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1

Isbell, Charles David. "Saul the Sadducee? A Rabbinical Thought Experiment." Socio-Historical Examination of Religion and Ministry 1, no. 2 (August 13, 2019): 85–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.33929/sherm.2019.vol1.no2.01.

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In keeping with talmudic tradition, this article presents a rabbinical thought experiment that questions the authenticity—indeed the very historicity—of the Apostle Paul’s Pharisaic Jewish background. By examining current interpretations of Saul’s Damascus road conversion, as well as Lukan and Pauline accounts in the New Testament, it becomes evident that there exists a striking disparity between Paul and other first century Pharisees, particularly since he took far too many liberties with his beliefs and behaviors (pre- and post-conversion) that would have set him apart from his Pharisaic contemporaries. Moreover, Luke (a non-Jew writing in a post-Sadducean world) was both an unreliable biographer and yet the primary source for claiming Paul was a Pharisee. Thus, from a Jewish perspective, it is thought-provoking to ask whether the idea of Paul as originally a Sadducee best explains these disparities. Ultimately, the thesis of this article is that interpreters should not view Paul as having followed the standard path to becoming an authentic Pharisee. In fact, Paul’s radical revision of prevailing Pharisaic exegesis suggests he was likely never a Pharisee or, at the very least, not a consistent Pharisee in the tradition of Gamaliel. The purpose of this article is to trace just how modern scholarship would change if Pauline scholars presumed that Paul was, in fact, a Sadducee instead of a Pharisee. Undoubtedly, the consequence would suggest that both Paul and Luke were world-class (albeit opportunistic) rhetoricians who used Pharisaic imagery solely to add credibility to Paul’s image and his emerging influence on the primitive church.
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2

Birenboim, Hannan. "Tevul Yom and the Red Heifer: Pharisaic and Sadducean Halakah." Dead Sea Discoveries 16, no. 2 (2009): 254–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851709x429265.

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AbstractBoth the Qumran scrolls and the rabbinic sources teach of a controversy between the Pharisees, on the one hand, and the Sadducees and the Qumran sect, on the other, concerning the standing of the red heifer: The Sadducees, considering the red heifer as a sacrifice, held that a tevul yom was not permitted to deal with the heifer, whereas the Pharisees, not considering the red heifer as a sacrifice, held that a tevul yom was permitted to deal with it. This controversy derived from the Pharisees' desire to enable the common people to participate as much as possible in divine worship: by not considering the red heifer as a sacrifice, they made it possible for the masses to participate in the preparation of the ashes and even to sprinkle it upon the impure; this was opposed by the Sadducees and the Qumran sectarians.
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3

Yaron, Reuven. "Sadducees and Pharisees: Two Controversies." Israel Law Review 33, no. 4 (1999): 743–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700016174.

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Our colleague, Professor Ze'ev Falk died on the eve of Rosh Hashana 5759, at the age of 75. His scholarly interests ranged widely; he was expert, inter alia, on the law of the interim period, between Bible and Talmud. Concerning later periods, his attention was given primarily to the law of marriage and divorce. He was a deeply religious man, yet free from any trace of complacency. When, as happens, he was unhappy with the way halakha went, he was wont to speak out and search for solutions. That the custodians of halakha would not tend to heed his suggestions, need not surprise. As a rule, they are reluctant to take notice of question-marks and solutions originating from without; and in their strict sense Falk was an outsider. But this was their problem rather than his.This short paper is presented here in eius memoriam, as a token of friendship and respect. It would have been within the sphere of his interest.May he rest in peace.
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4

Bartlett, J. R. "Book Reviews : Pharisees, Scribes, Sadducees." Expository Times 101, no. 9 (June 1990): 279–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469010100911.

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5

Daube, David. "On Acts 23: Sadducees and Angels." Journal of Biblical Literature 109, no. 3 (1990): 493. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267054.

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6

Rubenstein, Jeffrey. "The Sadducees and the Water Libation." Jewish Quarterly Review 84, no. 4 (April 1994): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455084.

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7

Goodman, Martin. "Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society." Journal of Jewish Studies 41, no. 2 (October 1, 1990): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1551/jjs-1990.

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8

Regev, Eyal. "The Sadducees, the Pharisees, and the Sacred: Meaning and Ideology in the Halakhic Controversies between the Sadducees and Pharisees." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 9, no. 1-2 (2006): 126–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007006777571541.

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9

Pavlenko, Pavlo Yuriyovych. "The Essay-Qumran Origin of Christianity: Pros and Cons." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 45 (March 7, 2008): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2008.45.1898.

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Essayism or essayism is one of the largest and most authoritative currents of pre-Christian Judaism. According to the texts of Flavius, the essays, after the Pharisees and Sadducees, were the third "philosophical school" or "sect" within Judaism at that time.73 to say something like a secret order. And what characterized the essays in general was their remoteness from the people, their conscious secrecy, the system of rigid admission to membership, and strict religious discipline. And while in the religious literature the search for the origins of Christianity in the environment of the Pharisees, not to mention the Sadducees, is unpopular, then the Essenic version of the origin of the religion of Christ is quite common. The first who tended to such a point of view were the English deists and French encyclopedists (late XVII - XVIII centuries). Later, this version was supported by German rationalists, especially Wachter and Steidlin.
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10

Greenspahn, Frederick E. "Sadducees and Karaites: The Rhetoric of Jewish Sectarianism." Jewish Studies Quarterly 18, no. 1 (2011): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/094457011795061786.

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11

Shemesh, Aharon. "King Manasseh and the Halakhah of the Sadducees." Journal of Jewish Studies 52, no. 1 (April 1, 2001): 27–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2311/jjs-2001.

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12

Freyne, Seán. "Book Review: Pharisees, Scribes, Sadducees in Palestinian Society." Theology 94, no. 757 (January 1991): 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9109400121.

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13

Viviano, Benedict T., and Justin Taylor. "Sadducees, Angels, and Resurrection (Acts 23:8-9)." Journal of Biblical Literature 111, no. 3 (1992): 496. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267264.

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14

Burns, Joshua Ezra. "Essene Sectarianism and Social Differentiation in Judaea After 70 C.E." Harvard Theological Review 99, no. 3 (July 2006): 247–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816006001246.

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What happened to the Essenes after the first Jewish revolt? The answer to this seemingly simple question has proven elusive. Prior to the war, the Essenes stood alongside the Pharisees and Sadducees as one of the most prominent social factions in Judaea. Josephus and Philo allege that they numbered in the thousands and that they could be found in cities and towns throughout the country.
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15

FITZMYER, JOSEPH A. "THE QUMRAN COMMUNITY: ESSENE OR SADDUCEAN?" Heythrop Journal 36, no. 4 (October 1995): 467–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.1995.tb01004.x.

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16

Neusner, Jacob, and Anthony J. Saldarini. "Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A Sociological Approach." Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, no. 1 (January 1991): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603762.

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17

Cizek, Paul. "Legislating the Lips." Dead Sea Discoveries 26, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-12341466.

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AbstractThe Temple Scroll (11QTa 53:11–54:5) and Damascus Document (CD 16:6–12) each appropriate legislation concerning vows and oaths from Deut 23:22–24 and Num 30:3–17. Lawrence H. Schiffman, who has offered the only at-length comparison of these appropriations, characterizes these halakhot as incongruent and links this conclusion with his position that the Temple Scroll is Sadducean and the Damascus Document comes from a later Sadducean splinter group. However, my analysis leads to a different conclusion. I demonstrate that the authors of the Temple Scroll and Damascus Document evidence distinct aims in their appropriations of shared base texts, but not necessarily incongruence nor intentional divergence.
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18

Tantlevskij, Igor R., Ekaterina V. Gromova, and Dmitry Gromov. "Network Analysis of the Interaction between Different Religious and Philosophical Movements in Early Judaism." Philosophies 6, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies6010002.

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This paper presents an attempt to systematically describe and interpret the evolution of different religious and political movements in Judaea during the period of the Second Temple using the methods of the theory of social networks. We extensively analyzed the relationship between the main Jewish sects: Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes (Qumranites), and later also Zealots. It is shown that the evolution of the relations between these sects agreed with the theory of social balance and their relations evolved toward more socially balanced structures.
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Tantlevskij, Igor R., Ekaterina V. Gromova, and Dmitry Gromov. "Network Analysis of the Interaction between Different Religious and Philosophical Movements in Early Judaism." Philosophies 6, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies6010002.

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This paper presents an attempt to systematically describe and interpret the evolution of different religious and political movements in Judaea during the period of the Second Temple using the methods of the theory of social networks. We extensively analyzed the relationship between the main Jewish sects: Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes (Qumranites), and later also Zealots. It is shown that the evolution of the relations between these sects agreed with the theory of social balance and their relations evolved toward more socially balanced structures.
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20

Stoutenburg, Dennis, Julius Wellhausen, and Mark E. Biddle. "The Pharisees and the Sadducees: An Examination of Internal Jewish History." Journal of Biblical Literature 122, no. 2 (2003): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268454.

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21

Lee, Wookyoung. "The Sadducees, Opponents of Christianity - Centering on Acts 4:1–4 -." Korean Journal of Christian Studies 106 (October 31, 2017): 137–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18708/kjcs.2017.10.106.1.137.

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22

Ilan, Tal. "The Attraction of Aristocratic Women to Pharisaism During the Second Temple Period." Harvard Theological Review 88, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000030376.

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Unlike Christianity, which regards the word “Pharisee” as synonymous with “hypocrite,” “legalist,” and “petty-bourgeois,” Jews have always understood Pharisaism as the correct and trustworthy side of Judaism. Since the eighteenth century, all disputants who participated in the great controversies and schisms within Judaism have claimed to represent the true heirs of the Pharisees. For example, adherents of the strong anti-Hasidic movement initiated by R. Eliyahu of Vilna in the second half of the eighteenth century, who are usually referred to in literature by the negative appellation “opposers” (םירננחמ), referred to themselves by the positive title “Pharisees” (םישורפ). When the Reform movement was founded in Germany in the first half of the nineteenth century, with the goal of reforming the Jewish religion to make it more “modern” and acceptable to its neighbors, the reformers perceived themselves as the true heirs of the Pharisees. In his important study of the Pharisees and Sadducees, Abraham Geiger, one of the founders, ofWissenschaft des Judentumsand an important spokesman for the radical wing of the Reform movement, formulated the view of the flexible open-minded Pharisees, who reformed Judaism to the point of contradicting the laws set out in the Pentateuch, in order to accommodate them to their changing needs. Geiger's opponents easily produced evidence that negated his findings and proved beyond doubt that they, in their conservative strain, were the real heirs of Pharisaism. To his opponents, Geiger was a representative of the detestable Sadducees or their later counterparts, the Karaites.
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23

Garland, David E. "Book Review: Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A Sociological Approach." Review & Expositor 87, no. 1 (February 1990): 132–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463739008700119.

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24

Chilton, Bruce. "Book Review: Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A Sociological Approach." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 44, no. 3 (July 1990): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096430004400322.

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25

Wild, Robert A. "Book Review: Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A Sociological Approach." Theological Studies 51, no. 1 (March 1990): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056399005100110.

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26

Robinson, Bernard P. "?They are as Angels in Heaven?: Jesus' Alleged Riposte to the Sadducees." New Blackfriars 78, no. 922 (December 1997): 530–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.1997.tb02797.x.

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27

Surbakti, Pelita H. "Menghidupkan Leluhur: Sebuah Penafsiran Terhadap Matius 22:32." GEMA TEOLOGIKA: Jurnal Teologi Kontekstual dan Filsafat Keilahian 4, no. 1 (April 24, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21460/gema.2019.41.414.

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Matthew 22:32 contains a tradition of mentioning the God of Israel which was no longer popular in the time of Jesus. That tradition is often called Theos patros, the God of the ancestors—the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob. In a dialogue between Jesus and several Sadducees about the resurrection of the dead, Jesus “revived” the tradition. Studies concerning that text, however, seems to overlook such tradition of mentioning God. If Jesus implicitly states that the ancestors of Israel lived, what kind of life did Jesus mean? This article attemps to answer the above question by considering “God with Us” as the main theme and “Rhetoric of Fighting Leadership” as the essence of this gospel rhetoric. Both become what is often referred to as the Hermeneutical Framework.Matthew 22:32 contains a tradition of mentioning the God of Israel which was no longer popular in the time of Jesus. That tradition is often called Theos patros, the God of the ancestors—the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob. In a dialogue between Jesus and several Sadducees about the resurrection of the dead, Jesus “revived” the tradition. Studies concerning that text, however, seems to overlock such tradition of mentioning God. If Jesus implicitly states that the ancestors of Israel lived, what kind of life did Jesus mean? This article attempts to answer the above question by considering “God with Us” as the main theme and “Rhetoric of Fighting Leadership” as the essence of this gospel rhetoric. Both become what is often referred to as the Hermeneutical Framework.
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28

Lee, Min Gyu. "The Origin and Destruction of Sadducees - Critical Consideration on the Writings of Josephus." Korean New Testament Studies 26, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 545–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31982/knts.2019.6.26.2.545.

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29

Schremer, Adiel. "The Sadducees and Their Halakhah: Religion and Society in the Second Temple Period." AJS Review 30, no. 2 (October 27, 2006): 445–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009406250207.

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30

Lee, Min Kyu. "The Origin, Thoughts, and Destruction of the Sadducees: A Critical Review of Ancient Texts." Mission and Theology 49 (October 31, 2019): 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17778/mat.2019.10.49.339.

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31

Keshet, Hanoch Ben. "Whether Jews, Whether Greeks: Was 1 Cor. 15:29 Addressed to Jewish Disciples of Jesus?" Evangelical Quarterly 88, no. 4 (April 26, 2017): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08804004.

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A satisfying solution for 1 Corinthians 15:29 remains to be achieved, and this certainly justifies new directions of investigation. This article, then, focuses on two main issues: a) an indirect middle reading of baptizomenoi and baptizontai instead of permissive middle or passive, and b) Jewish burial practices performed in hope of the resurrection. Jews purified their deceased prior to burial in the Second Temple. Jewish belief in bodily resurrection was wide-spread, though not universal. Paul’s argument in 1 Cor. 15:29, then, may engage certain Jewish disciples of Jesus who believed he is the Messiah, and was resurrected, but who, like the Sadducees, denied a last-day resurrection. Paul may have enlisted Jewish burial practices and an unusual Greek construction to support the concept of resurrection.
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32

Schiffman, Lawrence H. "Pharisaic and Sadducean Halakhah in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls." Dead Sea Discoveries 1, no. 3 (1994): 285–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851794x00121.

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33

Schiffman, Lawrence H. "Pharisaic and Sadducean Halakhah in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls." Dead Sea Discoveries 1, no. 2 (1994): 285–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851794x00338.

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34

Kingsbury, Jack Dean. "The Religious Authorities in the Gospel of Mark." New Testament Studies 36, no. 1 (January 1990): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500010857.

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Within the story-world of Mark, the religious authorities — the scribes, Pharisees, Herodians, chief priests, elders, and Sadducees — form a united front opposed to Jesus61 and therefore constitute, literary-critically, a single, or collective, character. If Jesus is the protagonist, they are the antagonists, and both Jesus and they exhibit a ‘root character trait’, that is, a character trait from which all other traits spring. Thus, Jesus, as the Messiah Son of God, is characterized as ‘uniquely related’ to God. As such, he is endowed with divine authority and ‘thinks the things of God’, which is to say that he views reality from a divine perspective. In contrast, the religious authorities are characterized as being ‘without authority’, which is to say that they ‘think the things of men’ and view reality from a purely human perspective. Consequently, the conflict between Jesus and the authorities in Mark's story is an extended clash over ‘authority’. Instead of receiving Jesus as God's Messiah and Son, they oppose him throughout his ministry.
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35

Regev, Eyal. "Were the Priests all the Same? Qumranic Halakhah in Comparison with Sadducean Halakhah." Dead Sea Discoveries 12, no. 2 (2005): 158–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568517054396370.

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36

Kalimi, Isaac. "The Day of Atonement in the Late Second Temple Period: Sadducees’ High Priests, Pharisees’ Norms, and Qumranites’ Calendar(s)." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 14, no. 1 (2011): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007011x564850.

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37

HUNTER, MICHAEL. "THE DECLINE OF MAGIC: CHALLENGE AND RESPONSE IN EARLY ENLIGHTENMENT ENGLAND." Historical Journal 55, no. 2 (May 10, 2012): 399–425. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000076.

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ABSTRACTThis article argues that, in order properly to understand the process by which the attitude of the educated towards magical beliefs became prevalently sceptical between the mid- seventeenth and the mid-eighteenth centuries, we need to re-examine the affiliations of ‘sadducism’ and its role in relation to orthodox thought. In late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century England, articulate scepticism about witchcraft and related phenomena seems to have become widespread in free-thinking circles, especially in London and predominantly in oral form. Because of the taint of irreligion with which such attitudes were associated, orthodox thinkers were inhibited from adopting them for a generation, while a vociferous minority mounted a counter-attack. In the early decades of the eighteenth century, however, it gradually became apparent that scepticism about such phenomena was less dangerous than it had initially appeared, and the orthodox began more cautiously to advocate such views themselves.
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38

Klawans, Jonathan. "Josephus on Fate, Free Will, and Ancient Jewish Types of Compatibilism." Numen 56, no. 1 (2009): 44–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852708x373285.

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AbstractRecent scholarship on fate and free will in ancient Judaism is characterized by a lack of precision with regard to the nature of these disputes. There is also some disagreement concerning the degree to which the disparate positions can be constructively compared with either Hellenistic philosophical approaches or later rabbinic theological ones. It is argued here that Josephus's brief typology of ancient Jewish disputes on this topic finds confirmation in other ancient Jewish literature, especially the Wisdom of Ben Sira, the sectarian Dead Sea Scrolls, and later rabbinic literature. Yet it is imperative to nuance Josephus's typology so as to avoid imposing Hellenistic philosophical systems onto ancient Jewish theological ones. These observations hold true especially when it comes to understanding the balance between fate and free will — the “compatibilism” — that characterizes the Pharisaic approach. It is rarely noticed that Josephus's accounts attribute to this group two distinct ways of balancing fate and free will. On the one hand, each of these two approaches finds distinct analogues within rabbinic literature, a fact that further confirms both Josephus's reliability and the productivity of comparing his accounts with later rabbinic traditions. On the other hand, neither of the two types of compatibilism attributed by Josephus to the Pharisees can be identified with Stoic compatibilism. Nonetheless, the term “compatibilism” remains the most appropriate term for distinguishing the Pharisaic compromises from the more extreme (but by no means uncomplicated) positions that seem to have characterized the Sadducees and Essenes in Josephus's day.
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39

Hayman, A. P. "Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A Sociological Approach. By Anthony J. Saldarini. Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark, 1989. Pp. x + 325. £19.95." Scottish Journal of Theology 46, no. 2 (January 1993): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600037790.

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40

Hempel, Charlotte. "Proximity to Power and Jewish Sectarian Groups of the Ancient Period: A Review of Lifestyle, Values, and Halakhah in the Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes, and Qumran." Journal of Jewish Studies 60, no. 2 (October 1, 2009): 327–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2890/jjs-2009.

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41

Elliott, Neil. "Book Reviews: Anthony J. Saldarini, Pharisees, Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society: A Sociological Approach. Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1988. Pp. x+326. Hardcover, $29.95." Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 20, no. 4 (November 1990): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014610799002000413.

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42

Bergmeier, Roland. "Die Drei Jüdischen Schulrichtungen Nach Josephus Und Hippolyt Von Rom: Zu den Paralleltexten Josephus, B.J. 2,119-166 und Hippolyt, Haer. IX 18,2-29,4." Journal for the Study of Judaism 34, no. 4 (2003): 443–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006303772777044.

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AbstractA solid literary analysis of all the ancient texts referring to the Essenes leads to the conclusion that common sources are needed to explain the similarities between the different accounts of the group. So the correspondences between Philo's accounts and those of Josephus are best explained by the thesis of a common Hellenistic Jewish source on the Essaeans. Further, we have to pay attention to the fact that the longest account of the Essenes is a composite text, partly referring to a three-school description, i.e. the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essenes. Whenever Josephus speaks of the Essenes as determined in B.J. 2.119-161 he uses references to this text. Some scholars believe that this Josephan text and Hippolytus, Haer. 9.18-28, go back to a common source, too. But the validity of this thesis cannot be proved. First of all, these two texts must not be reduced to the description of the Essenes. All in all (B.J. 2.119-166; Haer. 9.18.2-29.4) they are three-school descriptions and this in the same manner and sequence, with the same lacks, and often by the same words. The correspondences between Philo's accounts and those of Josephus are no longer present in Hippolytus' version. The additional and unparalleled features in Hippolytus' text are no older core material that was lost in the Josephus version but contributions of the Church Father himself which bear all signs of his apologetic interests, his style and his theology. So Josephus, B.J. 2.119-166, was the very source of Hippolytus. Contra E. Puech, the sayings of the Church Father cannot give evidence of the eschatology of the Qumran community.
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Regev, Eyal. "Temple Concerns and High-Priestly Prosecutions from Peter to James: Between Narrative and History." New Testament Studies 56, no. 1 (December 2, 2009): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850999021x.

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This article demonstrates that according to the Acts of the Apostles, the major charges brought against Peter, Stephen, and Paul—as well as, in later Christian texts, against James—are violations of the Temple's sacredness, both by means of statements about and actions within it. On the narrative level, in their portrayal of the conflicts and trials of these early Christian leaders, the ancient Christian sources argued that because the early Christian community in Jerusalem sought to partake in the Temple worship in its own way, Jesus' followers were falsely accused of violating the Temple's sacredness. On the historical level, it may be concluded that these events were authentic, and that they were affected by two factors: (a) The assumption, on the part of the Jewish community, that Jesus represented an anti-Temple stance. This assumption was based on Jesus' ‘cleansing’ action at the Temple, and the saying attributed to him regarding the destruction of the Temple and the erection of a new one ‘not made with [human] hands’. As such, Jesus' followers were viewed as posing a threat to the Temple as well. (b) The meticulous approach to Temple rituals held by the Sadducean high priests in charge of the prosecutions. According to their approach, any deviance from the proscribed procedure desecrated the sacrificial cult and was to be avoided at any cost.
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44

Van Aarde, A. G. "Aspekte van die sosiale stratifikasie van die ontwikkelde agrariese samelewing in die eerste-eeuse Palestina." HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 49, no. 3 (January 23, 1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v49i3.2506.

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Aspects of the social stratification of the advanced agrarian society in first-century Palestine This article focuses on aspects of the social stratification of first-century Palestine as an advanced agrarian society. It aims at describing the interaction between different classes and the sociological origins of groups like the Pharisees and the Sadducees. The relation between the elites and the peasant communities is interpreted in terms of, inter alia, the social location of villages surrounding cities. It is argued that in an advanced agrarian society the family as institution should still be regarded as the dominant ideology. However, political and economic pressures caused a weakening of the influence of the extended family on the surface.
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45

Helberg, Jaap L. "Jesus Christus se begronding van die opstanding (Matt 22) in die Ou-Testamentiese openbaring en die implikasies daarvan." In die Skriflig/In Luce Verbi 48, no. 1 (March 20, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ids.v48i1.717.

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Anders as die Sadduseërs en ander mense se mensgesentreerde benadering tot die menslike bestaan en daarom tot ’n moontlike opstanding, is Jesus se benadering Godgesentreerd (óp God gerig en déur God verrig) en Skrifgefundeer.Dit wil sê ’n benadering gefundeer in wat God geopenbaar het en wat menslike bespiegeling, teologie of verwerking van wat met Jesus gebeur het, te bowe gaan. Hierdie Skriffundering is gegrond in God as die lewende, onverganklike, aktiewe en lewewekkende God se persoonlike verhouding met die mens in sy konkrete, historiese bestaan (Matt 22:23−33). So word die ware liggaamlike en geestelike bestaan verseker, naamlik ’n onverbreekbare persoonlike verhouding met God – nou en na die dood, rustend in Jesus Christus se lewe, dood en opstanding. Hierdie begronding veronderstel ’n Skrif- en Geesgefundeerde, Godgesentreerde hermeneutiek, eksegese, erediens, prediking en kerklike inrigting, gedra deur selfondersoek en bekering, diensbaarheid in liefde vir God en die naaste (Matt 22:34−41), en verantwoordelikheid teenoor God se skepping.Unlike the Sadducees’ and other people’s homocentric approach to man’s existence, and therefore to a possible resurrection, Jesus’ approach is theocentric (focused on God and conducted by God) and founded in Scripture, that is founded in what God reveals, transcending human speculation, theology or processing of what happened to Jesus.This founding in Scripture is grounded in the living, immortal, active and life-giving God’s personal relation with man in his concrete, historical existence (Mt 22:23−33). In this way the real physical and spiritual existence is secured, that is an unbreakable personal relationship with God, now and after death, resting in Jesus Christ’s life, death and resurrection. This grounding implies a Scripture- and Spirit-founded, God-centered hermeneutics, exegesis, public worship, preaching, and church structuring, conveyed by self-examination and repentance, service in love for God and the neighbour (Mt 22:34−41), and by responsibility towards God’s creation.
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