Academic literature on the topic 'S-21 (Submarine)'

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Journal articles on the topic "S-21 (Submarine)"

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Kim, Han-Joon, Hyeong-Tae Jou, Gwang-Hoon Lee, Ji-Hoon Na, Hyun-Sub Kim, Ugeun Jang, Kyeong-Yong Lee, et al. "Caldera structure of submarine Volcano #1 on the Tonga Arc at 21°09′S, southwestern Pacific: Analysis of multichannel seismic profiling." Earth, Planets and Space 65, no. 8 (August 2013): 893–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.5047/eps.2013.01.002.

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Giamali, Christina, George Kontakiotis, Efterpi Koskeridou, Chryssanthi Ioakim, and Assimina Antonarakou. "Key Environmental Factors Controlling Planktonic Foraminiferal and Pteropod Community’s Response to Late Quaternary Hydroclimate Changes in the South Aegean Sea (Eastern Mediterranean)." Journal of Marine Science and Engineering 8, no. 9 (September 14, 2020): 709. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jmse8090709.

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A multidisciplinary study was conducted in order to investigate the environmental factors affecting the planktonic foraminiferal and pteropod communities of the south Aegean Sea. Aspects of the Late Quaternary paleoceanographic evolution were revealed by means of quantitative analyses of planktonic foraminiferal and pteropod assemblages (including multivariate statistical approach; principal component analysis (PCA)), the oxygen (δ18O) and carbon (δ13C) isotopic composition of planktonic foraminifera and related paleoceanographic (planktonic paleoclimatic curve (PPC), productivity (E-index), stratification (S-index), seasonality) indices, extracted by the gravity core KIM-2A derived from the submarine area between Kimolos and Sifnos islands. Focusing on the last ~21 calibrated thousands of years before present (ka BP), cold and eutrophicated conditions were identified during the Late Glacial period (21.1–15.7 ka BP) and were followed by warmer and wetter conditions during the deglaciation phase. The beginning of the Holocene was marked by a climatic amelioration and increased seasonality. The more pronounced environmental changes were identified during the deposition of the sapropel sublayers S1a (9.4–7.7 ka BP) and S1b (6.9–6.4 ka BP), with extremely warm and stratified conditions. Pteropod fauna during the sapropel deposition were recorded for the first time in the south Aegean Sea, suggesting arid conditions towards the end of S1a. Besides sea surface temperature (SST), which shows the highest explanatory power for the distribution of the analyzed fauna, water column stratification, primary productivity, and seasonality also control their communities during the Late Quaternary.
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Lemenkova, Polina. "Exploring structured scripting cartographic technique of GMT for ocean seafloor modeling: A case of the East Indian Ocean." Maritime Technology and Research 3, no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 162–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33175/mtr.2021.248158.

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This paper examines spatial variations in the geomorphology of the Ninety East Ridge (NER), located in the Indian Ocean. The NER is an extraordinary long linear bathymetric feature with topography reflecting complex geophysical setting and geologic evolution. The research is based on a compilation of high-resolution bathymetric, geological, and gravity datasets clipped for the study area extent (65° - 107°E, 35°S - 21°N): General Bathymetric Chart of the Oceans (GEBCO), Earth Gravitational Model (EGM2008, EGM96). The submarine geomorphology of the NER was modeled by digitized cross-sectional profiles using Generic Mapping Tools (GMT). The availability of the method is explained by 1) the free datasets; 2) the open source GMT toolset; 3) the available tutorials of the GMT and the codes explained in this work. Three segments of the NER were selected, digitized, and modeled: 1) northern 89°E, 7°S to 90°E, 7°N; 2) central 88.4°E, 14.7°S to 88.8°E, 8.2°S; 3) southern 87.9°E, 17°S to 87.5°E, 27°S. Measured depths were visualized in graphs, compared, and statistically analyzed by the histograms. The northern segment has a steepness of 21.3° at the western slopes, and 14.5° at the eastern slope. The slopes on the eastern flank have dominant SE orientation. The central segment has a bell-shaped form, with the highest steepness comparing to the northern and southern segments. The eastern flank has a steepness of 49.5°. A local depression at a distance of 50 km off from the axis (90°E) continues parallel to the NER, with the shape of the narrow minor trench. The western slope has a steepness of 57.6°, decreasing to 15.6°. The southern segment has a dome-like shape form. Compared to the northern and central segments, it has a less pronounced ridge crest, with a steepness of 24.9° on the west. The eastern flank has a steepness of 36.8° until 70 km, gradually becoming steeper at 44.23°. A local minor trench structure can be seen on its eastern flank (100 km off the axis). This corresponds to the very narrow long topographic depressions stretching parallel to this segment of the NER at 90.5°E. The study contributes to regional geographic studies of Indian Ocean geomorphology and cartographic presentation of GMT functionality for marine research and oceanographic studies.
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Thorsen, E., and B. K. Kambestad. "Persistent small-airways dysfunction after exposure to hyperoxia." Journal of Applied Physiology 78, no. 4 (April 1, 1995): 1421–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/jappl.1995.78.4.1421.

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To assess the contribution of hyperoxia to reduced pulmonary function after a deep saturation dive, a shallow saturation dive to a pressure of 0.25 MPa with the same profile of hyperoxic exposure as in a deep saturation dive to 3.7 MPa was conducted. The PO2 was 40 kPa, with periods of 75 kPa for 2 h every 2nd day during the first 14 days, 50 kPa the next 12 days, and a gradual fall to 21 kPa over the last 2 days in decompression. Seven submariners and one professional diver aged 22–27 yr participated. Pulmonary function, including static and dynamic lung volumes and flows and transfer factor for carbon monoxide (TLCO), were measured twice before, immediately after, 1 mo after, and 1 and 3 yr after the dive. As reported previously, there was a significant reduction in TLCO and in maximal expiratory flow rates at low lung volumes immediately after the dive. At the follow-up examinations 1 and 3 yr after, there was no recovery of the maximal expiratory flow rates. Forced midexpiratory flow rate was still reduced by 8.7 +/- 5.6% (P < 0.05) and 9.3 +/- 7.1% (P < 0.01), respectively. Forced expired volume in 1 s and forced vital capacity were not significantly reduced. There was a complete recovery of the TLCO. The findings are consistent with the studies indicating development of airway obstruction in divers, and the findings indicate that exposure to hyperoxia contributes to this effect.
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Huong, Tran Thi, and Nguyen Hoang. "Petrology, geochemistry, and Sr, Nd isotopes of mantle xenolith in Nghia Dan alkaline basalt (West Nghe An): implications for lithospheric mantle characteristics beneath the region." VIETNAM JOURNAL OF EARTH SCIENCES 40, no. 3 (June 4, 2018): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15625/0866-7187/40/3/12614.

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Study of petrological and geochemical characteristics of mantle peridotite xenoliths in Pliocene alkaline basalt in Nghia Dan (West Nghe An) was carried out. Rock-forming clinopyroxenes, the major trace element containers, were separated from the xenoliths to analyze for major, trace element and Sr-Nd isotopic compositions. The data were interpreted for source geochemical characteristics and geodynamic processes of the lithospheric mantle beneath the region. The peridotite xenoliths being mostly spinel-lherzolites in composition, are residual entities having been produced following partial melting events of ultramafic rocks in the asthenosphere. They are depleted in trace element abundance and Sr-Nd isotopic composition. Some are even more depleted as compared to mid-ocean ridge mantle xenoliths. Modelled calculation based on trace element abundances and their corresponding solid/liquid distribution coefficients showed that the Nghia Dan mantle xenoliths may be produced of melting degrees from 8 to 12%. Applying various methods for two-pyroxene temperature- pressure estimates, the Nghia Dan mantle xenoliths show ranges of crystallization temperature and pressure, respectively, of 1010-1044°C and 13-14.2 kbar, roughly about 43km. A geotherm constructed for the mantle xenoliths showed a higher geothermal gradient as compared to that of in the western Highlands (Vietnam) and a conductive model, implying a thermal perturbation under the region. The calculated Sm-Nd model ages for the clinopyroxenes yielded 127 and 122 Ma. 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Riđanović, Josip. "Izvješća sa znanstvenih skupova - pregledi." Geoadria 8, no. 1 (January 11, 2017): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/geoadria.125.

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PRIKAZI – REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. IZVJEŠĆA SA ZNANSTVENIH SKUPOVA - CONFERENCE REPORTS 3rd International Conference CLIMATE CHANGES: THE KARST RECORDS III, 11.-15. svibnja 2003., Montpellier, Francuska Od 11. do 15. svibnja 2003. u Montpellieru (Francuska) održana je treća međunarodna konferencija Climate Changes: The Karst Records III. Prvi ovakav skup održan je 1996. u Bergenu (Norveška), sljedeći 2000. u Krakowu (Poljska), nakon čega je zbog pojačanog interesa za ovu tematiku, a time i veće znanstvene produkcije, dogovoreno da se konferencija održava svaku treću godinu. Nakon Franuske (2003.), za domaćina konferencije 2006. godine predložena je Rumunjska. Ovaj skup okupio je znanstvenike iz 27 država sa 6 kontinenata koji su kroz 62 usmena izlaganja i 37 postera prezentirali svoja recentna znanstvena dostignuća iz područja paleoklimatologije temeljena na istraživanju krša, točnije speleoloških objekata i njihovih akumulacijskih oblika – siga. Sige, prepoznate kao medij koji zbog zaštićenosti i stabilnih mikroklimatskih uvjeta vrlo dobro "pamti" klimatska stanja šireg okoliša za vrijeme taloženja (a osim toga su i puno dostupnije od jezgri dubokomorskih bušotina i polarnih ledenih pokrova), zadnjih su desetljeća u središtu znanstvenog interesa različitih znanstvenih disciplina. Stoga su i teme radova bile doista raznolike; najveći je dio radova obuhvaćao paleoklimatske varijacije utvrđene na temelju omjera stabilnih izotopa siga iz gotovo svih klimatskih područja, te njihovo datiranje različitim metodama. Sige kao objekt istraživanja bile su obrađene i vezano uz petrografska svojstva, fluidne inkluzije, luminiscenciju, sezonske varijacije intenziteta taloženja itd., dok se kod speleoloških objekata proučavao stupanj okršavanja, utjecaj tektonike, špiljski sedimenti kao i paleontološki i arheološki nalazi. Dio radova obuhvaćao je rezultate monitoringa trenutnog stanja špilja, hidrologije, geokemije, atmosferskih uvjeta itd., a bilo je riječi i o promjenama morske razine kao posljedici klimatskih fluktuacija tijekom geološke prošlosti.Osim već tiskane knjige izvadaka u pripremi je i zbornik, dok se u međuvremenu kvalitetniji radovi recenzirani tiskaju u respektabilnom časopisu Francuskoga geološkog društva Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France.A gdje je Hrvatska, zemlja "klasičnog krša", u svemu tome? Država s 46% nacionalnog teritorija prekrivenog kršem (26000 km2) i još mnogo više pod morem, bila je zastupljena samo s jednim (1) radom – zapaženim, ali gotovo "pionirskim" u odnosu na radove sofisticiranih laboratorija i instituta zapadnih zemalja. Rad Isotope records in submarine speleothems from the Adriatic Coast, Croatia, autora Maše Surić, Nade Horvatinčić, Axela Suckowa, Mladena Juračića i Jadranke Barešić, analizira paleoklimatske promjene na istočnoj obali Jadrana koje su kroz omjere stabilnih izotopa kisika i ugljika ostale zabilježene u danas potopljenim sigama. Terenski dio konferencije obuhvatio je posjet mjestu Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert (tradicionalnoj postaji hodočasnika na putu prema svetištu Santiago de Compostella), te špiljskom sustavu Grotte de Clamouse, ukupne dužine oko 4 km od čega je 1965. gotovo 1 km uređen za turističke posjete. Osim impozantnih primjeraka špiljskog nakita, čija je raznolikost posljedica izmjena kalcitnih, aragonitnih i dolomitnih karakteristika nadsloja, ovaj objekt može biti i primjer kako se prekrasan špiljski prostor može upropastiti prilagođivanjem turističkim posjetima brojnim metalnim, staklenim i električnim instalacijama. Na trenutke posjetitelj može dobiti dojam da se kreće kroz muzej ili zbirku, a ne kroz više od stotinu metara dubok speleološki objekt. Dojam dodatno pojačava i ambiciozno zamišljen, ali kičasto izveden sound & light show. Obične turiste može fascinirati, ali istinske prirodnjake, zaljubljenike u krš – jedino ogorčiti. U svakom slučaju, terenski dio skupa i ovaj put bio je iskorišten za stvaranje novih i obnavljanje starih poznanstava koja će rezultirati međunarodnom znanstvenom suradnjom, posebno kad su u kombinaciji oprema i financije bogatijih zemalja i neistražena područja "onih drugih" zemalja. Ostaje nada da će takvim oblikom suradnje, na sljedećoj konferenciji Climate Changes: The Karst Records IV, Hrvatska biti malo bolje predstavljena svojim prirodnim i ljudskim potencijalima. Maša Surić 161 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. PRIKAZI Atlas svijeta za 21. stoljeća, urednik: M. Lapaine i suradnici, Naklada Fran, Zagreb, 2003., 751 str. Nakladnik Fran iz Zagreba objavio je hrvatsko izdanje atlasa The 21 st Century World Atlas, koji je izvorno publicirao izdavač Trident Press International. Hrvatsko izdanje uredio je M. Lapaine sa suradnicima. Atlas nije tek hrvatski prijevod izvornika jer su pojedini stručnjaci dopunili i izmijenili neke sadržaje, a osim toga, S. Frangeš preveo je velik broj toponima na hrvatski jezik. Prijevodi su ispisani uz gornji rub karte kako se ne bi mijenjao izvorni jezik karata (engleski). Atlas je podijeljen u deset glavnih cjelina: Geopolitički okvir, Klimatologija, geologija i biogeografija, Demografija i socijalni pokazatelji , Osnovne ekonomske djelatnosti, Industrija, trgovina i promet, Afrika, Amerika, Azija, Europa i Oceanija. Na kraju je dodan rječnik osnovnih geografskih pojmova s odgovarajućim prijevodima (npr. perz. Kavir = solna pustinja) i kazalo s preko 60 000 geografskih imena. U općegeografskom dijelu atlasa na brojnim tematskim kartama zorno je prikazana prostorna raspodjela različitih prirodnih i socio-ekonomskih pojava i procesa. Iscrpnost kartografskih prikaza može se uočiti na primjeru poglavlja Socijalni i ekonomski pokazatelji, u kojemu su objavljene sljedeć i tematski zemljovidi: Potrošnja kalorija, Donacije hrane, Proizvodnja hrane, Smrtnost dojenčadi, Zdravstvena zaštita, Bolnička infrastruktura, Telefoni, Potrošnja energije, Pismenost, Izdavanje knjiga, Tiskanje novina, Broj upisa u školu, Omjer đaka i nastavnika u osnovnim školama, Znanstvenici i tehničari, Ekonomski aktivno stanovništvo, Dječja radna snaga, Struktura ekonomski aktivnog stanovništva, Ekonomska aktivnost, Ekonomska aktivnost žena, Ekonomska aktivnost muškaraca, Nezaposlenost, Bruto nacionalni dohodak, Bruto nacionalni dohodak po osobi, Struktura bruto nacionalnog dohotka, Inflacija, Ekonomski rast, Inozemni dug, Sredstva potrošena na obrazovanje, Sredstva potrošena na zdravstvenu zaštitu, Vojni izdaci, Izvoz i uvoz oružja, Trgovinska razmjena oružja i Logistika nuklearnog oružja. Kartogrami i kartodijagrami su jasni, pregledni i informativni.Kartografsko -geografski pregled po kontinentima ima jedinstvenu shemu. Ponajprije se nižu satelitske snimke, a potom digitalni modeli reljefa kopna i podmorja, geografske karte i kratki, ali sadržajni prikazi pojedinih zemalja. Na geografskim kartama kontinenata sitnim su slovima ispisani brojni toponimi. Njihova je čitljivost, na žalost, mala na prikazima planinskih predjela, koji su označeni nijansama sme đe i plavo-ljubičaste boje. Korisnik može doznati osnovne geografske informacije o svakoj državi putem kratkog geografskog uvodnika, zemljovida i različitih dijagrama.U hrvatskom izdanju atlasa svijeta mogao bi se očekivati iscrpniji prikaz Hrvatske. Priređivači nisu htjeli odstupati od izvornika, ali u reprintu zemljovida mogla se obratiti pozornost na pogrešno ispisane toponime (npr. naselje Sali na Dugom otoku ucrtano je u uvali Telašćica, Golfo di Venezia neobično se proteže duž zapadne obale Istre, naveden je stari naziv Požege – Slavonska Požega i sl.) . Međutim, navedene pogrješke ne umanjuju vrijednost atlasa, koji doista čini izvrstan kompendij najnovijih znanstvenih spoznaja o državama svijeta i Zemlji u cjelini, pa ga zbog toga rado preporučujem. Josip Faričić Nikola STRAŽIČIĆ: Svi hrvatski otoci, Descriptio Croatiae, Hrvatska revija, časopis Matice hrvatske, godište 1/2001., broj 3-4, Zagreb, 77-103. Hrvatska obala je najrazvedenija na Jadranskom moru, jer obuhvaća 97,2% jadranskog arhipelaga. S ponosom se ističe da je Hrvatska "zemlja tisuću otoka". Stvarni broj je i ve ći. Na pitanje koliko ih je unutar granica suvremene Hrvatske najmjerodavniji odgovor dao je prof. dr. sc. Nikola Stražičić. 162 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. U uvodu se razmatraju podatci o ukupnom broju hrvatskih otoka kritički prema pojedinim autorima. U nastavku izložene su teškoće oko kategorizacije osnovnih pojmova "otok" - "otočić" - "greben" i "hrid". Posebno je zanimljiv dio članka u kojem su opisani i predočeni "zaboravljeni" - "novi" i nekadašnji otoci. U timskom radu autora iz Hidrografskog instituta Republike Hrvatske u Splitu (2000.) navodi se, na temelju topografskih karata u razmjeru 1:25000, da unutar granica Hrvatske postoje 79 otoka, 526 otočića i 641 grebena i hridi; ukupno 1246 otoka.Prof. Stražičić upozorio je kritič ki i dokumentirano na manjkavost dosadašnjih rezultata i naglasio da je ukupan broj hrvatskih otoka i dalje otvoren. U zaklju čnim razmišljanjima dao je niz svrhovitih prijedloga. Ponajprije predlaže, uz potporu državnih službi, imenovanje interdisciplinarne ekipe (od geografa, hidrogeologa, oceanografa, kartografa, lingvista i drugih specijalnosti) koja bi odredila kriterije za kategorizaciju pojedinih otoka, prema veličini i nazivu, te za određivanje kategorija naseljenosti. Nadalje, kako nazvati najmanji oblik stalno nad razinom mora "greben" ili "hrid", o tome posavjetovati se s lingvistima, ali i sa stanovništvom dotičnog otoka. Problem se javlja i kod napučenosti otoka, primjerice "stalno naseljen", da li prema domaćem (autohtonom) ili doseljenom stanovništvu, kako razlikovati pojmove "sezonski naseljen" i "povremeno naseljen"...Na kraju, uz pomoć lučkih kapetanija njihovim plovilima potrebno je obići i snimiti sve otoke unutar granica Hrvatske, istodobno provjeriti stanje na topografskim i posebice pomorskim kartama i planovima. Prof. Stražičić je otočanin, rođen na Mljetu, a čitav radni vijek proveo je u Rijeci. Najveći dio svoga života posvetio je istraživanju mora u najširem smislu, posebice Jadrana i nadasve naših hrvatskih otoka. Godine 1968. izradio je magistarsku tezu Otok Mljet – primjer izoliranog otoka. Deset godina kasnije (1978.) obranio je disertaciju Otok Cres – prilog poznavanju geografije naših otoka. Za sveukupan životni opus godine 1998. Senat Sveuč ilišta u Rijeci dodijelio mu je počasno zvanje "profesor emeritus". prof. Stražičić prvi je geograf u Hrvatskoj koji je dobio to visoko priznanje. U reprezentativnoj Hrvatskoj reviji s novim glavnim urednikom, ambicioznim magistrom Mladenom Klemenčić em, izašao mu je i najnoviji rad Svi hrvatski otoci ilustriran s 27 jedinstvenih panoramskih snimaka u boji. Članak Svi hrvatski otoci sinteza je dugogodišnjih minucioznih istraživanja u kojima je prof. Stražičić, na sebi svojstven na čin, prenio jezgrovito, veliko i bogato iskustvo, istodobno i poruka, kako bi trebalo nastaviti s interdisciplinarnim istraživanjima tih dragulja na pročelju Hrvatske i u trećem mileniju.Josip Riđanović Tihomir KOVAČEVIĆ Tihi: Baraćeve špilje, Turistička zajednica općine Rakovica, Rakovica, 2003., 48 str. Baraćevim špiljama pripada počasno mjesto u povijesti istraživanja hrvatskog krša i speleologiji. Davne godine 1892. u Rakovici je osnovan "Odbor za istraživanje i uređenje Baraćevih špilja", prva takva udruga na tlu Hrvatske i u ovom dijelu svijeta. Od prvih podataka objavljenih u literaturi 1874. do danas špilje su više puta bile predmetom speleoloških, hidrogeoloških, paleonotoloških, arheoloških i biospeleoloških istraživanja. Na temelju njihovih rezultata i rezultata najnovijih istraživanja nastala je i ova knjiga u kojoj nam autor otkriva njezine ljepote i tajne.Knjigu čini 8 poglavlja. Zanimljiv tekst bogato je ilustriran sa 65 fotografija, crteža i nacrta špilja. Opisan je položaj špilja, osnovni podatci o geološkim značajkama terena, nazivlje i podatci o dimenzijama različitih istraživača. Slijedi poglavlje o povijesti istraživanja s nizom zanimljivih podataka – od prvih opisa do suvremenih istraživanja. Opći dio zaokružen je poglavljem o paleontološkim i arheološkim istraživanjima. Dosad su nađeni ostatci pleistocenske faune i tragovi boravka ljudi iz srednjeg vijeka i razdoblja turskih ratova. 163 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. U drugom dijelu knjige detaljno su opisane značajke Donje, Gornje i Nove Baraćeve špilje. Opisan im je položaj, a u iznošenju značajki autor se poslužio citatima Dragutina Hirca i Ivana Krajača s početka 20. stoljeć a. Navedeni su i najnoviji rezultati istraživanja prema kojima je Donja Baraćeva špilja dugačka 565 metara, Gornja 520 metara, a Nova 94,5 metara. Poglavlje o biospeleologiji napisao je dipl. ing. Roman Ozimec. Objavio je dosad poznate podatke o povijesti biospeleoloških istraživanja, podatke o ekološkim uvjetima, pregled i analizu špiljske faune te istaknuo važnost nastavka istraživanja i zaštite. Poglavlje je opremljeno odličnim fotografijama te tablicama s kronologijom biospeleoloških istraživanja, preliminarnim taksonomskim popisom kavernikolnih vrsta i biospeleološkom bibliografijom špilja. Završno poglavlje posvećeno je rezultatima Međunarodne speleološke ekspedicije "Rakovica 2002.". Na samom početku ekspedicije otvoren je Prvi speleološki dom Republike Hrvatske u Novoj Kršlji. Tijekom ekspedicije istraživani su sustav Panjkov ponor - Varićakova špilja, vrelo Sinjac i Kusa i dr. Na kraju knjige objavljena je speleološka bibliografija koja dodatno pridonosi vrijednosti ove knjige. Nenad Buzjak Milenko M. PASINOVIĆ: Područ je Kotora na listi svjetske i prirodne baštine UNESCO. "Cicero" – Cetinje, kompjutorska priprema "Tricen", Kotor, 2001., 110 str. Autor je rođeni Bokelj, redoviti sveučilišni profesor na Fakultetu za turizam i hoteljerstvo u Kotoru. Knjižica je praktičnog formata (23x15 cm), otisnuta je na kvalitetnom papiru. Opremljena je s 14 reprezentativnih fotosa u boji i 7 crno-bijelih slika i crteža. Upotrijebljeno je 20 bibliografskih jedinica literature i 4 izvora podataka uključujući i vlastita istraživanja. Kratak izvadak dat je na engleskom, talijanskom, francuskom i njemačkom jeziku.Poslije predgovora slijede u tekstu: Boka kotorska (prikaz granica, prostorni pojam i pregled glavnih dijelova, Morfogenetske i morfološke karakteristike, Kotorsko-Risanski zaliv – embrion Boke kotorske, Područje Kotora na listi svjetske prirodne baštine UNESCO, Simbioza prirode i čovjeka stara pet milenijuma i Dvije decenije nakon zemljotresa.Bokokotorski zaljevi duboko su oko 30 km (29,6) uvučeni na sjeveru između Orjena (1893 m), najviše obalne planine u istočnoj regiji Jadrana, Katunskog krša (1308 m, 1228 m i 1212 m) na istoku i Lovćenu (Štirovnik, 1749 m) na jugu. Impozantan okvir krševitih planina s izrazitim strmcima zatvara plitko more (površine 87,3 km2 i dubine do 60 m), u stvarnosti čudesan i jedinstven sklop Bokokotorskih zaljeva. Boka kotorska je horizontalno najrazvedeniji kraj (105,7 km duljina obale) i vertikalno najraščlanjeniji dio u najvišoj reljefnoj strukturi Jadranskog primorja. Geografski položaj Boke je specifičan. Na njezinu prostoru dodiruje se prirodno visoki i najljući krš izravno s najdubljim dijelom morske pučine Jadrana. Društveno, povijesno i gospodarski u Boki se isprepliću utjecaji milenijskog stvaralaštva Mediterana, posebice u gradskoj arhitekturi, s tradicionalnim i suvremenim kulturama Istoka. Boka kotorska je izraziti primjer jedinstva suprotnosti. Pri određ ivanju prostornog pojma Boke logič ki je kriterij "slijevno područ je" tj. prostor odakle voda teče prema zaljevima odnosno prema moru. "Slijevno područje" odre đuje se razvodnicom. U vododrživim stijenama to je površinska ili topografska razvodnica, koja se povlači najvišim vrhovima na terenu. U karbonatnim stijenama na kojima je razvijen krški reljef, što se pretežno odnosi na prostor Boke kotorske, mjerodavna je dubinska ili hidrogeološka razvodnica. Preuzeti brojčani podatci o veličini slijevnog područja na osnovi površinske (topografske) razvodnice za Boku kotorsku ne odgovaraju stvarnosti. O postanku Boke kotorske Pasinović iznosi kritički i potanko gledanja ranijih autora. Znakovito, me đutim, ističe sadašnji izgled zaljeva, koji je relativno mlad i posljedica je izdizanja razine mora u holocensko doba. Navodi činjenice da je prije 25 tisuća godina razina Jadrana bila niža za 96,4 m od sadašnjeg. Boka je tada bila kopno. Na Orjenu i Lovčenu snježna granica spuštala 164 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. se do visine 600 m odnosno 900 m. Dno Boke kotorske u to vrijeme karakterizirala su izolirana udubljenja prekrivena rastresitim materijalom. Dokazano je da je prije 10 tisuća godina razina Jadranskog mora bila niža za 31 m od današnjega. Tada se već počeo nazirati složeni izgled današnjih zaljeva Boke kotorske. Batimetrijska istraživanja u najnovijem razdoblju potvrđuju postojanje izdvojenih krških udubljenja na morskom dnu, posebice na lokalitetu Verige, gdje je maksimalna dubina od 45 m veća za 4 m i u kumburskom suženju od 50 m veća, najveća dubina 5 m od okolnog dna mora.U najvećem dijelu zaljeva žalo je ograničeno na uski pojas ili ga uopć e nema (Risan – Perast i Orahovac). Na tom potezu obalni strmci spuštaju se izravno ispod mora do njegova dna. Prosje čna dubina mora u Boki je 27,6 m. Srednje dubine u pojedinim zaljevima iznose u Kotorskom 27 m, Risanskom 25,7 m, Tivatskom 25,5 m i Toplanskom 31 m. Opća značajka batometrije svih zaljeva Boke kotorske je da su male dubine. Posebna je zanimljivost horizontalne razvedenosti Boke kotorske 7 otoka. To su u Kotorskom zaljevu ispred Perasta Sveti Đorđe (Juraj) i umjetni otok Gospa od Škrpjela. U Tivatskom zaljevu: Stradioti (Sveti Marko), otok Gospe od Milosrđa i Prevlaka (otok cvijeća). U Toplanskom zaljevu su otok Lastvica (Mamula) i otok Mala Gospa (Gospa od Žanjice).Boka sa svojim zaleđem prima najveć e količ ine padalina u Europi. Crkvice, mjerna stanica u Malovom dolu na 1050 m nadmorske visine u Krivošijama na Orjenu, zabilježila je količinu od 5317 mm i to tijekom mokrog dijela godine! Boka je najvećim dijelom u stijenama karbonatnog sastava, koje dosežu dubinu i do 5 km! Na toj podlozi razvijen je najizrazitiji krški reljef, kako na površini, tako još više u podzemlju, odnosno u podmorju. Tu je najveće izvorište vode istodobno i najsušniji kraj u istočnoj regiji Jadrana. Prema podatcima skupa stručnjaka za opskrbu vodom 1986. godine u Risnu s navedenog prostora u sušnim mjesecima godine svake sekunde dotječe u more oko 1000 litara vode od koje se tek 220 litara (22%) iskoristi za pitku vodu! Zaključeno je, da Boka spada u "najžednije" krajeve u Europi! Hidrografske karakteristike Boke kotorske u skladu su s prevladavajućim litološkim značajkama karbonatnih stijena, geološkom građom i hidrogeološkom funkcijom terena. Od hidro-pojava najviše su rašireni izvori, vrulje, povremene tekućice i jedna katavotra (Gurdić). Katavotra je specifični izvor, zapravo otvor kroz koji poslije dugotrajnih kiša izbija na površinu slatka voda, a u doba hidrološkog minimuma tim istim otvorom voda ponire u dublje dijelove podmorja. Ukratko su opisani i predočeni izvori Ljute u Dobroti, Sopota i Spile kod Risna, Morinjske rijeke, koja odvodnjava zapadne i jugozapadne strane Orjena, te Gurdić i Škurda kod Kotora. Škurda je svojevrsna hidrografska specifičnost Boke kotorske. To je krška rječica. Izvori su joj na Lovćenu, a odvodnjava Njeguško polje. Škurda je usjekla korito kanjonskog tipa u masivnim i dobro uslojenim vapnencima lovćenskog strmca. Vodostaj Škurde ovisan je od količine i duljine trajanja kiše. Bez obzira na godišnje doba, poslije izdašnijih kiša teče Škurda čitavom duljinom toka kao bujica. Na ušću je nataložila obilje šljunčanih nanosa u obliku manje delte zvane Benovo. U blizini mora Škurda se račva u dva rukava. Jednim rukavom otječe sjevernom stranom gradskih zidina. To je kotorska Škurda, obično stalan tok, jer ga napajaju izvori iz vlastitog korita. Drugim rukavom teče dobrotska Škurda jedino poslije dužih kiša. S izvora Škurde opskrbljuje se ponajprije i ponajviše gradski vodovod u Kotoru. Poslije potresa 1979. pokušalo se ugradnjom betonske zavjese izolirati utjecaj mora. U ljetnim mjesecima ponovno je zaslanila voda. Škurda je tipična krška tekućica podložna naglim i znatnim promjenama. U zadnje vrijeme znalo se dogoditi da na njezinom izvorištu potpuno nestane vode čak u trajanju jednoga dana! Boka kotorska svojim smještajem je u geotektonski vrlo labilnom kraju, štoviše, u pojasu razornih potresa. Značajniji potresi u južnom Jadranu jezgrovito su opisani. O katastrofalnom potresu 15. travnja 1979. dat je iscrpan prikaz. U općini Kotor na spomenicima kulture procijenjena je golema šteta u visini od 18.658,930 USA dolara!Područje Kotora na listi prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO najopsežniji i najzanimljiviji je dio sveukupnog teksta. Autor nas potanko i dokumentirano upoznaje s brojnim postupcima koji su prethodili upisu Kotora na listu svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO. 165 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. Odluka je usvojena na Skupštini op ćine Kotor, 14. lipnja 1979. i glasi: "Ovom odlukom kao prirodno, kulturno i istorijsko dobro od posebnog zna čenja, proglašava se Kotor s područjem: Dobrote, Orahovca, Perasta, Risna, Morinja, Kostanjice, Stoliva, Prčanja, Mula, Škaljara i morskog bazena ovog područja, koje obuhvaća 12000 ha kopna i 2600 ha mora." Katastrofalni potres 15. travnja 1979. pospješio je prijam Kotora za upis u svjetsku prirodnu i kulturnu baštinu UNESCO, štoviše i za kulturnu baštinu u opasnosti. Prijedlog je prihvaćen na sjednici Međunarodnog komiteta od 22. do 26. listopada 1979. u Kairu i Luksoru. Također, u Berlinu 10. ožujka 1997. Boka kotorska uvrštena je među 28 najljepših zaljeva na svijetu. Prema podatcima Regionalnog zavoda za zaštitu spomenika kulture u općini Kotor izvršena je kategorizacija od prvog do trećeg stupnja za 104 spomenika kulture. Zanimljivo je da je 12 spomenika uvršteno u prvu, najvišu kategoriju spomeničkog blaga. Simbioza prirode i čovjeka u Boki kotorskoj stara je pet milenija. Prvi tragovi ljudskog postojanja, oko 3000 godina prije Krista, iz mlađeg kamenog doba, otkriveni su na lokalitetu Spila, 300 m nad morem, sjeveroistočno od Perasta.Na obali Risanskog zaljeva, točnije u mjestu Lipci, pronađeni su na svodu otisci između kojih se posebno ističe brod na jedra. To potvrđuje rani početak pomorstva u Boki kotorskoj. Najstariji ostatci likovnog izražavanja tadašnjih stanovnika datirani su u rano brončano doba.Prof. Pasinović je geograf društveno-gospodarskog usmjerenja s posebnim interesom za pomorstvo i turizam. Poslije obranjene disertacije "Pomorstvo i turizam s posebnim osvrtom na crnogorsko primorje" (1977.) i nakon objavljivanja reprezentativnog vodiča: Kotor – vjekovi sačuvani za budućnost" (1988.) poklonio je javnosti i najnovije djelo "Područje Kotora na listi svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO". Prof. Pasinović je jedan od osnivača Fakulteta za turizam i hotelijerstvo u Kotoru i najzaslužniji je što je ta visokoškolska, sveučilišna institucija ostala u Kotoru. Svojim je radom i organizacijskim sposobnostima znač ajno pridonio da se Kotor upiše u listu svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO. Sada se zalaže da se to priznanje mjerodavnih stručnjaka zapamti i blago sačuva za mlađi naraštaj. Čestitamo profesoru Pasinoviću i želimo mu puno daljnjih uspjeha. Josip Riđanović 166
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7

Mitsunobu, S., Y. Ohashi, H. Makita, Y. Suzuki, T. Nozaki, T. Ohigashi, T. Ina, and Y. Takaki. "One year in situ incubation of pyrite at the deep seafloor and its microbiological and biogeochemical characterizations." Applied and Environmental Microbiology, September 22, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1128/aem.00977-21.

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In this study, we performed a year-long in situ incubation experiment of a common ferrous sulfide (Fe-S) mineral, pyrite, at the oxidative deep seafloor in the hydrothermal vent field in the Izu-Bonin arc, Japan, and characterized its microbiological and biogeochemical properties to understand the microbial alteration processes of the pyrite, focusing on the Fe(II) oxidation. The microbial community analysis of the incubated pyrite showed that the domain Bacteria heavily dominated over Archaea compared with that of the ambient seawater, and Alphaproteobacteria and Gammaproteobacteria distinctively co-dominated at the class level. The mineralogical characterization by surface-sensitive Fe X-ray absorption near-edge structure (XANES) analysis revealed that specific Fe(III) hydroxides (schwertmannite and ferrihydrite) were locally formed at the pyrite surface as the pyrite alteration products. Based on the Fe(III) hydroxide species and proportion, we thermodynamically calculated the pH value at the pyrite surface to be pH 4.9-5.7, indicating that the acidic condition derived from pyrite alteration was locally formed at the surface against neutral ambient seawater. This acidic microenvironment at the pyrite surface might explain the distinct microbial communities found in our pyrite samples. Also, the acidity at the pyrite surface indicates that abiotic Fe(II) oxidation rate was much limited at the pyrite surface kinetically, 3.9 × 10 3 −1.6 × 10 5 -fold lower than that in the ambient seawater. Moreover, the nanoscale characterization of microbial biomolecules using carbon near-edge X-ray absorption fine structure (NEXAFS) analysis showed that the sessile cells attached to pyrite excreted the acidic polysaccharide-rich extracellular polymeric substances at the pyrite surface, which can lead to the promotion of biogenic Fe(II) oxidation and pyrite alteration. Importance Pyrite is one of the most common Fe-S minerals found in submarine hydrothermal environments. Previous studies demonstrated that the Fe-S mineral can be a suitable host for Fe(II)-oxidizing microbes in hydrothermal environments; however, the details of microbial Fe(II) oxidation processes with Fe-S mineral alteration are not well known. The spectroscopic and thermodynamic examination in the present study suggests that moderately acidic pH condition was locally formed at the pyrite surface during pyrite alteration at the seafloor due to proton releases with Fe(II) and sulfidic S oxidations. Following previous studies, the abiotic Fe(II) oxidation rate significantly decreases with a decrease in pH, but the biotic (microbial) Fe(II) oxidation rate is not sensitive to the pH decrease. Thus, our findings clearly suggest the pyrite surface is a unique microenvironment where abiotic Fe(II) oxidation is limited and biotic Fe(II) oxidation is more prominent than that in neutral ambient seawater.
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8

Sears, Cornelia, and Jessica Johnston. "Wasted Whiteness: The Racial Politics of the Stoner Film." M/C Journal 13, no. 4 (August 19, 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.267.

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We take as our subject what many would deem a waste of good celluloid: the degraded cultural form of the stoner film. Stoner films plot the experiences of the wasted (those intoxicated on marijuana) as they exhibit wastefulness—excessiveness, improvidence, decay—on a number of fronts. Stoners waste time in constantly hunting for pot and in failing to pursue more productive activity whilst wasted. Stoners waste their minds, both literally, if we believe contested studies that indicate marijuana smoking kills brains cells, and figuratively, in rendering themselves cognitively impaired. Stoners waste their bodies through the dangerous practice of smoking and through the tendency toward physical inertia. Stoners waste money on marijuana firstly, but also on such sophomoric accoutrements as the stoner film itself. Stoners lay waste to convention in excessively seeking pleasure and in dressing and acting outrageously. And stoners, if the scatological humour of so many stoner films is any index, are preoccupied with bodily waste. Stoners, we argue here, waste whiteness as well. As the likes of Jesse and Chester (Dude, Where’s My Car?), Wayne and Garth (Wayne’s World), Bill and Ted (Bill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure) and Jay and Silent Bob (Jay and Silent Bob Strike Back) make clear, whiteness looms large in stoner films. Yet the genre, we argue, disavows its own whiteness, in favour of a post-white hybridity that lavishly squanders white privilege. For all its focus on whiteness, filmic wastedness has always been an ethnically diverse and ambiguous category. The genre’s origins in the work of Cheech Marin, a Chicano, and Tommy Chong, a Chinese-European Canadian, have been buttressed in this regard by many African American contributions to the stoner oeuvre, including How High, Half Baked and Friday, as well as by Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle, and its Korean-American and Indian-American protagonists. Cheech and Chong initiated the genre with the release of Up in Smoke in 1978. A host of films have followed featuring protagonists who spend much of their time smoking and seeking marijuana (or—in the case of stoner films such as Dude, Where’s My Car? released during the height of the War on Drugs—acting stoned without ever being seen to get stoned). Inspired in part by the 1938 anti-marijuana film Reefer Madness, and the unintended humour such propaganda films begat amongst marijuana smokers, stoner films are comedies that satirise both marijuana culture and its prohibition. Self-consciously slapstick, the stoner genre excludes more serious films about drugs, from Easy Rider to Shaft, as well as films such as The Wizard of Oz, Yellow Submarine, the Muppet movies, and others popular amongst marijuana smokers because of surreal content. Likewise, a host of films that include secondary stoner characters, such as Jeff Spicoli in Fast Times at Ridgemont High and Wooderson in Dazed and Confused, are commonly excluded from the genre on the grounds that the stoner film, first and foremost, celebrates stonerism, that is “serious commitment to smoking and acquiring marijuana as a lifestyle choice.” (Meltzer). Often taking the form of the “buddy film,” stoner flicks generally feature male leads and frequently exhibit a decidedly masculinist orientation, with women, for the most part reduced to little more than the object of the white male gaze.The plot, such as it is, of the typical stoner film concerns the search for marijuana (or an accessory, such as junk food) and the improbable misadventures that ensue. While frequently represented as resourceful and energetic in their quest for marijuana, filmic stoners otherwise exhibit ambivalent attitudes toward enterprise that involves significant effort. Typically represented as happy and peaceable, filmic stoners rarely engage in conflict beyond regular clashes with authority figures determined to enforce anti-drug laws, and other measures that stoners take to be infringements upon happiness. While Hollywood’s stoners thus share a sense of entitlement to pleasure, they do not otherwise exhibit a coherent ideological orthodoxy beyond a certain libertarian and relativistic open-mindedness. More likely to take inspiration from comic book heroes than Aldous Huxley or Timothy Leary, stoners are most often portrayed as ‘dazed and confused,’ and could be said to waste the intellectual tradition of mind expansion that Leary represents. That stoner films are, at times, misunderstood to be quintessentially white is hardly suprising. As a social construct that creates, maintains and legitimates white domination, whiteness manifests, as one of its most defining features, an ability to swallow up difference and to insist upon, at critical junctures, a universal subjectivity that disallows for difference (hooks 167). Such universalising not only sanctions co-optation of ethnic cultural expression, it also functions to mask whiteness’s existence, thus reinforcing its very power. Whiteness, as Richard Dyer argues, is simultaneously everywhere and nowhere. It obfuscates itself and its relationship to the particular traits it is said to embody—disinterest, prudence, temperance, rationality, bodily restraint, industriousness (3). Whiteness is thus constructed as neither an ethnic nor racial particularity, but rather the transcendence of such positionality (Wiegman 139). While non-whites are raced, to be white is to be “just human” and thus to possess the power to “claim to speak for the commonality of humanity” whilst denying the accrual of any particular racial privilege (Dyer 2). In refuting its own advantages—which are so wide ranging (from preferential treatment in housing loans, to the freedom to fail without fear of reflecting badly on other whites) that they are, like whiteness itself, both assumed and unproblematic—whiteness instantiates individualism, allowing whites to believe that their successes are in no way the outcome of systematic racial advantage, but rather the product of individual toil (McIntosh; Lipsitz). An examination of the 1978 stoner film Up in Smoke suggests that whatever the ethnic ambiguity of the figure of the stoner, the genre of the stoner film is all about the wasting of whiteness. Up in Smoke opens with two alternating domestic scenes. We first encounter Pedro De Pacas (Cheech Marin) in a cluttered and shadowy room as his siblings romp affectionately upon his back, waking him from his slumber on the couch. Pedro rises, stepping into a bowl of cereal on the floor. He stumbles to the bathroom, where, sleepy and disoriented, he urinates into the laundry hamper. The chaos of Pedro’s disrupted sleep is followed in the film by a more metaphoric awakening as Anthony Stoner (Tommy Chong) determines to leave home. The scene takes place in a far more orderly, light and lavish room. The space’s overpowering whiteness is breached only by the figure of Anthony and his unruly black hair, bushy black beard, and loud Hawaiian shirt, which vibrates with colour against the white walls, white furnishings and white curtains. We watch as Anthony, behind an elaborate bar, prepares a banana protein shake, impassively ignoring his parents, both clothed in all-white, as they clutch martini glasses and berate their son for his lack of ambition. Arnold Stoner [father]: Son, your mother and me would like for you to cozy up to the Finkelstein boy. He's a bright kid, and, uh... he's going to military school, and remember, he was an Eagle Scout. Tempest Stoner [mother]: Arnold…Arnold Stoner: [shouts over/to his wife] Will you shut up? We’re not going to have a family brawl!Tempest Stoner: [continues talking as her husband shouts]…. Retard.Arnold Stoner: [to Anthony] We've put up with a hell of a lot.[Anthony starts blender] Can this wait? ... Build your goddamn muscles, huh? You know, you could build your muscles picking strawberries.You know, bend and scoop... like the Mexicans. Shit, maybe I could get you a job with United Fruit. I got a buddy with United Fruit. ... Get you started. Start with strawberries, you might work your way up to these goddamn bananas! When, boy? When...are you going to get your act together?Anthony: [Burps]Tempest Stoner: Gross.Arnold Stoner: Oh, good God Almighty me. I think he's the Antichrist. Anthony, I want to talk to you. [Anthony gathers his smoothie supplements and begins to walk out of the room.] Now, listen! Don't walk away from me when I'm talking to you! You get a goddamn job before sundown, or we're shipping you off to military school with that goddamn Finkelstein shit kid! Son of a bitch!The whiteness of Anthony’s parents is signified so pervasively and so strikingly in this scene—in their improbable white outfits and in the room’s insufferably white décor—that we come to understand it as causative. The rage and racism of Mr. Stoner’s tirade, the scene suggests, is a product of whiteness itself. Given that whiteness achieves and maintains its domination via both ubiquity and invisibility, what Up in Smoke accomplishes in this scene is notable. Arnold Stoner’s tortured syntax (“that goddamn Finkelstein shit kid”) works to “mak[e] whiteness strange” (Dyer 4), while the scene’s exaggerated staging delineates whiteness as “a particular – even peculiar – identity, rather than a presumed norm” (Roediger, Colored White 21). The belligerence of the senior Stoners toward not only their son and each other, but the world at large, in turn, functions to render whiteness intrinsically ruthless and destructive. Anthony’s parents, in all their whiteness, enact David Roediger’s assertion that “it is not merely that ‘Whiteness’s is oppressive and false; it is that ‘Whiteness’s is nothing but oppressive and false” (Toward the Abolition 13).Anthony speaks not a word during the scene. He communicates only by belching and giving his parents the finger as he leaves the room and the home. This departure is significant in that it marks the moment when Anthony, hereafter known only as “Man,” flees the world of whiteness. He winds up taking refuge in the multi-hued world of stonerism, as embodied in the scene that follows, which features Pedro emerging from his home to interact with his Chicano neighbours and to lovingly inspect his car. As a lowrider, a customised vehicle that “begin[s] with the abandoned materials of one tradition (that of mainstream America), … [and is] … then transformed and recycled . . . into new and fresh objects of art which are distinctly Chicano,” Pedro’s car serves as a symbol of the cultural hybridisation that Man is about to undergo (quoted in Ondine 141).As Man’s muteness in the presence of his parents suggests, his racial status seems tentative from the start. Within the world of whiteness, Man is the subaltern, silenced and denigrated, finding voice only after he befriends Pedro. Even as the film identifies Man as white through his parental lineage, it renders indeterminate its own assertion, destabilising any such fixed or naturalised schema of identity. When Man is first introduced to Pedro’s band as their newest member, James, the band’s African American bass player, looks at Man, dressed in the uniform of the band, and asks: “Hey Pedro, where’s the white dude you said was playing the drums?” Clearly, from James’s point of view, the room contains no white dudes, just stoners. Man’s presumed whiteness becomes one of the film’s countless gags, the provocative ambiguity of the casting of a Chinese-European to play a white part underscored in the film by the equally implausible matter of age. Man, according to the film’s narrative, is a high school student; Chong was forty when the film was released. Like his age, Man’s whiteness is never a good fit. That Man ultimately winds up sleeping on the very couch upon which we first encounter Pedro suggests how radical and final the break with his dubious white past is. The “Mexicans” whom his father would mock as fit only for abject labour are amongst those whom Man comes to consider his closest companions. In departing his parents’ white world, and embracing Pedro’s dilapidated, barrio-based world of wastedness, Man traces the geographies narrated by George Lipsitz in The Possessive Investment in Whiteness. Historically, Lipsitz argues, the development of affluent white space (the suburbs) was made possible by the disintegration of African American, Chicano and other minority neighbourhoods disadvantaged by federal, state, and corporate housing, employment, health care, urban renewal, and education policies that favoured whites over non-whites. In this sense, Man’s flight from his parents’ home is a retreat from whiteness itself, and from the advantages that whiteness conveys. In choosing the ramshackle, non-white world of stonerism, Man performs an act of racial treachery. Whiteness, Lipsitz contends, has “cash value,” and “is invested in, like property, but it is also a means of accumulating property and keeping it from others,” which allows for “intergenerational transfers of inherited wealth that pass on the spoils of discrimination to succeeding generations” (vii-viii). Man’s disavowal of the privileges of whiteness is a reckless refusal to accept this racial birthright. Whiteness is thus wasted upon Man because Man wastes his whiteness. Given the centrality of prudence and restraint to hegemonic constructions of whiteness, Man’s willingness to squander the “valuable asset” that is his white inheritance is especially treasonous (Harris 1713). Man is the prodigal son of whiteness, a profligate who pours down the drain “the wages of whiteness” that his forbearers have spent generations accruing and protecting (Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness). His waste not only offends the core values which whiteness is said to comprise, it also denigrates whiteness itself by illuminating the excess of white privilege, as well as the unarticulated excess of meanings that hover around whiteness to create the illusion of transcendence and infinite variety. Man’s performance, like all bad performances of whiteness, “disrupt[s] implicit understandings of what it means to be white” (Hartigan 46). The spectre of seeing white domination go ‘up in smoke’—via wasting, as opposed to hoarding, white privilege—amounts to racial treason, and helps not only to explicate why whites in the film find stonerism so menacing, but also to explain the paradox of “pot [making] the people who don’t smoke it even more paranoid than the people who do” (Patterson). While Tommy Chong’s droll assertion that "what makes us so dangerous is that we're harmless" ridicules such paranoia, it ultimately fails to account for the politics of subversive squandering of white privilege that characterise the stoner film (“Biographies”). Stoners in Up in Smoke, as in most other stoner films, are marked as non-white, through association with ethnic Others, through their rejection of mainstream ideas about work and achievement, and/or through their lack of bodily restraint in relentlessly seeking pleasure, in dressing outrageously, and in refusing to abide conventional grooming habits. Significantly, the non-white status of the stoner is both voluntary and deliberate. While stonerism embraces its own non-whiteness, its Otherness is not signified, primarily, through racial cross-dressing of the sort Eric Lott detects in Elvis, but rather through race-mixing. Stoner collectivity practices an inclusivity that defies America’s historic practice of racial and ethnic segregation (Lott 248). Stonerism further reveals its unwillingness to abide constrictive American whiteness in a scene in which Pedro and Man, both US-born Americans, are deported. The pair are rounded up along with Pedro’s extended family in a raid initiated when Pedro’s cousin “narcs” on himself to la migra (the Immigration and Naturalization Service) in order to get free transport for his extended family to his wedding in Tijuana. Pedro and Man return to the US as unwitting tricksters, bringing back to the US more marijuana than has ever crossed the Mexican-US border at one time, fusing the relationship between transnationalism and wastedness. The disrespect that stoners exhibit for pregnable US borders contests presumed Chicano powerlessness in the face of white force and further affronts whiteness, which historically has mobilised itself most virulently at the threat of alien incursion. Transgression here is wilful and playful; stoners intend to offend normative values and taste through their actions, their dress, and non-white associations as part of the project of forging a new hybridised, transnational subjectivity that threatens to lay waste to whiteness’s purity and privilege. Stoners invite the scrutiny of white authority with their outrageous attire and ethnically diverse composition, turning the “inevitability of surveillance” (Borrie 87) into an opportunity to enact their own wastedness—their wasted privilege, their wasted youth, their wasted potential—before a gaze that is ultimately confounded and threatened by the chaotic hybridity with which it is faced (Hebdige 26). By perpetually displaying his/her wasted Otherness, the stoner makes of him/herself a “freak,” a label cops use derisively throughout Up in Smoke to denote the wasted without realising that stoners define themselves in precisely such terms, and, by doing so, obstruct whiteness’s assertion of universal subjectivity. Pedro’s cousin Strawberry (Tom Skerritt), a pot dealer, enacts freakishness by exhibiting a large facial birthmark and by suffering from Vietnam-induced Post Traumatic Stress disorder. A freak in every sense of the word, Strawberry is denied white status by virtue of physical and mental defect. But Strawberry, as a stoner, ultimately wants whiteness even less than it wants him. The defects that deny him membership in the exclusive “club” that is whiteness prove less significant than the choice he makes to defect from the ranks of whiteness and join with Man in the decision to waste his whiteness wantonly (“Editorial”). Stoner masculinity is represented as similarly freakish and defective. While white authority forcefully frustrates the attempts of Pedro and Man to “score” marijuana, the duo’s efforts to “score” sexually are thwarted by their own in/action. More often than not, wastedness produces impotence in Up in Smoke, either literally or figuratively, wherein the confusion and misadventures that attend pot-smoking interrupt foreplay. The film’s only ostensible sex scene is unconsummated, a wasted opportunity for whiteness to reproduce itself when Man sleeps through his girlfriend’s frenzied discussion of sex. During the course of Up in Smoke, Man dresses as a woman while hitchhiking, Pedro mistakes Man for a woman, Man sits on Pedro’s lap when they scramble to change seats whilst being pulled over by the police, Man suggests that Pedro has a “small dick,” Pedro reports liking “manly breasts,” and Pedro—unable to urinate in the presence of Sgt. Stedenko—tells his penis that if it does not perform, he will “put [it] back in the closet.” Such attenuations of the lead characters’ masculinity climax in the penultimate scene, in which Pedro, backed by his band, performs “Earache My Eye,” a song he has just composed backstage, whilst adorned in pink tutu, garter belt, tassle pasties, sequined opera mask and Mickey Mouse ears: My momma talkin’ to me tryin’ to tell me how to liveBut I don't listen to her cause my head is like a sieveMy daddy he disowned me cause I wear my sister's clothesHe caught me in the bathroom with a pair of pantyhoseMy basketball coach he done kicked me off the teamFor wearing high heeled sneakers and acting like a queen“Earache My Eye” corroborates the Othered natured of stonerism by marking stoners, already designated as non-white, as non-straight. In a classic iteration of a bad gender performance, the scene rejects both whiteness and its hegemonic partners-in-crime, heterosexuality and normative masculinity (Butler 26). Here stoners waste not only their whiteness, but also their white masculinity. Whiteness, and its dependence upon “intersection … [with] interlocking axes [of power such as] gender … [and] sexuality,” is “outed” in this scene (Shome 368). So, too, is it enfeebled. In rendering masculinity freakish and defective, the film threatens whiteness at its core. For if whiteness can not depend upon normative masculinity for its reproduction, then, like Man’s racial birthright, it is wasted. The stoner’s embodiment of freakishness further works to emphasise wasted whiteness by exposing just how hysterical whiteness’s defense of its own normativity can be. Up in Smoke frequently inflates not only the effects of marijuana, but also the eccentricities of those who smoke it, a strategy which means that much of the film’s humour turns on satirising hegemonic stereotypes of marijuana smokers. Equally, Cheech Marin’s exaggerated “slapstick, one-dimensional [portrayal] of [a] Chicano character” works to render ridiculous the very stereotypes his character incarnates (List 183). While the film deconstructs processes of social construction, it also makes extensive use of counter-stereotyping in its depictions of characters marked as white. The result is that whiteness’s “illusion of [its] own infinite variety” is contested and the lie of whiteness as non-raced is exposed, helping to explain the stoner’s decision to waste his/her whiteness (Dyer 12; 2). In Up in Smoke whiteness is the colour of straightness. Straights, who are willing neither to smoke pot nor to tolerate the smoking of pot by others/Others, are so comprehensively marked as white in the film that whiteness and straightness become isomorphic. As a result, the same stereotypes are mobilised in representing whiteness and straightness: incompetence, belligerence, hypocrisy, meanspiritedness, and paranoia, qualities that are all the more oppressive because virtually all whites/straights in the film occupy positions of authority. Anthony’s spectacularly white parents, as we have seen, are bigoted and dominating. Their whiteness is further impugned by alcohol, which fuels Mr. Stoner’s fury and Mrs. Stoner’s unintelligibility. That the senior Stoners are drunk before noon works, of course, to expose the hypocrisy of those who would indict marijuana use while ignoring the social damage alcohol can produce. Their inebriation (revealed as chronic in the DVD’s outtake scenes) takes on further significance when it is configured as a decidedly white attribute. Throughout the film, only characters marked as white consume alcohol—most notably, the judge who is discovered to be drinking vodka whist adjudicating drug charges against Pedro and Man—therefore dislodging whiteness’s self-construction as temperate, and suggesting just how wasted whiteness is. While stonerism is represented as pacific, drunkenness is of a piece with white/straight bellicosity. In Up in Smoke, whites/straights crave confrontation and discord, especially the angry, uptight, and vainglorious narcotics cop Sgt. Stedenko (Stacey Keech) who inhabits so many of the film’s counter-stereotypes. While a trio of white cops roughly apprehend and search a carload of innocent nuns in a manner that Man describes as “cold blooded,” Stedenko, unawares in the foreground, gives an interview about his plans for what he hopes will be the biggest border drug bust in US history: “[Reporter:] Do you expect to see any violence here today? [Sgt. Stedenko:] I certainly hope so.” Stedenko’s desire to act violently against stoners echoes mythologies of white regeneration in the Old West, wherein whiteness refurbished itself through violent attacks on Native Americans, whose wasteful cultures failed to make “civilised” use of western lands (Slotkin 565).White aggression is relentlessly depicted in the film, with one important exception: the instance of the stoned straight. Perhaps no other trope is as defining of the genre, as is the scene wherein a straight person accidentally becomes stoned. Up in Smoke offers several examples, most notably the scene in which a motorcycle cop pulls over Pedro and Man as they drive a van belonging to Pedro’s Uncle Chuey. In a plot twist requiring a degree of willing suspension of disbelief that even wasted audiences might find a stretch, the exterior shell of the van, unbeknownst to Pedro and Man, is made entirely of marijuana which has started to smoulder around the exhaust pipe. The cop, who becomes intoxicated whilst walking through the fumes, does not hassle Pedro and Man, as expected, but instead asks for a bite of their hot dog and then departs happily, instructing the duo to “have a nice day.” In declining, or perhaps simply forgetting, to exercise his authority, the cop demonstrates the regenerative potential not of violent whiteness but rather of hybrid wastedness. Marijuana here is transformative, morphing straight consciousness into stoner consciousness and, in the process, discharging all the uptight, mean-spirited, unnecessary, and hence wasteful baggage of whiteness along the way. While such a utopian potential for pot is both upheld and satirised in the film, the scene amounts to far more than an inconsequential generic gag, in that it argues for the disavowal of whiteness via the assumption of the voluntary Otherness that is stonerism. Whiteness, the scene suggests, can be cast off, discarded, wasted and thus surmounted. Whites, for want of a better phrase, simply need to ‘just say no’ to whiteness in order to excrete the brutality that is its necessary affliction and inevitable result. While Up in Smoke laudably offers a powerful refusal to horde the assets of whiteness, the film fails to acknowledge that ‘just saying no’ is, indeed, one of whiteness’s exclusive privileges, since whites and only whites possess the liberty to refuse the advantages whiteness bestows. Non-whites possess no analogical ability to jettison the social constructions to which they are subjected, to refuse the power of dominant classes to define their subjectivity. Neither does the film confront the fact that Man nor any other of Up in Smoke’s white freaks are disallowed from re-embracing their whiteness, and its attendant value, at any time. However inchoate the film’s challenge to racial privilege, Up in Smoke’s celebration of the subversive pleasures of wasting whiteness offers a tentative, if bleary, first step toward ‘the abolition of whiteness.’ Its utopian vision of a post-white hybridised subjectivity, however dazed and confused, is worthy of far more serious contemplation than the film, taken at face value, might seem to suggest. Perhaps Up in Smoke is a stoner film that should also be viewed while sober. ReferencesBill and Ted’s Excellent Adventure. Dir. Stephen Herek. Orion Pictures Corporation, 1989.“Biographies”. 10 June 2010 ‹http://www.cheechandchongfans.com/biography.html›. Borrie, Lee. "Wild Ones: Containment Culture and 1950s Youth Rebellion”. Diss. University of Canterbury, 2007.Butler, Judith. "Critically Queer”. GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 1.1 (1993): 17-32.Chavoya, C. Ondine. “Customized Hybrids: The Art of Ruben Ortiz Torres and Lowriding in Southern California”. CR: The New Centennial Review 4.2 (2004): 141-84.Clerks. Dir. Kevin Smith. Miramax Films, 1994. Dazed and Confused. Dir. Richard Linklater. Cineplex Odeon Films, 1993. Dude, Where’s My Car? Dir. Danny Leiner. Twentieth Century Fox, 2000.Dyer, Richard. White: Essays on Race and Culture. London: Routledge, 1997.“Editorial: Abolish the White Race—By Any Means Necessary”. Race Traitor 1 (1993). 9 June 2010 ‹http://racetraitor.org/abolish.html›.Fast Times at Ridgemont High. Dir. Amy Heckerling. Universal Pictures, 1982.Friday. Dir. F. Gary Gray. New Line Cinema, 1995.Half Baked. Dir. Tamra Davis. Universal Pictures, 1998.Harold and Kumar Go to White Castle. Dir. Danny Leiner. New Line Cinema, 2004.Harris, Cheryl. “Whiteness as Property”. Harvard Law Review 106 (1993): 1707-1791. Hartigan, John Jr. “Objectifying ‘Poor Whites and ‘White Trash’ in Detroit”. White Trash: Race and Class in America. Eds. Matt Wray, and Annalee Newitz. NY: Routledge, 1997. 41-56.Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Methuen, 1979.hooks, bell. Black Looks: Race and Representation. Boston: South End Press, 1992.How High. Dir. Jesse Dylan. Universal Pictures, 2001.Lipsitz, George. The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit fromIdentity Politics. Philadelphia: Temple UP, 2006. List, Christine. "Self-Directed Stereotyping in the Films of Cheech Marin”. Chicanos and Film: Representation and Resistance. Ed. Chon A. Noriega. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1992. 183-94.Lott, Eric. “Racial Cross-Dressing and the Construction of American Whiteness”. The Cultural Studies Reader. 2nd ed. Ed. Simon During. London: Routledge, 1999. 241-55.McIntosh, Peggy. “White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack”. 10 June 2010 ‹http://www.case.edu/president/aaction/UnpackingTheKnapsack.pdf›.Meltzer, Marisa. “Leisure and Innocence: The Eternal Appeal of the Stoner Movie”. Slate 26 June 2007. 10 Aug. 2010 ‹http://www.slate.com/id/2168931›.Toni Morrison. Playing in the Dark: Whiteness and the Literary Imagination. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1992.Patterson, John. “High and Mighty”. The Guardian 7 June 2008. 10 June 2010 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/culture/2008/jun/07/2›.Roediger, David. Colored White: Transcending the Racial Past. Berkeley: U of California P, 2002.Roediger, David. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. Rev. ed. London: Verso Books, 1999.———. Towards the Abolition of Whiteness: Essays on Race, Class and Politics. London: Verso Books, 1994.Shome, Raka. “Outing Whiteness”. Critical Studies in Media Communication 17.3 (2000): 366-71.Slotkin, Richard. Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier. Norman: U of Oklahoma P, 1973.Up in Smoke. Dir. Lou Adler. Paramount Pictures, 1978.Wayne’s World. Dir. Penelope Spheeris. Paramount Pictures, 1992.Wiegman, Robyn. “Whiteness Studies and the Paradox of Particularity”. boundary 2 26.3 (1999): 115-50.
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Book chapters on the topic "S-21 (Submarine)"

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Oreskes, Naomi. "Weighing the Earth from a submarine: The gravity measuring cruise of the U.S.S. S-21." In History of Geophysics, 53–68. Washington, D. C.: American Geophysical Union, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1029/hg005p0053.

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