Journal articles: 'SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya)'

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Spencer, John, David Throup, and Charles Hornsby. "Multi-Party Politics in Kenya." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 3 (1997): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220623.

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Throup, David. "Elections and political legitimacy in Kenya." Africa 63, no. 3 (July 1993): 371–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161427.

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AbstractThough it began independence as a deeply divided society after the trauma of Mau Mau, Kenya maintained one of the open political systems in Africa despite its formal one-party status. National elections provided a device by means of which new blood could be incorporated into the regime. More recently growing economic difficulties and the insecurity of President Moi have greatly intensified authoritarian tendencies. Elections have increasingly been rigged in order to sustain Moi's narrow power base. As elsewhere in Africa the regime gave in to the demands for multi-party politics but the first such elections produced a highly fragmented political scene.

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Gakuo Mwangi, Oscar. "Political corruption, party financing and democracy in Kenya." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 2 (May 14, 2008): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003224.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines political corruption and political party financing in multiparty Kenya. It uses the Goldenberg and Anglo-Leasing mega-scandals to demonstrate the existence of political corruption, particularly campaign financing, arguing that it has increased under multiparty rule and affected the nature of governance. It has adversely affected political participation and competition, the rule of law, transparency and accountability. Illegal funds to finance the Kenya African National Union's elections in the 1990s were raised through the Goldenberg Affair, whereas those aimed at financing the National Rainbow Coalition's elections in December 2007 were to be raised through the Anglo-Leasing scandal. Corrupt campaign financing, therefore, poses a threat to democracy in the country. The democratic space created and expanded by multipartyism has, however, provided new opportunities for waging the war against corruption. It is in the context of these arguments that the conclusion raises broader issues for corruption and democracy in Africa.

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Wanyama, Fredrick O., and Jørgen Elklit. "Electoral violence during party primaries in Kenya." Democratization 25, no. 6 (January 31, 2018): 1016–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2018.1425295.

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Fox, Roddy. "Bleak Future for Multi-Party Elections in Kenya." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 4 (December 1996): 597–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055786.

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With attention turning towards Kenya's second multi-party elections, due to be held before the end of 1997, it is imperative to look back to the flaws in the system which helped deliver President Daniel arap Moi and the Kenya African National Union (KANU) their victories in 1992. At present there is no sign of these defects being eradicated and the creation of new districts since then has demonstrated the Government's intention of enhancing an already biased structure. The underlying distribution of tribes and ethnic groups has had a fundamental impact on the electoral geography of Kenya, since they have controlled the delimitation of both the parliamentary constituencies and the administrative machinery of the whole country.1

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Oando, George, Harrison Bii, and Edna Milgo. "Developing an M-Voting System for Political Party Elections in Kenya." International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP) 10, no. 8 (August 6, 2020): 392–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/ijsrp.10.08.2020.p10447.

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Holmquist, Frank, and Ayuka Oendo. "Kenya: Democracy, Decline, and Despair." Current History 100, no. 646 (May 1, 2001): 201–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.646.201.

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The 1990s saw a great deal of positive political change in Kenya—most notably, relative freedom of speech and organization, [and] regular multiparty elections. … But almost counterintuitively, the regime has shrunk into something of a corrupt and hollow shell. … As the 2002 election begins to loom, echoes of the repression of the one-party era have begun to be felt.

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Nasong'o, Shadrack Wanjala. "Political Transition without Transformation: The Dialectic of Liberalization without Democratization in Kenya and Zambia." African Studies Review 50, no. 1 (April 2007): 83–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0126.

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Abstract:The decade from 1990 to 2000 saw a total of seventy-eight top leadership elections involving forty-three of the forty-eight sub-Saharan African countries. Of these, only twenty-one elections led to power transition from an incumbent to an opposition political party in nineteen countries. Paradoxically, even where there was such transition, authoritarian tendencies persisted. Focusing on Kenya and Zambia, this article argues and seeks to demonstrate that the limited number of transitions from an incumbent regime to an opposition party and the persistence of authoritarianism are a function of political liberalization without democratization of political institutions and rules of the political game.

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Kyle, Keith. "The rise of a party-state in Kenya: from ‘harambee!’ to ‘nyayo!’." International Affairs 70, no. 3 (July 1994): 598–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623808.

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Gerhart, Gail M., and Jennifer A. Widner. "The Rise of a Party State in Kenya: From "Harambee" to "Nayayo!"." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 2 (1993): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045604.

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Gerhart, Gail, and Joel A. Solomon. "Failing the Democratic Challenge: Freedom of Expression in Multi-Party Kenya, 1993." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 5 (1994): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20046905.

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Cheeseman, Nic. "Patrons, Parties, Political Linkage, and the Birth of Competitive-Authoritarianism in Africa." African Studies Review 59, no. 3 (December 2016): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.79.

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Abstract:Few scholars have taught us more about African voters, legislators, and legislatures than Joel Barkan. Drawing on Barkan’s analysis, the first part of this article argues that the African one-party state can be usefully viewed as a competitive-authoritarian system underpinned by a form of political linkage that allows for elements of coercion and competition. Building on this framework, the second part demonstrates that the political linkage structures that emerged in single-party systems such as those of Kenya, Senegal, and Tanzania have played an important role in shaping the dynamics of multiparty politics and the prospects for democratic reform.

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Ciekawy, Diane. "Constitutional and Legal Reform in the Postcolony of Kenya." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, no. 1 (1997): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502455.

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The central government of Kenya is well known for its use of the legal system, state structures, and the KANU (Kenya African National Union) party apparatus to threaten and thwart those who criticize its undemocratic practices and human rights violations. There are numerous and detailed accounts of attacks on the news media, the denial of permits for opposition public speaking events, the disruption of opposition party meetings, and the arrest and incarceration of reformist political and religious leaders. It is common for the central government to criminalize political activity by charging critics with sedition or holding an illegal meeting, and to use police violence to break up both licensed and unlicensed political events. Government officials and institutions played a major role in inciting and organizing violence in the Rift Valley from 1991 to 1993 that led to the deaths of over 1,500 people. The return to multiparty politics in 1991, after a lapse of 26 years when KANU reigned supreme, has done little to change these practices. Repression of the freedom of assembly, the freedom of association, and the freedom of expression is the modus operandi of the Kenyan nation-state.

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Nyangoro, Julius E. "Military Coups d'etat in Nigeria Revisited: A Political and Economic Analysis." American Review of Politics 14 (April 1, 1993): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1993.14.0.129-147.

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In the last few years, there seems to have been a radical transformation in African politics. South Africa, which for a long time reflected the politics of racial domination, is moving towards multi-racial rule. Formerly one-party states such as Zambia and Kenya recently have held multi-party elections; and authoritarian regimes such as Zaire are now seriously discussing the possibility of pluralist politics. The question that this paper seeks to address is whether the changes taking place are indeed ushering in a new phase of politics in Africa without the prospect of military intervention. Nigeria is used as a case study for examining this question.

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Alwan, S., R. Safa’at, Sihabudin, and A. E. Widiarto. "REDESIGN OF POLITICAL PARTY DISPUTE SETTLEMENT INSTITUTIONS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF INDONESIA AND KENYA." Russian Journal of Agricultural and Socio-Economic Sciences 115, no. 7 (July 16, 2021): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18551/rjoas.2021-07.11.

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16

Widner, Jennifer A. "Single Party States and Agricultural Policies: The Cases of Ivory Coast and Kenya." Comparative Politics 26, no. 2 (January 1994): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422264.

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McMahon, Edward R. "Catching the "Third Wave" of Democratization?: Debating Political Party Effectiveness in Africa Since 1980." African and Asian Studies 3, no. 3-4 (2004): 295–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209332643674.

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Abstract Many observers believe that multi-party democracy increasingly represents the inevitable future of governance around the world, including Africa. Some countries such as South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal have in fact made remarkable progress in instituting and moving toward consolidation of democratic systems. There has also been a history on the continent, however, of political systems that place de facto or de jure legal constraints on the ability of political parties to function. In fact, in recent years many African leaders have only grudgingly permitted multi-party politics under donor pressure. There remains a current of underlying skepticism toward political parties, and arguments exist against multi-party politics. This paper identifies and explains five key arguments. It then critiques them and determines that while individual elements of these arguments may have some validity, the conclusion that is drawn, i.e.that party activity should be constrained, if not prohibited, is not consonant with democratic governance. The final section presents suggestions of how weaknesses in political party functioning could be addressed without placing limits on the ability of parties to play their legitimate role in a democratic political process.

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Hassan, Mai, and Ryan Sheely. "Executive–Legislative Relations, Party Defections, and Lower Level Administrative Unit Proliferation: Evidence From Kenya." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 12 (December 21, 2016): 1595–631. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016679179.

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Over the past 25 years, there has been a dramatic increase in the number of subnational administrative units within developing countries. Existing literature argues that presidents create new units to deliver patronage to citizens. But proliferation at lower tiers of the state, that are too administratively distant from the president to credibly serve as patronage, does not follow this logic. We build from the premise that the creation of a new lower level unit comes with the appointment of a local administrator who develops a neopatrimonial relationship with the legislator whose constituency subsumes their jurisdiction. Presidents leverage this neopatrimonial relationship and create lower level units for copartisan legislators to ensure legislative support and prevent party defections. We find evidence supporting this argument using new data from Kenya. These findings illuminate how leaders can use administrative reform to undermine legislative checks against executive power.

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Gīthīnji, Mwangi wa, and Frank Holmquist. "Reform and Political Impunity in Kenya: Transparency without Accountability." African Studies Review 55, no. 1 (April 2012): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0006.

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Abstract:Kenya has been going through a period of political reform since 1991, when section 2A of the constitution, which had made Kenya a de jure one-party state, was repealed. This reform followed a prolonged struggle on the part of citizens both inside and outside the country, and their call for democracy was one that, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, was embraced by Western countries. Via diplomatic pressure and conditionality on aid, Western donors played an important role in the repeal of section 2A, the return of multiparty elections, and the creation and reform of a number of political institutions and offices via a separation of powers. But although these changes were supported by the political opposition and much of civil society in Kenya, they did not rise organically from the national struggle over political power. Nor did these reforms lead to a determination in the country to hold the political elite accountable for their transgressions. This article argues that modern Kenya's history of economic and political inequality has resulted in a population whose very divisions make it difficult for politicians to be disciplined. Accountability has two dimensions: the horizontal accountability among branches of government that is assured by checks and balances, and the vertical accountability of the state to its citizens. Vertical accountability depends on a constituency of like-minded citizens defending broad national interests, or an electorate with a collective identity or set of identities attached to the Kenyan nation. But in the absence of such shared goals and demands, narrow personal and local interests prevail, and politicians remain unaccountable to the nation as a whole.

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20

Ndegwa, Stephen N. "Citizenship and Ethnicity: An Examination of Two Transition Moments in Kenyan Politics." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (September 1997): 599–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952077.

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In some African countries, democratic openings have intensified ethnic competition and led to protracted transitions or outright conflict. In Kenya, I argue, the stalled transition reflects the effects ofrepublicancitizenship in ethnic political communities andliberalcitizenship in the national political community. This duality in citizenship engenders conflict over democracy—conceived as liberal majoritarian democracy—and results in ethnic coalitions disagreeing over which institutions are appropriate for a multiethnic state. I provide evidence from discourses over institutions from two transition periods in Kenya: at independence and in the recent shift from one-party rule. This study makes two contributions. First, it adds to current citizenship theory, which is largely derived from Western experience, by demonstrating that republican and liberal citizenships are not necessarily compatible and that the modern nation-state is not the only relevant community for forming citizens. Second, it adds to studies of African transitions by highlighting citizenship issues in institutional design with regard to ethnicity in Kenya.

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Hornsby, Charles. "The Social Structure of the National Assembly in Kenya, 1963–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (June 1989): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000483.

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The study of elections and parliamentary behaviour in Africa has become a neglected topic. Whilst the emergence of political élites during and after the colonial period has been examined carefully, little attention has been paid to the structure and functioning of the modern one-party state. Emphasis has tended to shift towards the analysis of political economy and of the nature of class relations, partly as a consequence of the close linkages between economic and political relations within developing states. However, studies of post-1969 politics in Kenya are now scarce, and basic knowledge of the operation of the political system is often absent. In order to help redress the balance, this article presents and analyses data about the socio-economic background of the Members of Parliament.

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Donno, Daniela, and Anne-Kathrin Kreft. "Authoritarian Institutions and Women’s Rights." Comparative Political Studies 52, no. 5 (September 10, 2018): 720–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018797954.

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While dictatorships perform worse than democracies in respect for most human rights, a large number of autocracies have prioritized the advancement of women’s rights. We present a theory of authoritarian rights provision that focuses on the incentives for dictatorships to secure women’s loyalty, and we identify the particular capacity of institutionalized party-based regimes to supply—and capitalize from—women’s rights policies. Analyzing a comprehensive sample of authoritarian regimes from 1963 to 2009, we find that party-based regimes are associated with greater economic and political rights for women irrespective of whether they hold multiparty elections. A comparative exploration of authoritarian Uganda, Tanzania, and Kenya sheds further light on these findings and examines alternative explanations. Our account of women’s rights as a tool of autocratic party coalition-building contrasts with the provision of civil and associational rights—so-called “coordination goods”—which represents a concession to the opposition and tends to accompany liberalization.

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Basedau, Matthias, and Anika Moroff. "Parties in chains: Do ethnic party bans in Africa promote peace?" Party Politics 17, no. 2 (February 24, 2011): 205–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810391148.

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Since the sweeping (re)introduction of multiparty systems in the early 1990s, almost all sub-Saharan countries have introduced legal provisions to ban ethnic or other identity-based particularistic parties. Altogether, 12 countries have actually banned political parties on these grounds. In theoretical terms, such bans can exclude particularism from politics but — contrary to public discourse — also run the risk of forcing groups to resort to violent means or of becoming an object of conflict themselves. Empirically speaking, hardly any general patterns in the effects of bans can be detected. A closer look at 12 politically relevant bans in six countries reveals an initially stabilizing impact in one case (Rwanda in 1994). A ban on a religious party in Kenya in 1993 triggered violent conflict. In cases such as Equatorial Guinea (1994) and Rwanda (2001, 2003), this regulatory measure, allegedly designed to promote peace, seems to be part of the ‘menu of manipulation’ and is abused to suppress the opposition.

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Anderson, David M. "‘Yours in Struggle for Majimbo’. Nationalism and the Party Politics of Decolonization in Kenya, 1955-64." Journal of Contemporary History 40, no. 3 (July 2005): 547–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009405054571.

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Geisler, Gisela. "Fair? What Has Fairness Got to Do with It? Vagaries of Election Observations and Democratic Standards." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 613–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012271.

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The observation and monitoring of elections and referenda has become a ‘growth business’ in Africa since external and internal pressures have forced the leaders of one-party states to test their political legitimacy. The closely monitored 1991 presidential and parliamentary elections in Zambia heralded the first peaceful transition from a single to a multi-party system of governance with a change of leadership in English-speaking Africa. It marked the beginning of an era of confidence in the possibilities of democratic change, and confirmed the positive influence that international observers can have on such processes. Their presence was henceforth considered an essential pre-condition for acceptable transitional multi-party elections. The hopes that Zambia would indeed ‘set a standard for Africa’, and offer encouragement to nascent democratic movements on the continent have, however, remained elusive. More recent elections have been replete with controversy, intimidations, and violence. Despite being certified to varying degrees as free and fair by observers, the losers have contested the results—in Angola with arms, in Kenya and Ghana with threatened and actual boycotts.

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Thuo, Luciana. "Implementation of Political Participation Standards for Persons with Intellectual Disabilities in Kenya." Strathmore Law Journal 2, no. 1 (August 1, 2016): 97–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slj.v2i1.17.

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This paper reviews international standards on political participation by persons with intellectual disabilities and how they are implemented in Kenya. On one hand, Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights(ICCPR) allows limitation of rights based on ‘reasonable and objective’ criteria. Whereas it is considered unreasonable to restrict participation rights of persons with physical disabilities, General Comment 25 to the ICCPR permits restrictions based on ‘established mental incapacity’. On the other hand, the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) does not foresee any limitation of participation rights; rather it recognises the freedom of persons with disabilities to be involved in decision-making, including the right to vote and hold public office. Kenya is a party to both instruments, having acceded to the ICCPR in 1972 and ratified the CRPD in 2008. Kenya’s law does not deprive persons with intellectual disabilities of legal capacity. In fact, Article 54(2) of the Constitution of Kenya (2010 Constitution)seeks to increase participation of persons with disabilities in decision making and public life by providing, inter alia, for the progressive inclusion of persons with disabilities in at least five percent of all elective and nominated positions. Whereas Kenya’s law allows for limited guardianship, it is the informal guardianship created by the family, on whom persons with intellectual disabilities are dependent for support, which poses the greatest barrier to the exercise of participation rights. This informal guardianship, combined with negative societal attitudes and ignorance at all levels including the Judiciary, the electoral management body (the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC)) and even the wider disability movement, makes political participation rights for persons with intellectual disabilities illusory. If the situation of persons with intellectual disabilities is not addressed, only persons with physical and sensory disabilities will be able to take up the affirmative action measure created by Article 54(2) of the 2010 Constitution.

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Gerhart, Gail M., David Throup, and Charles Hornsby. "Multi-Party Politics in Kenya: The Kenyatta and Moi States and the Triumph of the System in the 1992 Election." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 3 (1999): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049339.

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28

Newsinger, John. "War, Empire and the Attlee government 1945–1951." Race & Class 60, no. 1 (June 29, 2018): 61–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818779864.

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In this article, adapted from a speech delivered at a conference on reparative history, the author challenges the dominant view of the progressive radicalism of the postwar Attlee government by exposing the brutality of its imperial adventures. Examining British involvement in Vietnam, Indonesia, Greece, Malaya, Kenya, India, Palestine, Iran and Korea, the piece paints a very different and bloody historical narrative from the dominant one. It argues that the welfare state was accompanied by the creation of the warfare state and that it was the Labour Party which cemented the ‘special relationship’ with the United States, which today the vast majority of the parliamentary Labour Party would still like to see hold sway in terms of foreign policy and questionable foreign interventions.

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Bamfo, Napoleon. "Term Limit and Political Incumbency in Africa: Implications of Staying in Power Too Long with References to the Cases of Kenya, Malawi, and Zambia." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 327–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270439.

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Abstract African nations never seriously addressed the issue of term limits for incumbents until newly-drafted constitutions did so in the early 1990s. Since then, however, some incumbents have initiated campaigns to circumvent that measure. Some of those initiatives have been successful; others have not. Incumbents attempting to stay in office longer than what constitutions originally allowed used to be a time-honored strategy that African leaders regularly employed throughout the post-independent period until the early 1990s. The autocratic and single-party regimes that littered Africa's political landscape epitomized the extent to which political incumbents would go to keep anybody else, including members of their own party, from winning the highest political office.The response of opposition groups and the military, which assumed a guardianship role, to this wanton aggrandizement of power was a spate of military coups, counter-coups, and sabotage or destabilize those regimes. African nations paid dearly for this wave of instability to which almost all political systems became associated. This period of uncertainty and decay reminiscent of Africa's recent history is being re-invented following unsuccessful attempts of political incumbents in Kenya, Malawi, and Zambia to seek additional terms. Even as these efforts were being resisted, incumbents elsewhere were succeeding at securing additional terms. This paper examines the impact this recent trend among incumbents for term extension will have on the building of political institutions in Africa. If history were to serve as a guide, that spells an ominous foreboding.

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Sjögren, Anders, and Henrik Angerbrandt. "Accommodating, Opposing, or Dismissing? Ethno-Regional Mobilization, (De)Centralization, and State-Wide Party Strategies in Nigeria and Kenya." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 343–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2019.1678305.

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Dulani, Boniface, Adam S. Harris, Jeremy Horowitz, and Happy Kayuni. "Electoral Preferences Among Multiethnic Voters in Africa." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 2 (June 23, 2020): 280–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020926196.

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Intermarriage is transforming Africa’s ethnic landscape. In several countries on the continent more than a fifth of all marriages now cut across ethnic lines. As a result, there is a growing population of multiethnic citizens who descend from diverse family lineages. The growth of Africa’s mixed population has the potential to affect politics in a variety of potentially far-reaching ways. In this article, we focus on one possible implication by examining the electoral preferences of multiethnic voters in contexts where ethnic bloc voting is commonplace. Drawing on survey data from Malawi and Kenya, we find that mixed individuals are less likely to support the party associated with their stated ethnic group, relative to mono-ethnics. We outline several possible explanations related to identity measurement, the link between identities and preferences, and social networks.

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Ndegwa, Stephen N. "Multi-Party Politics in Kenya: the Kenyatta and Moi States and the Triumph of the System in the 1992 Election (review)." Africa Today 46, no. 2 (1999): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.1999.0008.

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Manyara, Ibrahim J. "2017 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN KENYA CONTEXTUALIZED ON THE CONCEPT OF DEMOCRACY." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 9 (October 4, 2020): 589–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.9045.

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ABSTRACT This paper attempts to examine the controversy intertwined in the concept of democracy in theory and practice. It is argued that in political discourses and electoral processes in a State, the concept has been as controversial as it is from individual perspectives. In whichever situation, the proponents are convinced that they are indeed right yet they cannot all be true at the same time. After an election in a State, one set of politicians, voters and election observers will pass a verdict that the process was democratic while at the same time another set of politicians, voters and elections observers will dismiss the elections as flawed and undemocratic. In an attempt to seek answers to this controversy, the paper is divided into three parts. Part A engages in a detailed Ontological and Epistemological analysis of the views and perspectives of theorists and scholars in all historical epochs of academic development. Part B captures the case study of the 2017 presidential elections in Kenya while in Part C author attempts to contextualize the 2017 presidential elections in Kenya on the concept of democracy in an attempt to assess whether the elections were democratic or otherwise based on the researcher’s research findings of the elections. The paper combines both qualitative and quantitative approaches and is anchored on the investment theory of elections and game theory as the theoretical underpinnings. This study concludes that the 2017 presidential elections in Kenya were democratic and undemocratic at the same time. Keywords: Ontology, Epistemology, Game theory, Investment theory of party competition.

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Dancy, Geoff, and Florencia Montal. "Unintended Positive Complementarity: Why International Criminal Court Investigations May Increase Domestic Human Rights Prosecutions." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 3 (July 2017): 689–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2017.70.

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The International Criminal Court (ICC) is controversial, acutely so in Africa. The first thirty-nine people it indicted were all African. It did not open any formal investigations outside Africa until the 2016 decision to investigate conduct related to the 2008 Georgia-Russia war. The first three notifications of withdrawal from the ICC Statute, each made in 2016, were by Burundi, South Africa, and Gambia. While South Africa and Zambia reversed their initial intentions, Burundi in fact became the first state party to withdraw from the ICC in October 2017. These maneuvers are closely connected to country-specific political and legal considerations, but they overlap with concerns expressed by governments in other countries including Kenya and Namibia. Among these concerns is that “the ICC has become the greatest threat to Africa's sovereignty, peace and stability,” and that “the ICC is a colonial institution under the guise of international justice.”

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Mude, Hashim. "Political Micro-Targeting in Kenya: An Analysis of the Legality of Data-Driven Campaign Strategies under the Data Protection Act." Journal of Intellectual Property and Information Technology Law (JIPIT) 1, no. 1 (June 4, 2021): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/jipit.v1i1.61.

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The 2013 general election marked the entry of data-driven campaigning into Kenyan politics as political parties begun collecting and storing voter data. More sophisticated techniques were deployed in 2017 as politicians retained the services of data analytics firms such as Cambridge Analytica, accused of digital colonialism and undermining democracies. It is alleged that political parties engaged in regular targeting and more intrusive micro-targeting, facilitated by the absence of a data protection legal framework.The promulgation of the Data Protection Act, 2019, ostensibly remedied this gap. This paper analyses whether, and to what extent, political parties can rely on the same–or similar– regular targeting and micro-targeting techniques in subsequent elections. While regular targeting differs from micro-targeting as the latter operates at a more granular level, both comprise of three steps- collecting a voter’s personal data, profiling them, and sending out targeted messages. This paper considers the legality of each of these steps in turn. It finds that going forward, such practices will likely require the consent of the data subject. However, the Act provides for several exceptions which political parties could abuse to circumvent this requirement. There are also considerable loopholes that allow open access to voter data in the electoral list as well as the personal data of the members of a rival political party. The efficacy of the Data Protection Act will largely rest on whether the Data Protection Commissioner will interpret it progressively and hold political parties to account.

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Kramon, Eric. "Electoral Handouts as Information." World Politics 68, no. 3 (May 19, 2016): 454–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000453.

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Why is vote buying effective even where ballot secrecy is protected? Most answers emerge from models of machine politics, in which a machine holds recipients of handouts accountable for their subsequent political behavior. Yet vote buying is common in many contexts where political party machines are not present, or where parties exert little effort in monitoring voters. This article addresses this puzzle. The author argues that politicians often distribute electoral handouts to convey information to voters. This vote buying conveys information with respect to the future provision of resources to the poor. The author tests the argument with original qualitative and experimental data collected in Kenya. A voter's information about a candidate's vote buying leads to substantial increases in electoral support, an effect driven by expectations about the provision of clientelist benefits beyond the electoral period. The results, showing that the distribution of material benefits can be electorally effective for persuasive reasons, thereby explain how vote buying can be effective in the absence of machine politics.

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Ndegwa, Stephen N. "BOOK REVIEW: Throup, David, and Charles Hornsby. MULTI-PARTY POLITICS IN KENYA: THE KENYATTA AND MOI STATES AND THE TRIUMPH OF THE SYSTEM IN THE 1992 ELECTION. Oxford: James Currey. 1998." Africa Today 46, no. 2 (April 1999): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.1999.46.2.146.

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Pugach, Sara. "Agents of dissent: African student organizations in the German Democratic Republic." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S90—S108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201800092x.

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AbstractAfrican students in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) often belonged to national student clubs (NHG) that were arranged for them by the East German government. Many were also members of an umbrella organization for all African students and workers in the GDR (UASA). While the GDR authorities thought that the NHG and UASA would adopt political positions that reflected those of the GDR, this article demonstrates that the students instead used them to criticize both their own governments and their host country. It shows that the students often held positions contrary to the GDR's, and were not shy about expressing them. Although they were usually unable to organize as openly as students in the West, African students in the GDR held meetings and wrote letters to protest about a variety of issues, including Sékou Touré’s repression of a teachers’ strike in Guinea, the Biafran crisis in Nigeria and ethnic separatism in Kenya. They also took the GDR to task for the racist behaviour of East German citizens. The GDR's Socialist Unity Party claimed that the country was anti-racist and anti-imperialist, and that all vestiges of Nazism had been expunged; the students, however, were able to point out multiple racist incidents, and through the UASA demanded that the GDR address its racism problem.

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Elischer, Sebastian. "Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1114123.

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Gadjanova, Elena. "Status-quo or Grievance Coalitions: The Logic of Cross-ethnic Campaign Appeals in Africa’s Highly Diverse States." Comparative Political Studies, September 9, 2020, 001041402095768. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020957683.

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This paper explains how presidential candidates in Africa’s highly diverse states appeal across ethnic lines when ethnic identities are salient, but broader support is needed to win elections. I argue that election campaigns are much more bottom-up and salience-oriented than current theories allow and draw on the analysis of custom data of campaign appeals in Ghana, Kenya, and Uganda, as well as interviews with party strategists and campaign operatives in Ghana and Kenya to demonstrate clear patterns in presidential candidates’ cross-ethnic outreach. Where ethnic salience is high, incumbents offer material incentives and targeted transfers to placate supporters, challengers fan grievances to split incumbents’ coalitions, and also-rans stress unity and valence issues in the hope of joining the winner. The research contributes to our understanding of parties’ mobilization strategies in Africa and further clarifies where and how ethnic divisions are politicized in elections in plural societies.

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Saalfeld, Jannis. "Inter-Secular Party Competition and the (Non-)Formation of Salafi-Jihadist Milieus: Evidence from Tanzania and Kenya." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, June 28, 2021, 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2021.1945187.

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Mtasigazya, Paul. "The State of Liberal Democracy With Regard to Elections and Political Stability in Africa: Bridging the Gap Between Theory and Practice in Tanzania and Keny." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, March 30, 2021, 52–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-54-1-52-70.

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This study explores the state of liberal democracy and political stability in Africa. In particular it intends to assess what is said about liberal democracy in relation to free and fair election, political stability and the politics of ethnicity in Tanzania and Kenya and the reality happening on the ground (the practice) in East African countries. The rationale for undertaking this analysis is that the East African countries have experienced political transformation: for instance, for much of the post-colonial period East African countries tended to live under one-party regime, but since 1990s East African countries embraced multiparty system. This study pays attention to assessing the outcomes of liberal democracy in East African countries in particular examining the extent to which the liberal democracy promotes free and fair elections, political stability and the mitigation of the politics of ethnicity. This study employed a comparative analysis, in which it compared the extent to which liberal democracy is practiced in Tanzania and Kenya and how far the above-mentioned parameters are realized under the broad spectrum of liberal democracy. The methods of data collection were interviews and documentary review and the discussion of the findings was organized around the sub-themes of this study. The period covered in this discussion is the contemporary period from 1990’s to 2019. The findings indicate that even though African countries have adopted liberal democracy, in some of the East African countries like Kenya, political stability and free and fair elections have not been fully realized, while in Tanzania the experience indicates that political stability is relatively realized after elections. This study concludes that even if the institutions of liberal democracy have gradually developed with partial free and fair elections, the manifestations of political instability still exist in some of the East African countries, as shown by the election violence in Kenya comparatively to Tanzania. Therefore, the interface between the liberal democracy and political stability has not been sufficiently realized in the liberal democratic tradition. This study recommends that elections as one of the pillars of liberal democracy should be properly and fairly instituted, so that the role of liberal democracy is realized in fostering peace and tranquility.

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Muna, Wilson, and Michael Otieno. "Voting with the shilling: The 'Money Talks Factor' in Kenya's Public Policy and Electoral Democracy." Journal of African Elections, June 1, 2020, 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2020/v19i1a5.

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The influence of money in elections has become an important ingredient in determining electoral outcomes worldwide. The use of money in political activities has adversely affected the nature of public policy, governance, competition, the rule of law, transparency, equity and democracy. Although there are laws, policies and guidelines governing the use of money during elections, there is little political will to implement them. This paper examines how money, or the lack thereof, determines electoral outcomes in multi-party democracies with a focus on Kenya, employing both the hydraulic theory and the push-and-pull paradigm. The study found that in most cases, victory in elections follows those with money; in other cases, it is the potential for victory that attracts money from self-interested donors. The study calls on electoral bodies such as the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission to honour their mandate and demand compliance with set laws and regulations in a bid to entrench governance and create a level playing field for contestants.

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Urnov, Andrey. "The United States and Elections in Africa (2015–2018)." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, February 20, 2019, 58–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2019-46-1-58-98.

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As a self-proclaimed “Global Leader” the United States have made “the assertion, advancement, support and defense of democracy” throughout the world one of the pillars of their foreign policy. This aim invariably figures in all Washington’s program documents pertaining to Africa. A major component of these efforts is an assistance to regular, free and fair elections. The selection of arguments cited to justify such activities has been done skilfully. In each specific case it is emphasized that the United States do not side with any competing party, stand “above the battle”, work for the perfection of electoral process, defend the rights of opposition and rank and file votes, render material and technical help to national electoral committees. Sounds irreproachable. However, the real situation is different. The study of the US practical activities in this field allows to conclude that Washington has one-sidedly awarded itself a role of a judge and supervisor of developments related to elections in the sovereign countries of Africa, tries to control the ways they are prepared and conducted. These activities signify an interference into the internal affairs of African states. The scale and forms of such interference differ and is subjected to tasks the USA try to resolve in this or that country on the national, regional or global levels. However, everywhere it serves as an instrument of penetration and strengthening of the US influence, enhancing the US political presence in African countries. The right of the US to perform this role is presented as indisputable. Sceptics are branded as opponents of democracy. The author explores the US positions and activities connected with elections in Africa during the last years of B.Obama and first two years of D.Trump presidencies. He shows how their policy have been implemented on the continental level and in regard to several countries – South Sudan, Libya, Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Nigeria, Somali, Kenya, Uganda.

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Journal articles on the topic 'SAFINA (Political Party : Kenya)'

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