elites and survivors’ organizations have gone to great lengths to institutionalize the memorialization, including creating laws to protect the memory of the genocide from denialism. Ordinary Rwandans have responded to the annual commemorations using creative means of support for and disagreement with the government’s interpretation of their shared violent past. Music has been used as citizen-driven tool to both spread and criticize genocide memorialization nationally and beyond. While scholars have explored the politicization of state-organized mechanisms such as memorials, citizen-driven creative means remain largely unexplored. Addressing this gap in Rwandan memory scholarship, I examine how Kizito Mihigo, a famous post-genocide musician, used his individual memory of surviving the genocide against the Tutsi through music to contribute and respond to the annual commemorations of the genocide. I argue that Mihigo’s story and commemoration songs were politicized from the start but were intensified when he used his music to go beyond promoting genocide commemorations to questioning the events and when he pleaded guilty to terrorism charges.
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Mwambari, David. "Leadership Emergence in Post-Genocide Rwanda: The role of Women in Peacebuilding." Leadership and Developing Societies 2, no. 1 (July 26, 2018): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.47697/lds.3435004.
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In the last two decades following the 1994 genocide, Rwanda has been praised internationally for its strong leadership and revamped governance structures. This has resulted in rapid economic development, restorative justice, homegrown peacebuilding approaches, the tackling of corruption, and restoring security in a country that some analysts had prematurely depicted a hopeless case in state failure. In particular, promotion of women’s rights has become a cornerstone of the Rwandan success story, but few scholars have examined the women who participated in this process and their positive contribution in rebuilding their communities. This article focuses on the role a small group of female leaders at different levels of society played in creating and fostering peacebuilding initiatives over the past two decades. It relies on secondary sources and the author’s observations of several processes in the Rwandan society for more than a decade. It focuses on constructive steps taken in Rwandan society to promote women’s leadership, which sets it apart from many other post-conflict countries while being aware of legitimate critiques of post-genocide Rwandan conditions.
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Buscaglia, Ilaria, and Shirley Randell. "Legacy of Colonialism in the Empowerment of Women in Rwanda." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 4, no. 1 (March 12, 2012): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v4i1.2395.
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The empowerment of women in Rwanda is rooted in colonial times. In the second half of the 1940s, the Belgian administration, together with religious missionaries, started some educational and social welfare programs for women, known as the foyers sociaux (social homes). This paper explores how this program of female promotion and its progeny affected the domestication of Rwandan women, what caused the situation to change following the genocide against the Tutsi in 1994, and what more might be done to stimulate full gender equality in education and employment for women in Rwanda.
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Jessee, Erin. "Rwandan Women No More." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010106.
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Since the 1994 Rwandan genocide, the current government has arrested approximately 130,000 civilians who were suspected of criminal responsibility. An estimated 2,000 were women, a cohort that remains rarely researched through an ethnographic lens. This article begins to address this oversight by analyzing ethnographic encounters with 8 confessed or convicted female génocidaires from around Rwanda. These encounters reveal that female génocidaires believe they endure gender-based discrimination for having violated taboos that determine appropriate conduct for Rwandan women. However, only female génocidaires with minimal education, wealth, and social capital referenced this gender-based discrimination to minimize their crimes and assert claims of victimization. Conversely, female elites who helped incite the genocide framed their victimization in terms of political betrayal and victor’s justice. This difference is likely informed by the female elites’ participation in the political processes that made the genocide possible, as well as historical precedence for leniency where female elites are concerned.
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Kayigema, Jacques Lwaboshi, and Davie E. Mutasa. "THE DYNAMISM OF ENGLISH AS A GLOBAL LANGUAGE IN POST-GENOCIDE RWANDA." Indonesian EFL Journal 3, no. 1 (September 12, 2017): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.25134/ieflj.v3i1.659.
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English, as global language, has had great influence over most languages of the world for nearly two centuries now. The expansion of English is no exception in Rwanda, though. For the last two decades, the importance of English has been felt in the day to day activities of Rwanda. English became a third official language in Rwanda just after the 1994 genocide and a compulsory language of instruction since January 2009. This paper discusses the use of English in post-genocide Rwanda and its impact on French, over a borrowing one, Kinyarwanda and French. English has risen sharply for the last two decades because of the will of the Rwandan government to find ways of communicating with the external world in a more powerful language, English, than the previously predominant one, French. It also highlights major domains where English speaks of its strength and the factors that led to the spread of English.
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Kimpimäki, Minna. "Genocide in Rwanda – Is It Really Finland's Concern?" International Criminal Law Review 11, no. 1 (2011): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181211x543957.
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AbstractIn June 2010, a Rwandan citizen, Francois Bazaramba, was sentenced in a Finnish court of first instance, to life imprisonment for acts of genocide committed in Rwanda in 1994. This was the first time that the provisions of Finnish law dealing with genocide had ever been applied in a court. This article examines the details of this case, as well as the Finnish legislation on genocide, jurisdiction and extradition. Many of the questions considered in this article are not only typical for Finland, but have a more general bearing as well. For instance, the issues relating to the transfer or extradition of fugitives to Rwanda have recently been considered in several national and international jurisdictions. A trial conducted in a national court on the basis of universal jurisdiction reveals in a concrete way the advantages and disadvantages of this form of prosecution.
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Gatwa, Tharcisse. "God in the Public Domain." Exchange 43, no. 4 (December 22, 2014): 313–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341335.
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God has been very much present in public domain in the life of Rwandans. Every successful enterprise would lead Rwandans to pay tribute to God. At the end of every other failed try the Rwandan would say, ‘ahasigaye ni ah’Imana’ — I have done what I could, the rest belongs to God. His overwhelming presence was expressed in many ways including by theophoric names. This God celebrated by the triumphant ‘Christian kingdom’ came under fire attacks during the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi, many of them being slaughtered in churches and public buildings. Had God, the life Giver and the protector, become a cynical destroyer, an executioner, or simply a sleeper who didn’t care for his creatures? Irrespective to these unanswered questions, the post 1994 genocide Rwandan religious era was imbued with another form of triumphalism, in which God was called, celebrated, and inaugurated as the One who showed the way to new charismatic movements to bring about a spiritual revolution in the country, whilst traditional Christianity remained ambivalent towards the moral guidance they were expected to provide. Yet many survivors continue to tell of their deception about such a ‘silent and cynical’ God, or at the best they wonder if their fate was sealed with His consent and that of His heralds on earth. This paper takes the view that religious competition and triumphalism of the clergy over crowds that continue to fill in areas of worship, amplified the feeling that God is still a very marketable good in Rwanda. And yet he never ran away from the victims of the tragedies.
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McIntyre, Karen, and Meghan Sobel Cohen. "Public Trust in State-Run News Media in Rwanda." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 98, no. 3 (March 9, 2021): 808–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699021998647.
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This study examined public trust in the media through focus groups with young, educated urbanites in Rwanda. Despite the fact media in Rwanda incited violence during the 1994 genocide, results revealed that the Rwandan public highly trust their local news, especially state-run media. The findings suggest frameworks for studying media trust should consider the public’s trust in government, as the two might be linked, and also suggest scholars think deeply about conceptualizations of trust in different socio-political contexts, as trust is part of the culture of a polity, not simply a citizen’s judgment on how well news media are doing.
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Elez, Andrey. "Genocide of the Population of Rwanda in 1994 as an Episode in the History of Neocolonialism." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 65, no. 4 (December 10, 2023): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-65-4-59-76.
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The article examines the factors of the 1994 genocide in Rwanda: the main economic, political and ideological prerequisites for the mass extermination of the country’s population are briefly described, the causes of the events that were the main milestones of the genocide are revealed, and the main beneficiaries of that process are identified. For comprehensive coverage of the events, the author uses not only materials confirming the initial version of the general course of those events, but also publications of recent years showing the one-sidedness of the old version of the Rwandan genocide. The materials published in recent years allow us to determine the role of American imperialism as the first most important factor, and French imperialism as the second most important factor in the events of 1994 in Rwanda. Those materials also clarify the connection between, on the one hand, the clash of positions of the United States and France and, on the other hand, the clash of radical circles of Hutu and Tutsi in the course of both the preparation and implementation of the genocide, and the subsequent clarification by historians and lawyers of the truth about it.
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Trzpis-Szysz, Katarzyna. "Judicial Dialogue after the Genocide in Rwanda." International Community Law Review 21, no. 5 (November 12, 2019): 421–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341411.
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Abstract In this study, the author describes the dialogue between the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Gacaca courts after one of the bloodiest conflicts in the contemporary history of Africa – the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. The purpose of this work is to show how international and internal cooperation can influence the solving of armed conflicts, especially in the process seeking justice for the civilian casualties. By recalling the historical context, the author emphasizes the importance of the juridical basics, which are established immediately after the armed conflicts. Furthermore, this study also shows how Gacaca courts were a new dimension of judicial proceedings in the Rwandan legal system. It analyzes how these courts were able to contribute to successfully prosecuting war criminals. This subject is not widely discussed in the literature and the size limitations necessarily imposed on an article of this nature do not allow for a detailed exploration of the subject here so it is vital that this subject is studied further.
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Denov, Myriam, Leah Woolner, Jules Pacifique Bahati, Paulin Nsuki, and Obed Shyaka. "The Intergenerational Legacy of Genocidal Rape: The Realities and Perspectives of Children Born of the Rwandan Genocide." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 35, no. 17-18 (May 15, 2017): 3286–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260517708407.
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Brutal acts of sexual violence were documented on a mass scale during the 1994 Rwandan genocide. While existing scholarship on sexual violence has significantly increased our understanding of the challenges confronting survivors, gaps in knowledge remain regarding the lived experiences of children born of genocidal rape. This study sought to explore the realities and perspectives of children born of genocidal rape, and the existing opportunities and challenges they experienced in postgenocide Rwanda. Interviews and focus groups were conducted with 60 participants born of genocidal rape in Rwanda. Findings highlight the key challenges that these youth face in the postgenocide context, including struggles with identity and belonging, ambivalence in the mother–child relationship, and a desire to learn of their biological origins and heritage. The findings suggest that children born of conflict-related sexual violence face a distinct set of challenges and needs that have yet to be formally addressed. Our findings highlight the need for the development of programs, policies, and services specific for this important, yet overlooked group of young people affected by armed conflict.
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Karareba, Gilbert, Simon Clarke, and Tom O’Donoghue. "Leading Rwandan Primary Schools: Some Deliberations on the Past, Present, and Future." International Journal of Educational Reform 28, no. 1 (January 2019): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1056787918824195.
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This article is premised on the belief that research on educational leadership should embrace different settings. Accordingly, a Rwandan study is reported informed by three interrelated aims regarding primary school leadership: to understand its historical background from colonial times to 1994 (the genocide year), to understand developments occurring from 1994 to 2014, and to understand perspectives of primary school leaders on their concerns. Data gathering methods comprised interviews, document analysis, and observation. Key outcomes of the study are articulated according to propositions relating to each research aim illuminating the past, present, and future of primary school leadership in Rwanda.
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Hogg, Nicole. "Women's participation in the Rwandan genocide: mothers or monsters?" International Review of the Red Cross 92, no. 877 (February 11, 2010): 69–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383110000019.
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AbstractThe participation of women in the 1994 Rwandan genocide should be considered in the context of gender relations in pre-genocide Rwandan society. Many ‘ordinary’ women were involved in the genocide but, overall, committed significantly fewer acts of overt violence than men. Owing to the indirect nature of women's crimes, combined with male ‘chivalry’, women may be under-represented among those pursued for genocide-related crimes, despite the broad conception of complicity in Rwanda's Gacaca Law. Women in leadership positions played a particularly important role in the genocide, and gendered imagery, including of the ‘evil woman’ or ‘monster’, is often at play in their encounters with the law.
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Kendall, Sara, and Sarah M. H. Nouwen. "Speaking of Legacy: Toward an Ethos of Modesty at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 2 (April 2016): 212–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.110.2.0212.
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Pour qu’un héritage soit réellement grand, il faut que la main du défunt ne se voie pas.In 2014, a year of memorial ceremonies commemorating the twentieth anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) marked its own twentieth year with the launch of a “legacy website.” With the closing of the Tribunal scheduled for December 2015, the question of its legacy had become increasingly pressing. The website premiered a video that “celebrates the accomplishments of the ICTR” in a “visually compelling” style. Blurring the distinction between documentary account and film trailer, the video begins with iconic images of the African continent: a boy rolling a hoop down a dirt road; laborers ferrying wares; women in colorful dresses tending children. These scenes of daily life are interrupted by images of men wielding machetes and corpses, interspersed with the figure of the radio, reminding the viewer that the 1994 genocide was encouraged through broadcasts inciting Hutus to take up arms against their Tutsi neighbors. The video lists the Tribunal’s contributions to international criminal law, but also describes a much broader impact: “a record of legal reform in Rwanda, and outreach, education, legal training, and healing.” Young boys leap into a body of water to punctuate the final term, suggesting the hope of a new Rwanda. The narrator proclaims, “today in Rwanda, it’s safe to listen to the radio again: the sound is of a nation rebuilding.” The film’s final words reach beyond the Rwandan context, affirming that ours is “a world pushing forward despite great imperfection, each day closer to a time when international law offers justice to all people, everywhere.”
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Khatagova, I. U. "The Role of the Catholic Church in the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 52–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2023-3-27-52-66.
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Studies in the sphere of history and culture of the African continent attract an increasing interest given the ongoing development of African countries, the reinforcement of ties with Russia as well as the erosion of stereotypes about the nations that populate these territories. This article suggests that the Catholic Church played a significant role in the formation of the Rwandese society in 1890–1994, with the genocide of 1994 being one of the central events. In the framework of the study, the author seeks to reveal the background of the genocide that became the culmination of long-lasting contradictions between Hutu and Tutsi in Rwandan society. One of the main goals of the research was to investigate how the terms Hutu and Tutsi were transformed from social to quasi-ethnic ones. Special attention in this regard was paid to the role of the Catholic Church in the destruction of Rwandan collective self-identification, the growth of tribalism, and antagonism within the society. The article employs the methods of content analysis, case study, event analysis, discourse analysis and interview to research the official position of the Catholic Church during the genocide as well as the actions of specific priests, which is crucial for understanding the controversial role of the Church in the tragedy. Starting from the colonial period the Catholic Church had a vast influence not only in the spiritual but also in the social sphere, including education and mass media. Analyzing the empowerment of the Hutu in Rwanda, in general and especially within the Catholic Church in the country, the author traces back the evolution of social relations in the second half of the 20th century in order to help understand the particular historical role of the Church in the country and in relations between the Hutu and Tutsi along with their quest for power. The author concludes that one of the most interesting issues is the merging of the church’s elite and radical political leadership of Rwanda, which resulted in the further degradation of social relations in the country, growing mutual tensions between Hutu and Tutsi and, in the long run, the genocide. The post genocide analysis of the Catholic Church’s politics reveals not only tools used by the institute to facilitate national reconciliation but also the measure of responsibility for the genocide that it has agreed to take.