Relevant bibliographies by topics / SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya)

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Academic literature on the topic 'SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya)'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 14 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya)"

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Spencer, John, David Throup, and Charles Hornsby. "Multi-Party Politics in Kenya." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 3 (1997): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220623.

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Throup, David. "Elections and political legitimacy in Kenya." Africa 63, no. 3 (July 1993): 371–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161427.

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AbstractThough it began independence as a deeply divided society after the trauma of Mau Mau, Kenya maintained one of the open political systems in Africa despite its formal one-party status. National elections provided a device by means of which new blood could be incorporated into the regime. More recently growing economic difficulties and the insecurity of President Moi have greatly intensified authoritarian tendencies. Elections have increasingly been rigged in order to sustain Moi's narrow power base. As elsewhere in Africa the regime gave in to the demands for multi-party politics but the first such elections produced a highly fragmented political scene.
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Gakuo Mwangi, Oscar. "Political corruption, party financing and democracy in Kenya." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 2 (May 14, 2008): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003224.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines political corruption and political party financing in multiparty Kenya. It uses the Goldenberg and Anglo-Leasing mega-scandals to demonstrate the existence of political corruption, particularly campaign financing, arguing that it has increased under multiparty rule and affected the nature of governance. It has adversely affected political participation and competition, the rule of law, transparency and accountability. Illegal funds to finance the Kenya African National Union's elections in the 1990s were raised through the Goldenberg Affair, whereas those aimed at financing the National Rainbow Coalition's elections in December 2007 were to be raised through the Anglo-Leasing scandal. Corrupt campaign financing, therefore, poses a threat to democracy in the country. The democratic space created and expanded by multipartyism has, however, provided new opportunities for waging the war against corruption. It is in the context of these arguments that the conclusion raises broader issues for corruption and democracy in Africa.
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Wanyama, Fredrick O., and Jørgen Elklit. "Electoral violence during party primaries in Kenya." Democratization 25, no. 6 (January 31, 2018): 1016–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2018.1425295.

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Fox, Roddy. "Bleak Future for Multi-Party Elections in Kenya." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 4 (December 1996): 597–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055786.

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With attention turning towards Kenya's second multi-party elections, due to be held before the end of 1997, it is imperative to look back to the flaws in the system which helped deliver President Daniel arap Moi and the Kenya African National Union (KANU) their victories in 1992. At present there is no sign of these defects being eradicated and the creation of new districts since then has demonstrated the Government's intention of enhancing an already biased structure. The underlying distribution of tribes and ethnic groups has had a fundamental impact on the electoral geography of Kenya, since they have controlled the delimitation of both the parliamentary constituencies and the administrative machinery of the whole country.1
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Oando, George, Harrison Bii, and Edna Milgo. "Developing an M-Voting System for Political Party Elections in Kenya." International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP) 10, no. 8 (August 6, 2020): 392–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/ijsrp.10.08.2020.p10447.

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Holmquist, Frank, and Ayuka Oendo. "Kenya: Democracy, Decline, and Despair." Current History 100, no. 646 (May 1, 2001): 201–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.646.201.

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The 1990s saw a great deal of positive political change in Kenya—most notably, relative freedom of speech and organization, [and] regular multiparty elections. … But almost counterintuitively, the regime has shrunk into something of a corrupt and hollow shell. … As the 2002 election begins to loom, echoes of the repression of the one-party era have begun to be felt.
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Nasong'o, Shadrack Wanjala. "Political Transition without Transformation: The Dialectic of Liberalization without Democratization in Kenya and Zambia." African Studies Review 50, no. 1 (April 2007): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0126.

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Abstract:The decade from 1990 to 2000 saw a total of seventy-eight top leadership elections involving forty-three of the forty-eight sub-Saharan African countries. Of these, only twenty-one elections led to power transition from an incumbent to an opposition political party in nineteen countries. Paradoxically, even where there was such transition, authoritarian tendencies persisted. Focusing on Kenya and Zambia, this article argues and seeks to demonstrate that the limited number of transitions from an incumbent regime to an opposition party and the persistence of authoritarianism are a function of political liberalization without democratization of political institutions and rules of the political game.
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Kyle, Keith. "The rise of a party-state in Kenya: from ‘harambee!’ to ‘nyayo!’." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 598–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623808.

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Gerhart, Gail M., and Jennifer A. Widner. "The Rise of a Party State in Kenya: From "Harambee" to "Nayayo!"." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 2 (1993): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045604.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya)"

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Mutizwa-Mangiza, Shingai Price. "Political party institutionalization : a case study of Kenya." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013258.

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This thesis explores the nature and extent of political party institutionalization in Kenya. More specifically, it focuses on the four dimensions of party institutionalization, namely organizational systemness, value-infusion, decisional autonomy and reification. The study itself is largely located within the historical-institutionalist school of thought, with particular emphasis on the path dependency strand of this theoretical framework. However, the study also employs a political economy approach. It recognizes that the development trajectory of party politics in Kenya did not evolve in a vacuum but within a particular historical-institutional and political-economic context. The thesis advances the notion that those current low levels of party institutionalization that are evident in almost all parties, and the relatively peripheral role that they have in Kenya's governance can be traced to Kenya's colonial and post-colonial political history, the resource poor environment and the onset of globalization.
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Klopp, Jacqueline M. "Electoral despotism in Kenya : land, patronage and resistance in the multi-party context." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36972.

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In Africa, the new electoral freedoms of the 1990s often ushered in not less but more violence and corruption. Somewhat paradoxically, democratization appeared to lead to greater despotism. Current theories of democratic transitions fail to adequately explain this negative "fall out". On the one hand, by focusing on formal institutional change, most transitions theory marginalizes the "informal" politics of patronage and violence. On the other hand, theorists of "informal" politics tend to assume that formal institutional change does not impinge on patrimonial dynamics. This thesis explains how the advent of electoral freedom challenges patrimonialism and, in the process, deepens local despotism. By a careful look at the Kenyan case, this thesis argues that the re-introduction of multiple political parties posed a genuine challenge to highest level patronage networks. This challenge consisted of "patronage inflation": competitive elections escalated demands for and promises of patronage just as international conditionalities and economic difficulties led to a decline in traditional supplies of patronage. Further, with multiple political parties, voters gained bargaining power to demand both resources and accountability. A critique of patrimonialism emerged into the public realm, particularly from those who had lost out in the spoils system, the growing numbers of poor and landless. These challenges were met by counter-strategies on the part of those most set to lose by a turnover in elections. With the introduction of alternative political parties, President Moi and key patronage bosses instigated localized but electorally beneficial violence in the form of "ethnic clashes". In their struggle to maintain patrimonial dominance, they also increasingly turned to less internationally scrutinized public lands as a patronage resource, leading to increasing and increasingly violent "land grabbing". This triggered counter mobilizations which aimed at reasserting local co
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Hassan, Mai. "A State of Change: The Kenyan State after Multi-Party Elections." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:13065023.

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How do autocrats win elections? A powerful option is to use the state to coerce and coopt the population for support. The territorial nature of the state allows an autocrat to vary patterns of cooptation and coercion across a country either by implementing different rules to different places, or by applying the same rules differently in each location. The existing administrative arrangements an autocrat inherits from her predecessors, however, may not be best suited for an autocrat's ethnic geography - or the importance of different ethnic groups to the incumbent staying in power and their locations across the country - as she faces re-election. With the backdrop of donor-pressure for state reforms in the developing world since the 1980s, autocrats have found an enabling environment to change the state to better match their ethnic geography. Autocrats within competitive authoritarian regimes pursue reforms that target cooptation and/or coercion through the state to an area based on its expected level of support in an attempt to tilt the playing field and win re-election. I develop the argument through a set of sub-national analyses on two fundamental aspects of the state - administrative unit creation and management of officers in the internal security apparatus - in Kenya since the country's return to multi-party elections in 1992. I use records on administrative units, officer management, census data, elite interviews and archival material. The results show that incumbents since 1992 have attempted to coerce and coopt unaligned ethnic groups, those without a co-ethnic in the race nor who have lined up behind a viable challenger, and that these efforts have increased the incumbent's local vote share. More broadly, this work helps explain both the precipitous and widespread state reforms in recent decades in the developing world, and their lackluster results. These state-building reforms have not resulted in more efficient states as originally intended, but they have made competitive authoritarian regimes more durable.
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Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo. "Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431.

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Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research.
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Okello, Edward Odhiambo. "Guaranteeing the independence of election management bodies in Africa : a study of the electoral commissions of Kenya and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1227.

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"Election management bodies (EMBs) have thus been established throughout the world with the responsibility of administering elctions. However, merely creating a body to administer elections does not create public conficence and integrity in the electoral process. The establishment and operation of such a body must meet the key requirements of credible election administration. One such requirement is the need for the EMB to be independent of any party. The independence of the EMB is said, by and large, to attract the confidence of all the stakeholders in the electoral process and create integrity in the process. ... However, as one scholar has observed, the lack of autonomy of EMBs from the government in some African countries is one of the major challenges to the credibility of the electoral process on the continent. It is important to note at this point that the independence of EMBs, though not in itself a guarantee of free and fair elections, determines to a large extent the overall legitimacy and acceptability of an elected government by the electorate. Flowing from this discourse is the need for the independence of EMBs in Africa, both in theory and practice, in order to enhance democracy on the continent. ... Kenya and South Africa have established EMBs to manage elections in accordance with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Organisation for African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU) Declaration of 2002. The Kenyan EMB has been in existence since 1991. Recently, the issue of its indpendence has become a central focus in a raging national debate on minimum constitutional reforms in Kenya. Similarly, the independence of the South African EMB, though believed to be sufficiently safeguarded, has also come to be questioned. These institutions play a crucial role in the democratisation processes in both countries, and one of the ways of achieving this goal, is by ensuring their independence from the political process. This study proposes to examine the independenct of the two EMBs and proposes ways of strengthening them with a view to enhancing the work of democracy in both countries. ... Chapter one introduces the study and the problem statement that has prompted the study. Chapter two analyses the concept of independence of EMBs. It also discusses the justification for their independence. A comparative analysis of the independence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa is the subject of chapter three. Chapter four proposes to discuss the ways of further strengthening the indpendence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa. The fifth and final chapter proffers conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction.
Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Kingsley Kofi Kuntunkrunku Ampofo at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Books on the topic "SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya)"

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SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya). The Constitution of SAFINA. [Nairobi]: SAFINA, 1995.

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Constitution of the Kenya model party. Nairobi: Consolidating Multiparty Democracy in Kenya, 2008.

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Barasa, Tiberius. Reforming the political market in Kenya through public party funding. Nairobi, Kenya: Institute of Policy Analysis and Research, 2006.

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Kanyinga, Karuti. Contestation over political space: The state and demobilisation of party politics in Kenya. Copenhagen, Denmark: Centre for Development Research, 1998.

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From protest to parties: Party-building and democratization in Africa. Oxford: Oxford Univ Press, 2011.

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Charles, Hornsby, ed. Multi-party politics in Kenya: The Kenyatta & Moi states & the triumph of the system in the 1992 election. Oxford: J. Currey, 1998.

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Institute for Education in Democracy (Kenya), ed. Political party organisation and management in Kenya: An audit. Nairobi, Kenya: Institute for Education in Democracy, 1998.

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International, Amnesty, ed. Kenya: Silencing opposition to one-party rule. Washington, DC (304 Pennsylvania Ave., SE, Washington 20003): Amnesty International USA, 1990.

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Institute for Education in Democracy (Kenya), ed. Understanding elections in Kenya: A constituency profile approach. Nairobi, Kenya: Institute for Education in Democracy, 1998.

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LeBas, Adrienne. From Protest to Parties: Party-Building and Democratization in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya)"

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"CHAPTER ONE. Creating Political Order." In The Rise of a Party-State in Kenya, 1–38. University of California Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520911857-005.

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KIRUTHU, FELIX. "Political Party Organisation in Kenya and the 2013 Elections:." In Kenya's 2013 General Election, 64–79. Twaweza Communications, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh8r0bc.9.

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Gachigua, Sammy Gakero. "Legislating for a De Jure One-Party State in 1982 and “Party Hopping” in 2012." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 286–305. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0081-0.ch016.

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This study investigates the framing of arguments used in debating the Constitution of Kenya Amendment Bill 1982 and the Election Amendment Bill 2012 in order to interrogate how the elite conceive of the place of political parties in Kenya, as well as examining the transformations of this conception in the two periods. Through coercion and fallaciously invoking the democratic intentions of the bill, the illustrious history of KANU, and the need to unite behind KANU and President Moi, the 1982 bill resulted in an overinstitutionalized party system. The passage of the 2012 bill resulted in perpetuating an underinstitutionalized party system legitimized through overwhelmingly invoking the desire for freedom of association. Despite the differences in the framing of the arguments and the resultant impact of the bills, there is a strong underlying continuity that shows an instrumentalist conceptualization of political parties by the political elite in both the periods.
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Cheeseman, Nic. "Should I Stay or Should I Go? Term Limits, Elections, and Political Change in Kenya, Uganda, and Zambia." In The Politics of Presidential Term Limits, 311–38. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837404.003.0016.

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Under what conditions are term limits challenged and upheld? This chapter draws on a comparative analysis of Kenya, Uganda, and Zambia to address this question. I argue that three of the factors that are most commonly cited in the wider literature—the presence of natural resources, the quality of democracy, and the position of the international community—cannot explain the fate of term limits. Instead, I investigate alternative structural and contingent factors, and identify two issues that played an important role in Kenya, Uganda, and Zambia but have often been overlooked, namely the extent of organized opposition and the ability of the president to enforce unity within the ruling party. Significantly, while these factors are shaped by the quality of democracy, they are not reducible to it. I also consider the consequences of term limits, demonstrating that they have the potential to facilitate transfers of power and foster new political norms when enforced.
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De Blij, Harm. "The Fateful Geography of Religion." In The Power of Place. Oxford University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195367706.003.0007.

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If language is the mucilage of culture, religion is its manifesto. Any revelation of identity through language happens only when the speaker begins talking, and even then that identity remains in doubt except perhaps to the most experienced ear. Is that skilled KiSwahili speaker a Mijikenda from the Kenya coast or a Kamba from the interior? Is that cultivated French speaker a citizen of Senegal or a resident of Paris? Did those fellows at the bar in São Paulo mix some Brazilian terms with their Japanese, and are they mobals rather than visitors? Religious affiliation is another matter. Hundreds of millions of people routinely proclaim their religion through modes of dress, hairstyles, symbols, gestures, and other visible means. To those who share a faith, such customs create a sense of confidence and solidarity. To those who do not profess that faith, they can amount to provocation. For the faithful, religion is the key to identity. And such identity is part of the impress of place. Religion and place are strongly coupled, not only through the visible and prominent architecture of places of worship but also because certain orthodox believers still proclaim that their god “gave” them pieces of real estate whose ownership cannot therefore be a matter of Earthly political debate. To some, the Holy Land is a place where Jesus walked. To others, it is a gift from God. To the latter, it is worth dying for. Countless millions have perished for their faith, but comparatively few for their language. Dutch schoolchildren of a former generation used to learn the story of a captured boatload of medieval mercenaries plying the Zuider Zee. To a man, the captives claimed to be Dutch. The captain of the boarding party had a simple solution: any real Dutchman would be able to pronounce the word Scheveningen, a fishing port on the North Sea coast. Those who got it right were given amnesty. Those who failed were thrown overboard and drowned. It is an unusual tale. Language, dialect, accent, and syntax can confer advantage, open (or close) doors to opportunity, and engender social judgments. But they are not historically linked to mass annihilation.
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