Academic literature on the topic 'Rwandan Patriotic Front'
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Journal articles on the topic "Rwandan Patriotic Front"
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Jessee, Erin, and Sarah E. Watkins. "Good Kings, Bloody Tyrants, and Everything In Between: Representations of the Monarchy in Post-Genocide Rwanda." History in Africa 41 (April 23, 2014): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.7.
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AbstractSince assuming power after the 1994 genocide, President Paul Kagame and his political party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, have struggled to unite Rwanda’s citizens using, among other initiatives, a simplified version of Rwandan history to diminish the ethnic tensions that made the 1994 genocide possible. As a result, Rwanda’s history has become highly politicized, with vastly divergent versions of the nation’s past narrated in private settings, where it is more politically appropriate for Rwandans to share their experiences. This paper focuses on divergent representations of Rwandan monarchical figures – often unnamed – whom the narrators imbue with values according to their individual political affiliations, lived experiences, and identity. These narratives are indicative of the broader ways that modern Rwandans narrate their experiences of history in response to Rwanda’s current official history, as well as previous official histories. Careful analysis reveals much about the current political climate in post-genocide Rwanda: most notably, that Rwandans continue to see their nation’s past through vastly different lenses, demonstrating the enormous challenges facing the Rwandan government as it seeks to reconcile its population using current methods. It also highlights the ongoing need on the part of historians to approach contemporary sources critically, informed by sources produced and debated in the pre-genocide period.
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Reed, Wm Cyrus. "Exile, Reform, and the Rise of the Rwandan Patriotic Front." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 479–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055567.
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In July 1994, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) and its armed wing, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA),1 entered Kigali after routing the former régime and putting an end to months of genocide in which upwards of 500,000 had lost their lives. By August, another one to two million had fled from Rwanda. All in all, nearly half of the population had been killed, displaced inside the country, or was in exile.
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Megwalu, Amaka, and Neophytos Loizides. "Dilemmas of Justice and Reconciliation: Rwandans and the Gacaca Courts." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 18, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0954889009000486.
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Following the 1994 genocide, several justice initiatives were implemented in Rwanda, including a tribunal established by the United Nations, Rwanda's national court system and Gacaca, a ‘traditional’ community-run conflict resolution mechanism adapted to prosecute genocide perpetrators. Since their inception in 2001, the Gacaca courts have been praised for their efficiency and for widening participation, but criticised for lack of due process, trained personnel and attention to atrocities committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). To evaluate these criticisms, we present preliminary findings from a survey of 227 Rwandans and analyse their attitudes towards Gacaca in relation to demographic characteristics such as education, residence and loss of relatives during the genocide.
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Reed, Wm Cyrus. "The Rwandan Patriotic Front: Politics and Development in Rwanda." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502030.
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The past twelve months have witnessed the devastation of Rwanda. More than one half million people were murdered by the Rwandan army and the associated civilian militias, while over two million people fled the country after the death of former President Juvenal Habyarimana. The Rwandan Patriotic Front, which emerged in exile over the past thirty years and now dominates the government in Kigali, faces a dilemma: how does it consolidate its position amongst its core supporters, many of whom grew up in exile and recently returned to Rwanda, while at the same time gain the confidence of the domestic population, many of whom have recently fled? Resolving this dilemma is the central task for the regime, and is critical to the future political and economic development of the country.In spite of its stated desire to create a broad-based government, the core of RPF support lies on a perilously narrow base, located as much outside of the country as inside. Domestically, the country is in ruins. The exodus of refugees resulted in the collapse of production and of the state.
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Reed, Wm Cyrus. "The Rwandan Patriotic Front: Politics and Development in Rwanda." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166507.
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Tembo, Nick Mdika. "Writing ‘Parrhesia’, Narrating ‘the Other Rwandan Genocide’." Matatu 48, no. 2 (2016): 418–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04802011.
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At the end of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, close to a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus had been murdered, and over 1.5 million people were either internally displaced or had fled over the borders into neighbouring countries and beyond for fear of reprisals from the advancing Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). This article places Marie Béatrice Umutesi’s Surviving the Slaughter (2004) and Pierre-Claver Ndacyayisenga’s Dying to Live (2012) within the context of post-1994 Rwandan testimonial literature that writes what is feared to be “the other Rwandan genocide,” particularly against those who fled to eastern Zaïre (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). In the two narratives, I argue, Umutesi and Ndacyayisenga destabilise and deconstruct the claim of genocide to create a literature that captures the anxieties of genocide memories in Rwanda. Specifically, Umutesi and Ndacyayisenga deploy a rhetorical narrative form that employs cynicism, bitter humour and a harsh tone to suggest that the suffering of Rwandans must not be seen, or even told, from a single perspective, and that only a balanced engagement with extant issues would lead to genuine reconciliation in Rwanda. To illustrate the ideological purpose at work in the two texts, I reference Michel Foucault’s parrhesia as a framework for understanding how the authors contest genocide memories in Rwanda.
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Denis, Philippe. "The Missionaries of Africa and the Rwandan Genocide." Journal of Religion in Africa 50, no. 1-2 (August 10, 2021): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340180.
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Abstract On the basis of documentary evidence, this paper examines the position of the Missionaries of Africa, also known as White Fathers, in political and ethnic matters during the buildup to the genocide in Rwanda, the genocide itself, and the postgenocide period. It argues that the Missionaries of Africa responded to the genocide in different ways. Some, especially those who returned to Rwanda after 1994, recognised the errors done by the church and tried to restart their ministry on a new foundation. However, many, particularly in Belgium, the country from where half of them originated, adopted a more defensive attitude. They subscribed, explicitly or not, to the double genocide theory according to which the crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front equalled or even surpassed those of the Rwandan authorities and the militias during the genocide. On the whole, the General Council of the congregation in Rome reacted to the Rwandan situation in a nonpartisan manner.
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Chemouni, Benjamin, and Assumpta Mugiraneza. "Ideology and interests in the Rwandan patriotic front: Singing the struggle in pre-genocide Rwanda." African Affairs 119, no. 474 (June 18, 2019): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz017.
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Abstract In the study of African Politics, the analysis of political ideologies as a normative engine of political action seems to have receded in favour of a treatment of ideology as the support of actors in their pursuit of material interests. Rwanda is not an exception. The ideology of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) has been predominantly analysed as a self-serving strategy geared towards the reinforcement of the party’s power. Such treatment of ideology prevents a full understanding of the RPF. This article argues that ideology should also be conceptualized as a matrix that can reshape material incentives and through which the RPF’s interests have emerged. To do so, the article analyses new sources of material, the songs of mobilization from RPF members and supporters composed before the Front took power during the genocide, to systematically delineate the RPF’s early ideology. The analysis centres on four main themes—Rwandan national unity, the RPF’s depiction of itself, its depiction of its enemy, and its relationship with the international community—and traces their influence on RPF interests in the post-genocide era. It reveals the surprisingly long-lasting power of ideas despite fast-changing material circumstances.
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Kuperman, Alan J. "Provoking genocide: a revised history of the Rwandan Patriotic Front." Journal of Genocide Research 6, no. 1 (March 2004): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462352042000194719.
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Nsanze, Augustin. "Contributions to the Understanding of Recent History." African Studies Review 45, no. 1 (April 2002): 150–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600031619.
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Jan Vansina's history of the Nyiginya kingdom joins the long list of works, both essays and novels, that have proliferated since the Rwanda Patriotic Front gained power in 1994. The rigorous application of historical criticism distinguishes this from other works that give voice primarily to passions and speculations. Vansina's work is remarkable for the author's ability to bridge past and present by placing himself downstream rather than upstream in the flow of history. This important emphasis on ancient Rwanda contributes to the understanding of today's events. Vansina was ahead of those whose project it was to reread the history of Rwanda, which began in Butare in December 1998. Nonetheless, he emphasizes that it is up to Rwandan historians themselves to compile, on the basis of the facts accepted by everyone, a history that is as impartial as possible and that might offer some guidelines for the future.In 1962, when Vansina was writing L'évolution du royaume rwanda des origines à 1900 (The Evolution of the Rwandan Kingdom from Its Origins to 1900), his work was already marked by a rigorous exploration of historical facts. In Le Rwanda ancien (Ancient Rwanda), he proposes a new chronology of the Nyiginya kingdom, whose foundation he places around the middle of the seventeenth century. In so doing, Vansina definitively separates himself from Alexis Kagame—who situates its beginnings six centuries earlier—and thereby puts to rest the argument of historians and anthropologists, and challenges those politicians who, in the pursuit of legitimacy, have based their ideologies of the Rwandan reconquest and territorial revindication on the writings of Kagame.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Rwandan Patriotic Front"
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Begley, Larissa R. "'Resolved to fight the ideology of genocide and all of its manifestations' : the Rwandan Patriotic Front, violence and ethnic marginalisation in post-genocide Rwanda and Eastern Congo." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7431/.
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Using ethnographic data and James Scott's (1990) concepts of public and hidden transcripts, this thesis examines fow the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) government's public transcript has been institutionalised through the use of 'genocide ideology' laws. It is concerned with understanding how the RPF's use of ‘genocide ideology' is a mechanism to facilitate a continuum of violence, which I argue has led to ‘ethnic' marginalisation. ‘Genocide ideology' is a legally abstract term that refers to discourses that contest – consciously or unconsciously - the government narrative regarding the 1994 genocide. As focusing strictly om the public transcript does not tell the whole storry about power relations between the RPF government and Hutu, it also explores hidden transcript. This is necessary as the Rwandan government employs the category of ‘genocide ideology' to silence dissent and to justify arbitrary arrest. For example, since taking power, the RPF government has strived to eliminate the Hutu/Tutsi identities, replacing the divisive identities with ‘Rwandan.' Those who use Hutu/Tutsi identities outside the context of the genocide are considered génocidaire sympathisers and legally guilty of ‘genocide ideology'. I argue that within the public RPF transcript on the genocide, the victim/perpetrator dichotomy has become intertwined with Tutsi/Hutu identities, creating a hierarchy of victimhood. I concluded by arguing that the violence, fear and marginalisation experienced by participants through the government's use of the public transcript in conjunction with ‘genocide ideology' laws is causing resentment, which could lead to further conflict.
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Onana, Auguste Charles. "Rwanda, l'Opération Turquoise et la controverse médiatique (1994-2014) : analyse des enquêtes journalistiques, des documents secret-défense et de la stratégie militaire." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE3083.
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Le 22 juin 1994, le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU vote la résolution 929 autorisantle déploiement d’une force multinationale humanitaire, neutre et impartiale au Rwandaayant pour mission de mettre fin aux massacres. Concrètement, c’est la France, àl’initiative de ce projet, qui va assurer le commandement de la mission dénomméeOpération Turquoise. Celle-ci se heurte à l’opposition des rebelles tutsis du FrontPatriotique Rwandais, aux réserves des organisations humanitaires mais elle reçoit lesoutien appuyé du gouvernement intérimaire rwandais hutu. L’Opération Turquoisesuscite surtout une vague d’accusations dans la presse française, le président FrançoisMitterrand et les militaires français étant accusés de « complicité de génocide », voire de« participation au génocide ». Ces accusations perdurent et reviennent régulièrementdepuis plus de vingt ans, relayées par des journalistes qui disent avoir découvert puisrévélé « l’inavouable » rôle de la France au Rwanda.Cette étude analyse les enquêtes journalistiques menées de 1994 à 2014 et lesconfronte aux documents confidentiels et secret-défense issus des archives américaines,françaises, rwandaises et onusiennes, ainsi qu’à la stratégie militaire mise en oeuvredurant l’Opération Turquoise. Elle permet ainsi d’identifier les sources sur lesquellesreposent ces accusations et d’en évaluer le bien-fondé. Ce faisant, elle met en évidence lafaçon dont la recherche s’est concentrée sur le génocide au détriment de la lutte arméeinitiée par le FPR de 1990 à juillet 1994, laissant de côté des aspects essentiels à lacompréhension de la tragédie rwandaiseOn the 22nd June 1994, the UN Security Council passes the resolution 929authorising the deployment of a multinational humanitarian, neutral and impartial force toRwanda having as its mission to put an end to the massacres. In concrete terms, it isFrance, on initiative of this project, who goes to carry out the command of the missionnamed Operation Turquoise. This comes up against the opposition of the Tutsis rebels ofthe Rwandan Patriotic Front, to the reservations of the humanitarian organisations but itreceives the backup support of the acting Rwandan Hutu government. OperationTurquoise incites above all a wave of accusations in the French press, with the PresidentFrançois Mitterand and the French military soldiers being accused of 'complicity ingenocide', even of taking part in the genocide. These accusations have endured and havebeen regularly coming back for more than twenty years, relayed by journalists who claimto have discovered then revealed the shameful role of France in RwandaThis study analyses the journalistic inquiries led from 1994 to 2014 and comparesthem with confidential secret defence documents stemming from American, French,Rwandan and UN records, as well as the military strategy put in place during OperationTurquoise. It also allows identification of the sources on which these accusations lie andevaluation of their validity. In so doing, it brings to the fore the way in which the researchhas focused on the genocide to the detriment of the armed struggle initiated by the RPFfrom 1990 to July 1994, leaving aside essential aspects in the comprehension of theRwandan tragedy
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Rose, Lauren. "Guerre civile et génocide : quel est le lien? : l'exemple du Rwanda." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7480.
Full textBooks on the topic "Rwandan Patriotic Front"
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Waugh, Colin M. Paul Kagame and Rwanda: Power, genocide and the Rwandan Patriotic Front. Jefferson, N.C: McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers, 2004.
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Rever, Judi. In Praise of Blood: The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front. Random House of Canada, 2020.
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Rever, Judi. In Praise of Blood: The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front. Random House Canada, 2018.
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Roessler, Philip, and Harry Verhoeven. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190611354.003.0001.
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Chapter one begins with a critical juncture in African history—the expulsion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front from the Democratic Republic of the Congo in July 1998. Building on this vignette, it motivates the book with a puzzle: fifteen months after overthrowing one of Africa’s longest serving dictators, Mobutu Sese Seko, why did the revolutionaries and their regional allies turn on each other, ushering in the deadliest conflict since World War II? It then lays out the book’s central argument: that the seeds of Africa’s Great War were sown in the struggle against Mobutu—the way the revolution came together, the way it was organized and, paradoxically, the very way it succeeded. While the collapse of the Zairian state and the Rwandan genocide were important antecedents to the Great War, Why Comrades Go to War argues these factors mattered primarily in the way they shaped the organization and structure of the anti-Mobutu revolution. The penultimate sections of the chapter summarize the book's approach and contributions.
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Behuria, Pritish, and Tom Goodfellow. The Disorder of ‘Miracle Growth’ in Rwanda. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198801641.003.0008.
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This chapter analyses how Rwanda has achieved near miracle growth rates of above 6 per cent (excluding 2003 and 2013) since 1994. This is due to the country being led by a strong dominant party which has resulted in a stable deals environment within the country. The pursuit of growth has led the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) to drive for a more open deals space, yet retaining some closed deals space for strategic interests. However, growth maintenance in the country remains dependent on commodity price fluctuations, access to foreign aid, and the maintenance of a stable political settlement. This leaves Rwanda’s growth episodes vulnerable to external shocks and negative feedback loops.
Book chapters on the topic "Rwandan Patriotic Front"
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Takeuchi, Shinichi, and Jean Marara. "Land Law Reform and Complex State-Building Process in Rwanda." In African Land Reform Under Economic Liberalisation, 137–52. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4725-3_7.
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AbstractThis study sheds light on recent land law (land tenure) reform in Rwanda by examining its close and complex relations with state-building. By prioritising land law reform and receiving strong support from external funding agencies, the post-civil warRwanda became the first African country to complete land registration throughout its territory. Land law reform should be considered a part of the radical interventions in rural areas frequently implemented by the Rwandan Patriotic Front-led government and, therefore, has been closely connected to its aspiration to reinforce the existent political order. The government has utilised reform and external financial support for this purpose. However, despite the success of the one-time land registration, Rwanda has encountered serious difficulties in institutionalising sustainable registering systems since transactions of land have been recorded only in exceptional cases. Additionally, it suggests that the government does not have a strong incentive to collect accurate information about properties in rural areas. The widening gap between recorded information and the real situation may affect land administration, which is of tremendous importance to Rwanda and, thus, possibly undermine state control over society.
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Verhoeven, Harry. "Nurturing Democracy or into the Danger Zone? The Rwandan Patriotic Front, Elite Fragmentation and Post-liberation Politics." In Rwanda Fast Forward, 265–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137265159_17.
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"The Rwandan Patriotic Front." In A People Betrayed. Zed Books, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350225589.ch.003.
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King, Elisabeth. "Non-Recognition Under Minority Rule and the Paradox of Non-Recognition in Rwanda." In Diversity, Violence, and Recognition, 111–35. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197509456.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the adoption and effects on peace of non-recognition under minority Tutsi rule in Rwanda. Reviewing first a history of recognition under Hutu majority leadership, it argues that the decision not to recognize ethnic identity in post-genocide Rwanda is consistent with the book’s central theory and cross-national trends. It shows that a “dilemma of recognition” logic offers the most convincing explanation for Rwanda’s effort to “eradicate” ethnicity. On the question of effects, it finds potentially destructive contradictions between the non-recognition policy, implemented alongside de facto favoritism for members of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front and for Tutsis specifically, and the everyday experiences of Rwandans that maintain the salience of ethnicity as a basis of mistrust. It introduces the concept of a “paradox of non-recognition,” wherein efforts to negate ethnicity may result, rather, in sustaining its salience. This paradox challenges conflict management theories proposing that non-recognition enables societies to transcend ethnic identities.
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Dukalskis, Alexander. "Projecting Peace and Prosperity." In Making the World Safe for Dictatorship, 139–58. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197520130.003.0007.
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This chapter unpacks and assesses the Rwandan government’s authoritarian image management strategies under the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). As relatively small, and aid dependent for much of the period under analysis, Rwanda under the RPF had special incentives to pay attention to authoritarian image management as the latter entrenched its power domestically. Perhaps for this reason, the RPF has been an unusually successful authoritarian image manager in attaining regime security. After presenting a brief historical background, the chapter establishes how the RPF works to create a foundation on which to build its promotional image management efforts by obstructing outsider critics. Next, it discusses how part of Rwanda’s promotional strategy entails retention of public relations firms to burnish the image of the RPF and its leader Paul Kagame. Finally, the chapter turns to the most brazen element of the RPF’s image management, namely the intimidation and repression of critics abroad.
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Umutoni-Bower, Louise. "The Incorporation of Women in Rwandan Politics after 1994." In Rwanda Since 1994, 83–103. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786941992.003.0006.
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Liberation struggle usually entails the active incorporation and participation of women. However, in the period following liberation after power is captured, we tend to see women excluded. Women are often relegated to the sidelines, gender roles are reinforced, with political positions reserved for men. In Africa, the gender backlash that follows liberation was observed in the liberation movements of the first wave (1960s and 1970s) and second wave (1980s and 1990s). However, this was not the case in Rwanda when the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) took power after halting the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi. The RPF actively included women in politics appointing women to half their allocated seats in the Transitional National Parliament (TNP). This initial inclusion during the transitional period is important because it lay the ground for women's participation in Rwandan politics. The subsequent policies that enshrined women's political inclusion in the constitution through the quota system, as well the structures developed at the lowest level of government to encourage women's political participation, have their roots in the active incorporation that happened during the transitional period. This chapter explores the factors that led to this initial incorporation and why the gender backlash common in liberation movements did not occur in Rwanda.
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Fujii, Lee Ann. "Encore." In Show Time, 139–64. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501758546.003.0007.
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This chapter examines the immediate aftermath of the violent displays from Chapter 5. It finds that violence did not simply end with the killing of the victims, but continued through the dumping of bodies, the taking of souvenirs, and continued narrativizing of the event. In Rwanda, the displays continued through official commemorations of the dead, which involved exhumations and reburials of alleged victims of the genocide. In reality, these reburials were a hoax. Through official genocide reburials, the government was able to recategorize many dead bodies, transforming victims of Rwandan Patriotic Front killings and even génocidaires into victims of the genocide. The chapter then moves back to the Eastern Shore of Maryland, where the violence continued through the days and weeks that followed, with tourists descending on Princess Anne to find out what they missed and others bragging about what they saw and did during the lynching.
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Jessee, Erin. "Beyond Perpetrators." In Perpetrators of International Crimes, 153–72. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829997.003.0009.
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This chapter considers the life histories of three convicted génocidaires—the term for those individuals who had some degree of criminal complicity in the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Since the genocide, the victorious Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) has, using a range of transitional justice mechanisms, disseminated an oversimplified official history of the genocide that divides the population into innocent Tutsi survivors or guilty Hutu perpetrators. However, convicted génocidaires’ actions surrounding the genocide were often more complex than the RPF’s official history acknowledges. For this reason, this chapter—building upon the work of Erica Bouris and Erin Baines—approaches génocidaires as ‘complex political actors.’ This framing allows for enhanced consideration of the individual circumstances that informed génocidaires’ actions. It similarly allows researchers to better comprehend génocidaires’ efforts to claim space as victims, bystanders, and survivors, for example, given the broader political, historical, and personal circumstances that informed their actions during the genocide.
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Pinto, Teresa Nogueira. "Constitutionalism and Developmental Authoritarianism." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa, 198–219. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0009.
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This chapter contributes to the debate about ‘presidents for life’ in sub-Saharan Africa. Through an analysis of Paul Kagame’s leadership in Rwanda, it seeks to understand the legitimizing factors that could explain the resilience of personalized authoritarian regimes and the extent to which these factors undermine constitutionalism and democracy. The first part of the chapter examines the phenomena of personal rule and power legitimation in sub-Saharan Africa and how they were impacted on by colonial rule, independence, ‘democracy’s third wave’, and the more recent period of ‘democratic recession’. The second part appraises the case of Rwanda through the three prisms of history, power, and law. First, it is argued, the legitimacy of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) stems from the fact that it ended the genocide. Second, the RPF is seen as effecting a ‘miracle’ by transforming a devastated country into one where real socio-economic gains were made. Finally, the authoritarian tendencies which have minimized opposition to the regime are not openly contested, neither internally nor externally. With the emphasis on national unity, the RPF is portrayed as being a non-negotiable pre-condition for political stability and prosperity, thus condoning any democratic deficits.
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"For beginners, by beginners: knowledge construction under the Rwandese Patriotic Front." In Re-Imagining Rwanda, 109–29. Cambridge University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511491092.007.
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