Journal articles on the topic 'Saigon Center for Vietnamese Studies'

Twenty-first-century Ho Chi Minh City (formerly Saigon) is the centre of style for a growing urban middle class in post-reform Vietnam. Over the past generation, since macro-economic reform (đổi mới), and with increased opportunities for business, education and travel, urbanites have been able to climb the social ladder and wield new forms of social power stemming from emerging lifestyle and consumption practices. Middle-class lifestyles have become the most desired models for living, providing an opportunity for the government to rely on the urban lifestyle media to convey its point of view to a receptive public. Engaging with Vietnam's urban lifestyle media, this article argues that the impact of reform in Vietnam has been overstated. Popular women's magazines reveal that continuities remain in the mode and content of the delivery of the state's values in the socialist past and the market-oriented present, even with the evolution of a modern mass media system.

Buddhism and Vietnamese Buddhist culture, a part of national culture and Buddhist culture, are associated with Buddhist education and simultaneously attached to each region. The article presents the movement and formation of Buddhist education along the Hue – Hanoi – Saigon axis over time, creating unique Buddhist cultural features for each region. The author focuses on four main movement lines that make up Vietnamese Buddhist education in general and Hue Buddhist education in particular, including (1) Convergent movement: South → Hue ← North; (2) Parallel movement: Saigon → Hue → Hanoi; (3) Unilateral movement: Hue → Saigon; (4) Multidimensional movement: Saigon ↔ Hue ↔ Hanoi. In this movement, and as the geographic, political, and cultural center of the country for a long time, Hue received, filtered, and absorbed Buddhist culture from other regions to form a distinctive feature of Hue Buddhism and establish the Zen Lieu Quan school next to the Truc Lam Zen school by Buddha–King Tran Nhan Tong in the North.

This article argues that the lived experiences and challenges of the Vietnamese community in Toronto are not reflected in the social work literature that continues to represent them as exceptional refugees. Over forty years after the fall of Saigon, a qualitative research study, “Discrimination in the Vietnamese Community, Toronto,” reveals that the Vietnamese community continues to experience intergroup conflicts stemming from war- and displacement-mediated identities of region, class, and temporal periods of migration. A critical review of the social work literature, using the theoretical lens of critical multiculturalism, traces the construction of the Vietnamese Canadians as successful “boat people” as part of the larger narrative of multiculturalism. This discourse of exceptionalism allows the needs of those who fall outside the constructed identity to remain unseen and underserved. Participant responses from this small pilot study will inform future investigation into the impact of intergroup conflicts hidden under the veneer of successful integration and adaptation of refugee and migrant groups.

By codifying the documents of the Republic-of-Vietnam government kept at the National Archives Center II (NACII), the author will redraw the organization of the Republic of Vietnam Military Forces in the 1969-1975 period. This reconstruction will help the author and researchers to have a full overview on military tools – Republic-of-Vietnam Military Forces during the war of American in Southern Vietnam and on the process of Vietnamese people’s fighting against a modern army trained and commanded by U.S. Army.

After war, years of hostility and a long period of gradually improving Party and state relations, the study of China has begun to re-emerge in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Vietnam has had a sinological tradition for hundreds of years, linked to China by history, language, trade, a common border and in a myriad of other ways. From the mid-1950s until the early 1970s, thousands of Vietnamese students and officials studied in the People's Republic of China. Today the People's Republic remains Vietnam's key strategic threat. But the PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities are also among Vietnam's key trade partners and a growing source of investment for its economic reforms.Given this close relationship – including the direct hostility in the late 1970s and early to mid–1980s, one of a series of conflicts going back hundreds of years – it is perhaps paradoxical that the study of China in Vietnam has remained relatively weak. During the war against the French which led to the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1945 and the victory at Dien Bien Phu, Vietnamese sinology was a field largely limited to one or two universities and institutes in Hanoi and some additional capacity in Hue and Saigon, with scholars trained in either the older Vietnamese or French tradition. The thousands of Vietnamese who studied in China in the 1950s and 1960s were trained largely for other fields, although Chinese studies did see some development during the 1949 to 1966 period.

This article attempts to explain the extraordinary popularity of Vietnamese composer and singer Trịnh Công Sơn. Although he attracted attention with love songs composed in the late 1950s, it was his antiwar songs, particularly those collected in Songs of Golden Skin (1966), that created the “Trịnh Công Sơn phenomenon.” Though these songs were banned by the Saigon government, they circulated widely in the South during the war. Though he was distrusted by the new Communist government after the war, Sơn continued to compose until his death in 2001, and his songs are still popular in Vietnam today. Some reasons for his popularity are offered, including the freshness of his early love songs, his evocation of Buddhist themes, his ability to express the mood of Southerners during the war, and a mixture of patience and persistence that enabled him to continue to compose in postwar Vietnam.

After Vietnam's August Revolution in 1945, Hồ Chí Minh was venerated as the center of a newly created political religion that eventually became part of the Vietnamese religious landscape. This article traces the origins of Hồ Chí Minh's veneration and his own role in cementing his image not only as the leader of the nation but as the Uncle, the head of the Vietnamese national family. Through an examination of Hồ Chí Minh's first (auto)biography, it explores some of the means employed to achieve these results. Hồ Chí Minh's cult transformed the nation and altered Vietnamese cultural traditions. It served to acquaint people with the new order and to create and perpetuate people's loyalty to the newly formed state entities. This article looks at how Hồ Chí Minh went from being the master of his own cult to losing control over it and becoming its employee.

Background: This article uses the term “way of living” in its connection with “place identity” to analyze the impact of new urban residents (migrant peasants) on the urban space transformation. In the thematic study of the spatial development of the Ho Chi Minh City center, the configuration of the influence of the key actors (state and community) is analyzed. The architectural environment of the Vietnamese Ho Chi Minh City (formerly known as Saigon) is considered in the context of the similarity of its development (consequences of development) to the transformation of the space of Ukrainian cities. Methods: Observations and theoretical discourse on the recent changes in the city’s spatial organization are used to create a detailed description of several quarters of the city center on which the study focuses. This description allows us to understand the nature of changes in the urban environment, which is expressed in the continuous (daily) deconstruction of the historical environment, and the main drivers of this process. Turning to the hypothesis of the influence of the new residents’ “way of life”, which is different from the one of the urban residents, the study was supplemented by the analysis of the spatial organization and neighborhood of the fishing village of Gành Dầu in the province of tỉnh Kiên Giang. Results: The study of the space-community interactions of this sustainable rural settlement determines the similarity of the “rural identity” of local residents with the “urban identity” (autochthonous urban population of Ho Chi Minh City) in terms of perception and use of the common space. Therefore, differences in lifestyle (urban/rural) are not the main source of influence on the gradual changes in urban morphology and the loss of authentic buildings. In the context of this study, the impact of “consumer identity” as a manifestation of a “fluid society” (characterized by instability and uncertainty) that is in the process of constant change is more noticeable. It is important to emphasize that the influence of the local community (with any type of identity) on the transformation of the urban space occurs only through the informal spatial practices, and is not the only or determining factor. Conclusions: Due to the similarity of the processes of the spatial development of the Vietnamese and Ukrainian cities, this study provides a significant comparative example for the analysis of the urban environment transformations. This study helps to introduce a new research program that addresses the gap between the architectural analysis of the interaction between the (substituted) community-space and research in other scientific fields.

Automatic Speech Recognition (ASR) systems convert human speech into the corresponding transcription automatically. They have a wide range of applications such as controlling robots, call center analytics, voice chatbot. Recent studies on ASR for English have achieved the performance that surpasses human ability. The systems were trained on a large amount of training data and performed well under many environments. With regards to Vietnamese, there have been many studies on improving the performance of existing ASR systems, however, many of them are conducted on a small-scaled data, which does not reflect realistic scenarios. Although the corpora used to train the system were carefully design to maintain phonetic balance properties, efforts in collecting them at a large-scale are still limited. Specifically, only a certain accent of Vietnam was evaluated in existing works. In this paper, we first describe our efforts in collecting a large data set that covers all 3 major accents of Vietnam located in the Northern, Center, and Southern regions. Then, we detail our ASR system development procedure utilizing the collected data set and evaluating different model architectures to find the best structure for Vietnamese. In the VLSP 2018 challenge, our system achieved the best performance with 6.5% WER and on our internal test set with more than 10 hours of speech collected real environments, the system also performs well with 11% WER

Ho Chi Minh City (HCMC), the largest agglomeration in Vietnam, is a multitude of cities and where spatial development is inherently intertwined with a continuously transforming water structure. HCMC is a relatively young city—the foundational citadel dates from the end 18th century—that nevertheless was always complex. Its original dichotomic nature, with Chinese Chợ Lớn and Vietnamese Sài Gòn, forcefully colonized and domesticated a quagmire. It eventually became colonized itself by France (formalized by the Indochina federation 1887-1954). The agglomeration subsequently underwent strong growth and transformation during the American War (1955-75), to explode even more after the (re)opening up to the market in 1986 (Đổi Mới: the change to the new). Shock and wave development (and significant disruption), hand-in-hand with forceful public intervention and laissez-faire dynamics, led to odd bedfellows—a partially planned and spontaneous urban environment, iterating between conscious design decisions anchored on territorial characteristics (predominantly defined by water structures) and generic additions regardless of the terrain, between structuring and undirected fabrics. Amidst another wave of rampant growth and expansion, the city plans to double its center eastwards across the Sài Gòn River in the water-sick districts 2, 9 and Thu Duc. This offers the occasion to boldly rethink the formation of the contemporary tropical deltaic metropolis. The article will plead for an alternative for the future development of HCMC through the elaboration of a project for the twin center of Sài Gòn, foreseen in an interfluvial land that is systematically permeated by canals, river branches, ditches, etc. The plan recognizes that the water system defines the base spatial register of the territory and intelligently anchors urban development on this register.

Since the early seventeenth century, the Vietnamese came to live on My Tho land. In 1679, Chinese army generals led by Duong Ngan Dich was allowed to explore My Tho land by Nguyen king. The Vietnamese collaborated with the Chinese on making My Tho land turn into farms and crowded villages. Because the Chinese people were good at business, My Tho soon became a crowded town with more and more developing trade. As duly met were basic factors such as a rich quantity of products being produced, the appearance of team traders, the transportation system expanding throughout the region etc., My Tho quickly gained trade. The flourishing of My Tho started from paddy rice since the end of the seventeenth century. At that time, My Tho got appearance of a business market specializing on grain, which was called Cho Gao, and was famous throughout the South region. My Tho town, which was erected at the confluence between My Tho river and Vung Gu canal, was a point benefiting from many advantages on trading with such other centers of business as Cu Lao Pho, Saigon, Phu Xuan,... My Tho town is well-known as an international trading port. Most markets in Tien Giang had rice trade. The market system around this town was the satellites. Therefore, it turned My Tho into a big commercial center to communicate with other commercial centers in the Inner Region. Rice paddies in My Tho is also exported to foreign countries, especially to the Chinese market. Luc Tinh was early best-known as “first paddy second areca”. Vinh Long and Dinh Tuong grew the most areca trees. Areca was the best selling product on the domestic market and was exported abroad. My Tho quickly met market demand. The farmers there had “intensive farm model” for garden work in order to become “commercialized” areca with the purpose of increasing the value of these agricultural products. Besides, My Tho also provided the market with many other products. It can be believed that My Tho significantly contributed to the commodity economy in the Inner Region in both seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Selling out the own products to purchase technology products from different places, then to resell them to consumers was a dominate feature of My Tho trade at that time.

Migration researchers and urban scholars are increasingly applying infrastructural approaches to analyze the production and organization of urban spaces and migration. While transformative and transforming power seem to be inherent characteristics of infrastructures, studies to date have rarely emphasized this aspect, only placing minimal focus on its importance for understanding the constitution and development of infrastructures and for examining the mobility of migrants. In the current article, we study Berlin’s Refugio, an alternative form of housing for forced migrants, and the city’s Dong Xuan Center (DXC), a Vietnamese hypermarket. We argue that they not only represent infrastructures in which newcomers reach a city, and navigate their trajectories, as well as the obstacles, and opportunities of urban life, but they are also ‘infrastructures of conversion’ that transform material space and the people inhabiting them, and their entanglement with the city. While the DXC and Refugio emerged out of necessity, addressing the lack of economic (DXC) and housing (Refugio) opportunities, they have changed into cultural and economic hubs for migrant communities and beyond. On the one hand, these changes come with multilayered negotiation processes, revealing a complex interplay of interests, actors, and internal hierarchies within the DXC and Refugio. On the other hand, their transformation illustrates the influence of local planning authorities, institutions, and the pressure to culturally and economically exploit their social, spatial, and ‘ethnic’ characteristics. This mesh elucidates the diffuse position of both infrastructures in the urban realm. While their existence and future development is constantly challenged, they simultaneously represent political spaces that prompt institutional logics and questions of immigrant integration.

BACKGROUND: Previous studies worldwide have investigated the anatomy of the perforators of the deep inferior epigastric arteries to figure out the navigation patterns of the perforators on the abdominal wall. This has been inconsistent amongst the researchers about how to select the perforator to increase the blood supply area for the flap. AIM: To explore the blood supply area of the perforators of the superficial and deep inferior epigastric artery in the abdominal region of the Vietnamese by dissection and 64-slice multislice computed tomography (64-slice MSCT). METHODS: A descriptive cross-sectional study Center from September 2014 to September 2016 on two groups including 30 cadavers fixed by formalin 10% in Anatomy Department of UPNT, and 37 patients getting the 64-slice MSCT abdominal arteries angiogram. RESULTS: The superficial epigastric arteries at the level of the inguinal ligament were located in the middle region, with 96% (right) and 88.5% (left). The anterior superior iliac spine level was in the middle, and lateral regions of 68% and 32% respectively. The level of the umbilical cord was in the lateral region with 66.7% and 85.7%, respectively. There were about 6 perforators of the deep inferior epigastric arteries located in the navel area. These perforators were 70% in the medial region and 30% in the middle region. CONCLUSION: Mapping the blood supply based on the fourth space in the abdominal region in which the superfical inferior epigastric arteries supplied the lateral area. The middle and the internal ones were the perforators of the deep inferior epigastric arteries.

We conducted a cross-sectional study in four provinces located in four different geographical areas in Vietnam to examine the prevalence and associated factors of depression and suicide ideation among school students aged 13–17. A sample of 6407 students from secondary school and high school participated in our survey to complete self-reported questionnaires. Depressive symptoms were measured by the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression scale (CES-D). Suicidal ideation and associated factors were measured by the Global School Student Health Survey (GSHS) questionnaire. We found that 31.7% of students had depressive symptoms, and 11% reported suicidal ideation during the last year. Female students and older students were more at risk of experiencing depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation than male students and younger students. Bullying, violence, smoking, and alcohol consumption appear as risk factors, while a good relationship with parents/guardians may protect school students from having depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation.

Cement-concrete pavement not only has a long service life even at high loads but also has competitive production costs and fewer significant maintenance costs. The concrete road surfaces, thus, are rather economical. In this article, the Vietnamese Standard TCVN 9382 - 2012 was used to determine the heavyweight concrete composition for rural road construction. Assessment of the crack appearance in the concrete block body was made by the temperature field analysis, the thermal stress and cracking index. The conducted studies' result provided with the possibility of obtaining heavyweight concrete from Vietnam local raw materials regarding to the concrete mixture workability of 11-13 cm standard cone, 31-36 MPa compressive strength of heavyweight concrete at the age of 28 - day - normal hardening and 0.30 - 0.42 MPa average water resistance of samples. Using natural pozzolan to replace 20% of mass cement in the concrete mixture leads to a decrease in the concrete strength characteristics at different ages. The concrete compressive strength of composition No2 decreased mostly by 23% at the age of 3 days and least by 14% at the age of 28 days in comparison these values of composition No1. However, all of these concrete compressive strengths at the age 28 days are higher than 30 MPa. Replacing 20% of the mass Portland cement by natural pozzolan in a concrete mix will decrease price for 1 m3 concrete of 219.96 rubles. By applying the computer program MIDAS CIVIL, the maximum temperature in the concrete block center which was determined after 12 hours from the commencement of mixing of raw materials with water, equals to Tmax = 34.61 0С. At the same time, the structure temperature difference between the center (node793) and surface (nodes 120 and 898) of the concrete pavement can be neglected because of its insignificance. Besides, the cracking indexes at three hazardous locations of investigated structure are higher than 1, the cement-concrete pavement will be considered as non-appearance of cracks. However, the cracking index at center (node 793) is always less than this on the surface (nodes 120 and 898), equally to higher thermal crack occurrence at center. Therefore, it is necessary to monitor the development and expansion of thermal cracks to ensure the concrete mixture proper care during the hardening process.

Using electronic devices before bedtime impacts sleep quality and has become a major public health issue. This study aims to investigate the associations between electronic devices (EDs) use before bedtime and sleep quality in Vietnamese university students. A total of 369 university students from three departments were recruited. Participants completed self-report surveys, including demographic characteristics, lifestyle, ED-use behaviors, the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index, and the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale. A total of 48.8% of the students experienced poor sleep quality, and 98.1% reported using at least one type of ED every day within two hours before bedtime. Smartphones are the most used devices (92.3%). ED usage within two hours before bedtime (p = 0.031), lack of exercise (p = 0.006), alcohol consumption (p = 0.025), and coffee intake after 4 pm (p = 0.018) were associated with poor sleep quality. ED use near bedtime for a duration longer than 30 min (p = 0.001) and depression (p < 0.001) were associated with poorer sleep quality among university students. ED use near bedtime more than 30 min was significantly associated with poorer sleep quality after adjusting depression status, exercise, and caffeine/alcohol intake in the latter part of the day. This study emphasizes the importance of adequate sleep and restriction of ED use near bedtime, which are necessary for better sleep in university students.

ABSTRACTBackground:Depression is common among older populations with cataract. However, the impact of cataract surgery on depression in both developed and developing countries remains unclear. The aim of this study is to determine the impact of cataract surgery on depressive symptoms and to examine the association between objective visual measures and change in depressive symptoms after surgery among a Vietnamese population in Ho Chi Minh City.Methods:A cohort of older patients with bilateral cataract were assessed the week before and one to three months after first eye surgery only or first- and second-eye cataract surgeries. Visual measures including visual acuity, contrast sensitivity, and stereopsis were obtained. Depressive symptoms were assessed using the 20-item Center for Epidemiological Studies-Depression Scale (CES-D). Descriptive analyses and a generalized estimating equations (GEE) analysis were undertaken to determine the impact of cataract surgery on depressive symptoms.Results:Four hundred and thirteen participants were recruited into the study before cataract surgery. Two hundred and forty-seven completed the follow-up assessment after surgery. There was a significant decrease (improvement) of one point in the depressive symptoms score (p = 0.04) after cataract surgery, after accounting for potential confounding factors. In addition, females reported a significantly greater decrease (improvement) of two points in depressive symptom scores (p = 0.01), compared to males. However, contrast sensitivity, visual acuity, and stereopsis were not significantly associated with change in depressive symptoms scores. First-eye cataract surgery or both-eye cataract surgery did not modify the change in depressive symptoms score.Conclusion:There was a small but significant improvement in depressive symptoms score after cataract surgery for an older population in Vietnam.

James Tait Goodrich was born on April 16, 1946 in Portland, Oregon, United States, the son of Richard Goodrich and Gail (Josselyn) Goodrich. Dr. Goodrich served as a Marine officer during the Vietnam War, during which time he decided his next step would be to pursue a medical career. Not only was he an elite surgeon, but over the years he was also a generous mentor and teacher who shared his craft with many young surgeons who wanted to follow in his footsteps. During the Tet Offensive, he spotted a Vietnamese surgeon in a medical tent opening up a soldier’s head. “Cool,” he thought. “I want to do that” (1). Upon return to the USA, Jim married Judy Loudin on December 27, 1970, the love of his life who gave him the confidence and support to pursue his dreams. Dr. Goodrich completed his undergraduate work at the University of California, Irvine and his graduate studies at the School of Arts and Sciences of Columbia University (1972), receiving his Masters and Doctor of Philosophy degrees in 1978 and 1980, respectively. He received his Medical Degree from Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons. After an internship at Columbia- Presbyterian Medical Center (1980-1981), he completed his residency training at the Presbyterian Hospital in New York City and the New York Neurological Institute (1981-1986). He also holds the rank of Professor Contralto of Neurological Surgery at the University of Palermo in Palermo, Italy. He was Director of the Division of Pediatric Neurosurgery at the Children’s Hospital of Montefiore Health System and he served as a Professor of Clinical Neurological Surgery, Pediatrics, Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery at the Albert Einstein College of Medicine since 1998 (2). Dr. James T. Goodrich dedicated his life to saving children with complex neurological conditions. He had a particular interest in the treatment of craniofacial abnormalities. He was a pioneer in this field and developed a multi-stage approach for separating craniopagus twins who have their brain and skull conjoined. In 2016, he famously led a team of 40 doctors in a 27-hour procedure to separate the McDonald twins. Throughout his distinguished career, he became known as the world’s leading expert on this lifesaving procedure. He has been consulted on hundreds of cases, and he routinely traveled the world sharing his vast knowledge and expertise with colleagues (3,4). In Brazil, Dr. Goodrich played a very important role in leading the processes to successfully separate craniopagus sets in Ribeirao Preto (2017-2018), and in Brasilia (2019). A classical multistage surgery was performed to separate the Ribeirao Preto conjoined twins, and Dr. Goodrich participated on all the neurosurgical procedures as a great mentor. In the final operation, on October 28, 2019, some members of Montefiore Hospital medical staff (Dr. Oren Tepper, plastic surgeon, Dr. Carlene Broderick, pediatric anesthesiologist and Kamilah A. Dowling, nurse) also worked alongside Jim and the Brazilian team. An extraordinary and humble man, his words after the first surgical step, during an interview for a TV channel, were that in “this particular surgery we were able to do more than we expected because the anatomy was very good and the team had exceptional skills that made the difference”. Dr. Goodrich was a chief supporter of the Latin American Pediatric Neurosurgery Course (LACPN), having participated in all editions since 2004. In these events, he did not hesitate to share his knowledge during the hands-on sessions and, likewise, his wonderful conferences. Prof. Goodrich was officially honored by the Brazilian Society for Pediatric Neurosurgery during the “XII Brazilian Congress of Pediatric Neurosurgery”, in Florianopolis, Brazil. Dr. Goodrich was a gentle and truly caring man. He did not crave the limelight and was beloved by his colleagues and staff. He has authored numerous book chapters and articles on Pediatric Neurosurgery and is known worldwide as a prominent lecturer in this field. Outside his work, he was also known for his passion for historical artifacts, travelling, wine, and surfing. Dr. Goodrich was an incredible human being. In March 30th, 2020, he passed away after complications due to Covid-19 (5). In that day the world has become a little less bright without Jim. Our sympathy and prayers go to his wife Judy, his three sisters, and all those who were close to him

This special issue of PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies is entitled ‘Italian Cultures: Writing Italian Cultural Studies in the World,’ guest edited by Ilaria Vanni (University of Technology Sydney). The issue aims at updating existing scholarship and scoping the proliferation of interests in the growing field of Italian cultural studies, whether conducted in Italy or outside that country. The issue proceeds from the premise that cultural studies practitioners write multiple Italies within Italy itself and from provincialized Italies, with a perspective that is both global and informed by specific local knowledge. As Vanni says in her introduction to the special issue, a number of questions arise when critics attempt both to imagine and work within the relatively recent field of Italian cultural studies: ‘Is there a specific genealogy to the study of cultures in Italy that intersects with the Anglophone definition of cultural studies? Is Italian cultural studies confined to cultural practices in Italy, or does it expand to include the cultural practices of the Italian diaspora? If there is an Italian cultural studies tradition, where is it? What do Italian cultural studies academics write about?' The contributions included here respond to such questions by drawing on a range of disciplinary and critical traditions to problematise received ideas about what Italy signifies and for whom. This issue of PORTAL also contains an essay and two cultural works in its cultural works section. ‘In the Age of Schizophrenia, Icebergs, and Things that Grip the Mind,’ from the Vietnam-based visual artist, curator, and writer, Sue Hajdú, is an evocative meditation on Saigon as represented in the work of five Vietnamese photographers— Ngo Dinh Truc, Lam Hieu Thuan, Nguyen Tuong Linh, Bui The Trung Nam, and Bui Huu Phuoc— who were born in the 1970s and whose work is reproduced by permission here. In her response to these young artists’ representations of contemporary Saigon, Hajdú notes how each photographer is inevitably grappling with the historically and nationally specific notion of contemporary Vietnamese time, ‘the monumental demarcation line’ signified by 1975. We also include in the cultural works section a suite of Spanish and English-language poems, ‘From/De Infernal : romantic,’ by Sydney based Vek Lewis, and a poem entitled ‘Mutiple Strokes’ by the Nigerian writer and critic, Obododimma Oha. Paul Allatson, Chair, PORTAL Editorial Committee

This paper conducts a descriptive cross-sectional study to determine the outpatient satisfaction with health insurance drug dispensing at the pharmacy of Ho Chi Minh City University of Medicine and Pharmacy Hospital in 2019 through a survey questionnaire. The study results show that the outpatient satisfaction was influenced by 4 factors: reliability, assurance, empathy and tangibility, among which, reliability was the most influential one (42%). Generally, the outpatient satisfaction with the health insurance drug dispensing ranged from “Satisfied” to “Absolutely satisfied” (4.19 – 4.36). The study also shows a low level of satisfaction with drug dispensing time and some other aspects of the drug dispensing, which suggests that suitable measures should be taken by the hospital to improve its outpatient drug dispensing service. Keywords Satisfaction, service quality, drug dispensing, Ho Chi Minh City University of Medicine and Pharmacy Hospital. References [1] E. Zarei, A. Daneshkohan, B. Pouragha et al, An empirical study of the impact of service quality on patient satisfaction in private hospitals Iran, Global journal of health science, 7(1) (2014) 1-9. https://doi.org/10.5539/gjhs.v7n1p1 [2] R. Thornton, N. Nurse, L. Snavely et al, Influences on patient satisfaction in healthcare centers: a semi-quantitative study over 5 years, BMC Health Services Research, 17 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12913-017-2307-z[3] Le Ba Tiep, Surveying the satisfaction of outpatient with health insurance procedures at the clinic – Nguyen Trai Hospital, Ho Chi Minh City. Specialized Pharmacist of 1st grade, 2017 (in Vietnamese)[4] Phung Duc Nhat, Phan Thi Hieu, Tran Ngoc Phuong, Dien Ngoc Trang, Nguyen Thi Tuyet Van, Customer satisfaction with health care services at the center of injury prevention and non-communicable diseases, Medical Journal Ho Chi Minh City, 18(6) (2013) 646-652 (in Vietnamese)[5] A. Parasuraman, V.A.Zeithaml, L.L.Berry, Servqual: A multiple – item scale for measuring consumer perception of service quality, Journal of Retailing, 64 (1988) 12-40.[6] Nguyen Tran Huy Duc, Measuring the satisfaction of outpatient patients with the quality of service at Ho Chi Minh City Public Hospital, Master thesis, 2013 (in Vietnammese).[7] Phan Thi Thuy Duong, Factors affecting the satisfaction of customer with treatment services covered by health insurance in Gia Lai province, Master thesis, 2016 (in Vietnamese).[8] Nhu Ngoc Thanh, The impact of service quality on patient satisfaction at Hai Duong Children of Hospital, Master thesis, 2013 (in Vietnamese).[9] Hoang Trong, Chu Nguyen Mong Ngoc, Analyze research data with SPSS volumes 1 and 2, Hong Duc Publishing House, Ho Chi Minh City, 2008 27-46 (in Vietnamese).[10] J.D. Evans, Straightforward Statistics for the Behavioral Sciences, Brooks/Cole Publishing Company, Pacific Grove, 1996.[11] Ministry of Health, Vietnam Policy on Satisfaction Index 2018, 44 (in Vietnamese).[12] Huynh Bao Tuan, Pham Le Khanh Linh, Tran Minh Nhut, Lean application for the pharmacy in medication administration to out-patients with health insurance at Hoan My Saigon Hospital, Science & Technology Development Journal, 20 (4) (2017) 34-40 (in Vietnamese).[13] H. Koning, J. Verver, J. Heuvel et al, Lean Six Sigma in Healthcare, Journal for healthcare quality :official publication of the National Association for Healthcare Quality, 28 (2006) 4-11. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1945-1474.2006.tb00596.x[14] J. Heuvel, R. Does, H. Koning, Lean Six Sigma in a hospital, Int. J. Six Sigma and Competitive Advantage, 2 (2006) 377-388. https://doi.org/10.1504/IJSSCA.2006.011566.

At the intersection of Asian American studies and southern history, this article examines the racialization of Vietnamese refugees in Arkansas in 1975, when the federal government selected Fort Chaffee as a processing center for people fleeing Southeast Asia. It constructs a framework that asks how Northwest Arkansas’s history shaped government agencies’ and Arkansans’ reactions to the refugees. The responses of the state and the people to the presence of the Vietnamese reflected national factors such as the controversial nature of the Vietnam War, fear of competition in the labor market, and long-standing national anti-Asian sentiments. These concerns intersected with dynamics such as Christian beliefs including the rise of the Moral Majority and its racial overtones, states’ rights, and racial mores grounded in local history. The article draws on never-before-used sources that allow us to hear the voices of Vietnamese refugees as they awaited sponsors in Fort Chaffee. Though focused on the experience of Vietnamese refugees in 1975, it provides an entry point to analyze how regional history affects processes of racialization for other groups such as Latinas/os.

Abstract Background There is very limited evidence on the existence of cancer-related perceived stigma and self-blame among patients with advanced cancer in Asia, and how they are associated with psychosocial outcomes. This study aimed to address the gap in the current literature by (1) assessing perceived stigma, behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame among Vietnamese patients with advanced cancer, and (2) investigating the associations of perceived stigma and self-blame (behavioural and characterological) with depression, emotional well-being and social well-being. Methods This cross-sectional study involved 200 Vietnamese patients with stage IV solid cancer. Depression was measured using the Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression (CES-D) Scale. Emotional well-being and social well-being were measured with the relevant domains of the Functional Assessment of Cancer Therapy-General (FACT-G) scale. Perceived stigma was assessed using the sense of stigma subscale of Kissane’s Shame and Stigma Scale. Behavioural self-blame and characterological self-blame were measured by the patients’ answers to the questions on whether their cancer was due to patient’s behaviour or character. Multivariable linear regressions were used to investigate the associations while controlling for patient characteristics. Results Approximately three-fourths (79.0%, n = 158) of the participants reported perceived stigma with an average score of 20.5 ± 18.0 (out of 100). More than half of the participants reported behavioural self-blame (56.3%, n = 112) or characterological self-blame (62.3%, n = 124). Higher perceived stigma was associated with lower emotional well-being (ß = -0.0; p = 0.024). Behavioural self-blame was not significantly associated with depressive symptoms, emotional well-being or social well-being. Patients who reported characterological self-blame reported greater depressive symptoms (ß = 3.0; p = 0.020) and lower emotional well-being (ß = -1.6; p = 0.038). Conclusion Perceived stigma and self-blame were common amongst Vietnamese advanced cancer patients. Perceived stigma was associated with lower emotional well-being while characterological self-blame were associated with greater depressive symptoms and lower emotional well-being. Interventions should address perceived stigma and self-blame among this population.

Stem cell research and therapy are one of the most attractive studies in the biomedicine. Not only in the bench, nowadays stem cells but also become the bustling industry. In Vietnam, biomedical scientists started to study and apply stem cells since 1995. From that, Vietnamese scientists got some significant achievements in stem cell research and therapy, especially in stem cell therapy for disease treatment. This report aimed to provide an overview of stem cell research and therapy from 1995 to date. Stem cell research activities were collected and analyzed based on the publications, projects about stem cells in some databases including Web of Science, Google Scholar, Embase, and national scientific information. The results showed that stem cell research and therapy significantly increased from 2009 to date with more publications about stem cells and more clinical applications. With this growth rate, we hope that Vietnam can develop the stem cell industry and become one the stem cell center in the Asian and the world.

This study analyzes the direct treatment cost for exacerbation of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) at the Department of Pulmonology, E Hospital from October 2019 to March 2020. The study results show that the average direct treatment cost for exacerbation of COPD was VND 9,102,311.71; the highest cost was VND 36,304,614 and the lowest cost, VND 2,309,961. Among the direct treatment cost components, drug cost showed the highest proportion, followed by hospital bed, then surgical procedures, tests, diagnostic imaging, functional exploration, examination and medical supplies. The cost of antibiotics accounted for 57.76% of the drug cost. The average number of hospitalization days was 10.77, closely relating to the direct cost. Besides, age and comorbidity also affected the number of hospitalization days. The average health insurance support for each patient was up to 94.46% of the total treatment cost. The results also show that the cost of treatment in Vietnam is lower than some countries in the region and the proportions of the cost components presented in different studies in Vietnam are different. Keywords Direct cost, exacerbation of COPD, E hospital. [1] Ngo Quy Chau, Nguyen Lan Viet, Nguyen Dat Anh, Pham Quang Vinh, Internal Pathology, Medical Publishing House 1 (2018) 42-50 (in Vietnamese).[2] R.A. Pauwels, A.S. Buist, P.M.A. Calverley, C. R. Jenkins, S. Hurd Global strategy for the diagnosis, management, and prevention of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. Am J Respir Crit Care Med 163 (2001) 1256–1276. https://doi.org/10.1164/ajrccm.163.5.2101039[3] https://www.chestnet.org/News/Press-Releases /2014/07/CDC-reports-36-billion-in-annual financial-cost-of-COPD-in-US (15/10/2019)[4] S.D. Sullivan, S.D. Ramsey, T.A. Lee, The economic burden of COPD. Chest 2000 Feb 117(2), 5S-9S.https://journal.chestnet.org/article/S0012-3692(15)52748-7/fulltext[5] Vanfleteren, E.G.W. Lowie, et al Clusters of comorbidities based on validated objective measurements and systemic inflammation in patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease American journal of respiratory and critical care medicine 187(7) (2013) 728-735. https://www.atsjournals.org/doi/full/10.1164/rccm.201209-1665oc [6] Doan Quynh Huong Analysis of direct costs of inpatient treatment for EPI in Respiratory Center of Bach Mai Hospital from 2013-2015, 2017 (in Vietnamese).[7] Vu Xuan Phu, Duong Viet Tuan, Nguyen Thu Ha et al., Inpatient treatment costs of patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease at central lung hospital, 2009, Journal of Practical Medicine 1 (2012) 51-53 (in Vietnamese).http://yhth.vn/chi-phi-dieu-tri-noi-tru-cua-benh-nhan-benh-phoi-tac-nghen-man-tinh-tai-benh-vien-phoi-trung-uong-nam-2009_t3254.aspx[8] C.S. Rand, M. Nides, M.K. Cowles, R.A. Wise, J. Connett, Long-term metered-dose inhaler adherence in a clinical trial. The lung health study research group. Am J Respir Crit Care Med, Aug 152(2) (1995) 580-8. https://doi.org/10.1164/ajrccm.152.2.7633711[9] Phan Thi Thanh Hoa, Clinical features, clinical and direct treatment costs of patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease at Respiratory Center - Bach Mai Hospital Graduation thesis general practitioner, Hanoi Medical University 2013 (in Vietnamese).

Abstract: Nowadays, Vietnamese women are participating actively in parts of the economy that were previously deemed male domain. Women are involved in business activities at all levels in Vietnam, making significant contributions to the economic development of the country. By December 2011, there were 81,226 small and medium enterprises headed by women, accounting for 25% of the total number of enterprises in the country (GSO, 2013). In Vietnam, despite recent economic development, socio-cultural and legal barriers are still very difficult for women since the general perception in society is that a woman’s main duty is to be a good housewife and mother and they are also often perceived as weak, passive and irrational (VWEC, 2007). Even though the studies related to women entrepreneurship development are quite extensive, amongst them only a limited number of researches on the role of legal and socio - cultural barriers on women entrepreneurs in the context of Vietnam have been investigated. Thus, supported by the World Trade Institute (WTI) in Bern, Switzerland, the researchers have chosen this as the subject of this study. Based on a quantitative survey of 110 companies in Hanoi and adjacent areas, the research has taken legal and socio - cultural barriers and explored their effect on the development of women entrepreneurship in the context of Vietnam in order to indicate how women entrepreneurs perceive the impact of socio-cultural factors, economic impacts, and policy reforms on their entrepreneurial situations and initiatives, and to then provide policy implications for promoting women’s entrepreneurship and gender equality in Vietnam. Keywords Entrepreneurship, female entrepreneurs, gender equality, Vietnam References Acs, Z. & Varga, A. (2005) ‘Entrepreneurship, agglomeration and technological change’, Small Business Economics, 24, 323---334. Avin, R.M & Kinney, L.P (2014). Trends in Female Entrepreneurship in Vietnam Preliminary paper presented at the 23th Annual Conference on Feminist Economics sponsored by IAFFE, University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana, June 27-29, 2014.Avin, R.-M., & Kinney, L. P. (2014) ‘Trends in Women entrepreneurship in Vietnam’, 23rd Annual Conference on Feminist Economics, Ghana: 27 – 29 June.Bruton, G. D., Ahlstrom, D., & Obloj, K. (2008). Entrepreneurship in emerging economies: where are we today and where should the research go in the future. Entrepreneurship: Theory and Practice, 32(1), 1–14.Bunck, J. M. 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Vietnam: Food and Agricultural Organisation and United Nations Development Programme. Available at: http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/ac685e/ac685e00.htm [Accessed 7 December 2015].Fuentelsaz, L., González, C., Maícas, J., & Montero, J. (2015). ‘How different formal institutions affect opportunity and necessity entrepreneurship’. Business Research Quarterly, 18(4), 246-258. Gallup, J (2004) The wage labor market and inequality in Vietnam. In Economic growth, poverty, and household welfare in Vietnam edited by Paul Glewwe, Nisha Agrawal, and David Dollar. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank.General Statistics Office of Vietnam (GSO) (2014), Population and employment Report 2014Global Entrepreneurship Monitor. (2013). Vietnam report 2013. United Kingdom. Retrieved from: www.gemconsortium.orgHampel-Milagrosa, A., Pham, H., Nguyen, Q., and Nguyen, T. (2010) ‘Gender-Related Obstacles to Vietnamese Women Entrepreneurs’. Vietnam: United Nations Industrial Development Organisation and Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Available at: http://www.un.org.vn/en/publications/publications-by-agency/doc_details/294-gender-related-obstacles-to-vietnamese-women-entrepreneurs. html [Accessed 7 December 2015].Hang, T.T.T. (2008), “Women’s leadership in Vietnam: opportunities and challenges”, Signs, Vol. 34 No. 1, pp. 16-21. Hirschman, C. and V. M. Loi (1996) Family and Household Structure in Vietnam: Some glimpses from a recent survey, Pacific Affairs Vol 69 (No. 2 (Summer 1996)): 229-249Hoang, B.T. (2010), “Rural employment and life: challenges to gender roles in Vietnam’s agriculture at present”, paper presented at the FAO-IFAD-ILO Workshop on Gaps, Trends and Current Research in Gender Dimensions of Agricultural and Rural Employment: Differentiated Pathways Out of Poverty Rome, 31 March-2 April 2009, available at: www.fao-ilo.org/fileadmin/user_upload/fao_ilo/pdf/Papers/16_march/Thinh_final.pdf Hoang, C., Hoang, C.L.T.S, Nguyen, T.P.C, Ngo, T.P.L, Tran, T.N, Vu, T.L (2013), The women’s access to land in contemporary Vietnam. UNDP Report 2013Hoskisson, R. E., Eden, L., Lau, C.M., &Wright, M. (2000). Strategy in emerging economies. Academy of Management Journal, 43(3), 249–267.ILO (2011) ‘Creation of an enabling environment for women entrepreneur in Vietnam: Mainstreaming gender issues in government policy on enterprise development’, Hanoi.International Finance Corporation (2006) A National Survey of Women Business Owners in Vietnam. Joint survey with Gender and Entrepreneurship Markets (GEM) and the Mekong Private Sector Development Facility (MPDF), Washington, DC, IFCInternational Labour Organisation (2007) ‘Women’s Entrepreneurship Development in Vietnam’. Vietnam: International Labour Organisation.International Labour Organization and the Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs of Vietnam (2010), The Informal Economy in Vietnam, ILO/MOLISA, Hanoi.Kibria, N. (1990) Power Patriarchy and Gender Conflict in the Vietnamese Immigrant Community, Gender and Society Vol 4 (No 1 (March 1990)): 9-24 Luke, N. , S. R. Schuler , B. T. T. Mai , P. V. Thien and T. H. Minh (2007) Exploring Couple Attributes and Attitudes and Marital Violence in Vietnam, New York, Sage PublicationsMai thi Thanh Thai, Nguyen Hoang Anh (2016): The impact of culture on the creation of enterprises (2016), Journal for International Business and Entrepreneurship Development, Vol.9, No.1, pp.1 – 22McChesney, F. (1987) Rent extraction and rent creation in the economic theory of regulation, Journal of Legal Studies 16 de Soto, H. (2000) The Mystery of Capital: Why capitalism Triumphs in the west and Fails everywhere Else, New York, Basic BooksMinniti, M. (2010) ‘Women entrepreneurship and Economic Activity’, European Journal of Development Research, 22, pp. 294 – 312.Nguyen, B. (2011) ‘The Changes of Women’s Position: The Vietnam Case’, International Journal of Innovative Interdisciplinary Research, 1, pp. 126 – 138.Nguyen, B. (2012) ‘Abortion in Present Day Vietnam’, International Journal of Academic Research in Business and Social Sciences, 2 (1), pp. 56 – 61.Nguyen, C., Frederick, H., & Nguyen, H. (2014). Female entrepreneurship in rural Vietnam: An exploratory study. International Journal Of Gender And Entrepreneurship, 6(1), 50-67. Nijssen, E.J. (2014), Entrepreneurial Marketing: An Effectual Approach, Routledge, New York, NY.Raven, P., & Le, Q. (2015). Teaching business skills to women: Impact of business training on women’s microenterprise owners in Vietnam. International Journal Of Entrepreneurial Behaviour And Research, 21(4), 622-641. Rubio-Bañón, A., & Esteban-Lloret, N. (2015). Research article: Cultural factors and gender role in female entrepreneurship. Suma De Negocios Terrell, K., and Troilo, M. (2010) ‘Values and Women entrepreneurship’, International Journal of Gender and Entrepreneurship, 2 (3), pp. 260 – 286.Thanh, H.X., Anh, D.N. and Tacoli, C. (2005), “Livelihood diversification and rural-urban linkages in Vietnam’s red river delta”, Discussion Paper No. 193, International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), available at: http://ideas.repec.org/p/fpr/fcnddp/193.htmlThe World Economic Forum (2015) ‘The Global Gender Gap Report 2015’. Switzerland: The World Economic Forum. Available at: http://reports.weforum.org/global-gender-gap-report-2015/ [Accessed 8 December 2015].Thi, L. (1995) Doi Moi and female workers: a case study of Ha Noi, in: V. M. Moghadam (ed.), Economic reforms, women's employment and social politics, Helsinki, World Institute for Development Research Tien, P. N. (2010) Overarching view of Gender Equality in Vietnam”, 2010, Conference on Commemoration of International Women’s Day 2010, “Beijing + 15, Looking back, reaching forward, Gender Equality and Women Empowerment 15 years after the Fourth World Conference on Women, Ha Noi, 12 March 2010.United Nations Development Programme (2012) ‘Women’s Representation in Leadership in Vietnam’. Vietnam: United Nations Development Programme.United Nations Development Programme (2015) ‘Human Development Report 2014’. USA: United Nations Development Programme. Available at: http://hdr.undp. org/en/content/human-development-report-2014 [Accessed 10 December 2015].United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO). (2010). Gender related obstacles to Vietnamese Women Entrepreneurs. Vienna, Austria.Vietnam Women Entrepreneurs Council (2007) Women’s entrepreneurship development in Vietnam. International Labor Organization, Vietnam.Vuong, H., and Tran, D. (2009) ‘The Cultural Dimensions of the Vietnamese Private Entrepreneurship’, The IUP Journal of Entrepreneurship Development, 6 (3 & 4), pp. 54 – 78.VWEC (2007), Women’s Entrepreneurship Development in Vietnam, Vietnam Chamber of Commerce and Industry (VCCI) and the International Labour Organization (ILO) Report, Vietnam Women Entrepreneurs Council, available at: www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@asia/@ro-bangkok/documents/publication/wcms_100456.pdf Williamson, O. (2000) ‘The New Institutional Economics: Taking Stock, Looking ahead’, Economic Literature, 38, pp. 595 – 693.World Bank (2011a) ‘Vietnam Country Gender Assessment’. USA: World Bank. Available at: http://documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2011/11/15470188/vietnam-country-gender-assessment [Accessed 7 December 2015]. World Bank (2011b). 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This paper seeks to explore environmental, social and governance issues arising from investment in special economic zones (SEZs) in the mainland Southeast Asian region through a mixture of thick analytical description and multiple case study approach. All the states studied here have embraced the SEZ approach as it offers rapid economic development without any implications for the political settlement, which is considered beneficial by current administrations. Particular emphasis is placed on environmental, social and governance issues in the region covered and some complex issues that have emerged. It is shown that the situation is complex and continually evolving and that there are limited constraints on the actions of corporations. Consequently, there is an opportunity for investors to set precedents and protocols on a progressive basis. 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Stand-up is a global phenomenon. It is Australia’s most significant form of advocatorial theatre and a major platform for challenging stigma and prejudice. In the twenty-first century, Australian stand-up is transforming into a more culturally diverse form and extending the spectrum of material addressing human rights. Since the 1980s Australian stand-up routines have moved beyond the old colonial targets of England and America, and Indigenous comics such as Kevin Kopinyeri, Andy Saunders, and Shiralee Hood have gained an established following. Additionally, the turn to Asia is evident not just in trade agreements and the higher education market but also in cultural exchange and in the billing of emerging Asian stand-ups at mainstream events. The major cultural driver for stand-up is the Melbourne International Comedy Festival (MICF), Australia’s largest cultural event, now over 30 years old, and an important site for dissecting constructs of democracy and nationhood. As John McCallum has observed, popular humour in post-World War II Australia drew on widespread feelings of “displacement, migration and otherness—resonant topics in a country of transplanted people and a dispossessed indigenous population arguing over a distinct Australian identity” (205–06). This essay considers the traditional comic strategies of first and second generation immigrant stand-ups in Australia and compares them with the new wave of post 9/11 Asian-Australian and Middle-Eastern-Australian stand-ups whose personas and interrogations are shifting the paradigm. Self-identifying Muslim stand-ups challenge myths of dominant Australian identity in ways which many still find confronting. Furthermore, the theories of incongruity, superiority, and psychological release re-rehearsed in traditional humour studies, by figures such as Palmer (1994) and Morreall (2009), are predicated on models of humour which do not always serve live performance, especially stand-up with its relational dependence on audience interaction.Stand-ups who immigrated to Australia as children or whose parents immigrated and struggled against adversity are important symbols both of the Australian comedy industry and of a national self-understanding of migrant resilience and making good. Szubanski and Berger hail from earlier waves of European migrants in the 1950s and 1960s. Szubanski has written eloquently of her complex Irish-Polish heritage and documented how the “hand-me-down trinkets of family and trauma” and “the culture clash of competing responses to calamity” have been integral to the development of her comic success and the making of her Aussie characters (347). Rachel Berger, the child of Polish holocaust survivors, advertises and connects both identities on her LinkedIn page: “After 23 years as a stand-up comedian, growing up with Jewish guilt and refugee parents, Rachel Berger knows more about survival than any idiot attending tribal council on reality TV.”Anh Do, among Australia’s most famous immigrant stand-ups, identifies as one of the Vietnamese “boat people” and arrived as a toddler in 1976. Do’s tale of his family’s survival against the odds and his creation of a persona which constructs the grateful, happy immigrant clown is the staple of his very successful routine and increasingly problematic. It is a testament to the power of Do’s stand-up that many did not perceive the toll of the loss of his birth country; the grinding poverty; and the pain of his father’s alcoholism, violence, and survivor guilt until the publication of Do’s ironically titled memoir The Happiest Refugee. In fact, the memoir draws on many of the trauma narratives that are still part of his set. One of Do’s most legendary routines is the story of his family’s sea journey to Australia, told here on ABC1’s Talking Heads:There were forty of us on a nine metre fishing boat. On day four of the journey we spot another boat. As the boat gets closer we realise it’s a boatload of Thai pirates. Seven men with knives, machetes and guns get on our boat and they take everything. One of the pirates picks up the smallest child, he lifts up the baby and rips open the baby’s nappy and dollars fall out. And the pirate decides to spare the kid’s life. And that’s a good thing cos that’s my little brother Khoa Do who in 2005 became Young Australian of the Year. And we were saved on the fifth day by a big German merchant ship which took us to a refugee camp in Malaysia and we were there for around three months before Australia says, come to Australia. And we’re very glad that happened. So often we heard Mum and Dad say—what a great country. How good is this place? And the other thing—kids, as you grow up, do as much as you can to give back to this great country and to give back to others less fortunate.Do’s strategy is apparently one of genuflection and gratitude, an adoption of what McCallum refers to as an Australian post-war tradition of the comedy of inadequacy and embarrassment (210–14). Journalists certainly like to bill Do as the happy clown, framing articles about him with headlines like Rosemary Neill’s “Laughing through Adversity.” In fact, Do is direct about his gallows humour and his propensity to darkness: his humour, he says, is a means of countering racism, of “being able to win people over who might have been averse to being friends with an Asian bloke,” but Neill does not linger on this, nor on the revelation that Do felt stigmatised by his refugee origins and terrified and shamed by the crippling poverty of his childhood in Australia. In The Happiest Refugee, Do reveals that, for him, the credibility of his routines with predominantly white Australian audiences lies in the crafting of himself as an “Aussie comedian up there talking about his working-class childhood” (182). This is not the official narrative that is retold even if it is how Do has endeared himself to Australians, and ridding himself of the happy refugee label may yet prove difficult. Suren Jayemanne is well known for his subtle mockery of multiculturalist rhetoric. In his 2016 MICF show, Wu-Tang Clan Name Generator, Jayemanne played on the supposed contradiction of his Sri Lankan-Malaysian heritage against his teenage years in the wealthy suburb of Malvern in Melbourne, his private schooling, and his obsession with hip hop and black American culture. Jayemanne’s strategy is to gently confound his audiences, leading them slowly up a blind alley. He builds up a picture of how to identify Sri Lankan parents, supposedly Sri Lankan qualities such as an exceptional ability at maths, and Sri Lankan employment ambitions which he argues he fulfilled in becoming an accountant. He then undercuts his story by saying he has recently realised that his suburban background, his numerical abilities, his love of black music, and his rejection of accountancy in favour of comedy, in fact prove conclusively that he has, all along, been white. He also confesses that this is a bruising disappointment. Jayemanne exposes the emptiness of the conceits of white, brown, and black and of invented identity markers and plays on his audiences’ preconceptions through an old storyteller’s device, the shaggy dog story. The different constituencies in his audiences enjoy his trick equally, from quite different perspectives.Diana Nguyen, a second generation Vietnamese stand-up, was both traumatised and politicised by Pauline Hanson when she was a teenager. Hanson described Nguyen’s community in Dandenong as “yellow Asian people” (Filmer). Nguyen’s career as a community development worker combating racism relates directly to her activity as a stand-up: migrant stories are integral to Australian history and Nguyen hypothesises that the “Australian psyche of being invaded or taken over” has reignited over the question of Islamic fundamentalism and expresses her concern to Filmer about the Muslim youths under her care.Nguyen’s alarm about the elision of Islamic radicalism with Muslim culture drives an agenda that has led the new generation of self-identified Muslim stand-ups since 9/11. This post 9/11 world is described by Wajahat as gorged with “exaggerated fear, hatred, and hostility toward Islam and Muslim [. . . ] and perpetuated by negative discrimination and the marginalisation and exclusion of Muslims from social, political, and civic life in western societies.” In Australia, Aamer Rahman, Muhamed Elleissi, Khaled Khalafalla, and Nazeem Hussain typify this newer, more assertive form of second generation immigrant stand-up—they identify as Muslim (whether religious or not), as brown, and as Australian. They might be said to symbolise a logical response to Ghassan Hage’s famous White Nation (1998), which argues that a white supremacism underlies the mindset of the white elite in Australia. Their positioning is more nuanced than previous generations of stand-up. Nazeem Hussain’s routines mark a transformation in Australian stand-up, as Waleed Aly has argued: “ethnic comedy” has hitherto been about the parading of stereotypes for comfortable, mainstream consumption, about “minstrel characters” [. . .] but Hussain interrogates his audiences in every direction—and aggravates Muslims too. Hussain’s is the world of post 9/11 Australian Muslims. It’s about more than ethnic stereotyping. It’s about being a consistent target of political opportunism, where everyone from the Prime Minister to the Foreign Minister to an otherwise washed-up backbencher with a view on burqas has you in their sights, where bombs detonate in Western capitals and unrelated nations are invaded.Understandably, a prevalent theme among the new wave of Muslim comics, and not just in Australia, is the focus on the reading of Muslims as manifestly linked with Islamic State (IS). Jokes about mistaken identity, plane crashes, suicide bombing, and the Koran feature prominently. English-Pakistani Muslim, Shazia Mirza, gained comedy notoriety in the UK in the wake of 9/11 by introducing her routine with the words: “My name’s Shazia Mirza. At least that’s what it says on my pilot’s licence” (Bedell). Stand-ups Negin Farsad, Ahmed Ahmed, and Dean Obeidalla are all also activists challenging prevailing myths about Islam, skin colour and terrorism in America. Egyptian-American Ahmed Ahmed acquired prominence for telling audiences in the infamous Axis of Evil Comedy Tour about how his life had changed much for the worse since 9/11. Ahmed Ahmed was the alias used by one of Osama Bin Laden’s devotees and his life became on ongoing struggle with anti-terrorism officials doing security checks (he was once incarcerated) and with the FBI who were certain that the comedian was among their most wanted terrorists. Similarly, Obeidalla, an Italian-Palestinian-Muslim, notes in his TEDx talk that “If you have a Muslim name, you are probably immune to identity theft.” His narration of a very sudden experience of becoming an object of persecution and of others’ paranoia is symptomatic of a shared understanding of a post 9/11 world among many Muslim comics: “On September 10th 2001 I went to bed as a white American and I woke up an Arab,” says Obeidalla, still dazed from the seismic shift in his life.Hussain and Khalafalla demonstrate a new sophistication and directness in their stand-up, and tackle their majority white audiences head-on. There is no hint of the apologetic or deferential stance performed by Anh Do. Many of the jokes in their routines target controversial or taboo issues, which up until recently were shunned in Australian political debate, or are absent or misrepresented in mainstream media. An Egyptian-Australian born in Saudi Arabia, Khaled Khalafalla arrived on the comedy scene in 2011, was runner-up in RAW, Australia’s most prestigious open mic competition, and in 2013 won the best of the Melbourne International Comedy Festival for Devious. Khalafalla’s shows focus on racist stereotypes and identity and he uses a range of Middle Eastern and Indian accents to broach IS recruitment, Muslim cousin marriages, and plane crashes. His 2016 MICF show, Jerk, was a confident and abrasive routine exploring relationships, drug use, the extreme racism of Reclaim Australia rallies, controversial visa checks by Border Force’s Operation Fortitude, and Islamophobia. Within the first minute of his routine, he criticises white people in the audience for their woeful refusal to master Middle Eastern names, calling out to the “brown woman” in the audience for support, before lining up a series of jokes about the (mis)pronunciation of his name. Khalafalla derives his power on stage by what Oliver Double calls “uncovering.” Double contends that “one of the most subversive things stand-up can do is to uncover the unmentionable,” subjects which are difficult or impossible to discuss in everyday conversation or the broadcast media (292). For instance, in Jerk Khalafalla discusses the “whole hating halal movement” in Australia as a metaphor for exposing brutal prejudice: Let me break it down for you. Halal is not voodoo. It’s just a blessing that Muslims do for some things, food amongst other things. But, it’s also a magical spell that turns some people into fuckwits when they see it. Sometimes people think it’s a thing that can get stuck to your t-shirt . . . like ‘Oh fuck, I got halal on me’ [Australian accent]. I saw a guy the other day and he was like Fuck halal, it funds terrorism. And I was like, let me show you the true meaning of Islam. I took a lamb chop out of my pocket and threw it in his face. And, he was like Ah, what was that? A lamb chop. Oh, I fucking love lamb chops. And, I say you fool, it’s halal and he burst into flames.In effect, Khalafalla delivers a contemptuous attack on the white members of his audience, but at the same time his joke relies on those same audience members presuming that they are morally and intellectually superior to the individual who is the butt of the joke. Khalafalla’s considerable charm is a help in this tricky send-up. In 2015 the Australian Department of Defence recognised his symbolic power and invited him to join the Afghanistan Task Force to entertain the troops by providing what Doran describes as “home-grown Australian laughs” (7). On stage in Australia, Khalafalla constructs a persona which is an outsider to the dominant majority and challenges the persecution of Muslim communities. Ironically, on the NATO base, Khalafalla’s act was perceived as representing a diverse but united Australia. McCallum has pointed to such contradictions, moments where white Australia has shown itself to be a “culture which at first authenticates emigrant experience and later abrogates it in times of defiant nationalism” (207). Nazeem Hussain, born in Australia to Sri Lankan parents, is even more confrontational. His stand-up is born of his belief that “comedy protects us from the world around us” and is “an evolutionary defence mechanism” (8–9). His ground-breaking comedy career is embedded in his work as an anti-racism activist and asylum seeker supporter and shaped by his second-generation migrant experiences, law studies, community youth work, and early mentorship by American Muslim comic trio Allah Made Me Funny. He is well-known for his pioneering television successes Legally Brown and Salam Café. In his stand-up, Hussain often dwells witheringly on the failings and peculiarities of white people’s attempts to interact with him. Like all his routines, his sell-out show Fear of the Brown Planet, performed with Aamer Rahman from 2004–2008, explored casual, pathologised racism. Hussain deliberately over-uses the term “white people” in his routines as a provocation and deploys a reverse racism against his majority white audiences, knowing that many will be squirming. “White people ask me how can Muslims have fun if they don’t drink? Muslims have fun! Of course we have fun! You’ve seen us on the news.” For Hussain stand-up is “fundamentally an art of protest,” to be used as “a tool by communities and people with ideas that challenge and provoke the status quo with a spirit of counterculture” (Low 1–3). His larger project is to humanise Muslims to white Australians so that “they see us firstly as human beings” (1–3). Hussain’s 2016 MICF show, Hussain in the Membrane, both satirised media hype and hysterical racism and pushed for a better understanding of the complex problems Muslim communities face in Australia. His show also connected issues to older colonial traditions of racism. In a memorable and beautifully crafted tirade, Hussain inveighed against the 2015 Bendigo riots which occurred after local Muslims lodged an application to Bendigo council to build a mosque in the sleepy Victorian town. [YELLING in an exaggerated Australian accent] No we don’t want Muslims! NO we don’t want Muslims—to come invade Bendigo by application to the local council! That is the most bureaucratic invasion of all times. No place in history has been invaded by lodging an application to a local council. Can you see ISIS running around chasing town planners? Of course not, Muslims like to wait 6–8 months to invade! That’s a polite way to invade. What if white people invaded that way? What a better world we’d be living in. If white people invaded Australia that way, we’d be able to celebrate Australia Day on the same day without so much blood on our hands. What if Captain Cook came to Australia and said [in a British accent] Awe we would like to apply to invade this great land and here is our application. [In an Australian accent] Awe sorry, mate, rejected, but we’ll give you Bendigo.As Waleed Aly sees it, the Australian cultural majority is still “unused to hearing minorities speak with such assertiveness.” Hussain exposes “a binary world where there’s whiteness, and then otherness. Where white people are individuals and non-white people (a singular group) are not” (Aly). Hussain certainly speaks as an insider and goes so far as recognising his coloniser’s guilt in relation to indigenous Australians (Tan). Aly well remembers the hate mail he and Hussain received when they worked on Salam Café: “The message was clear. We were outsiders and should behave as such. We were not real Australians. We should know our place, as supplicants, celebrating the nation’s unblemished virtue.” Khalafalla, Rahman, Elleissi, and Hussain make clear that the new wave of comics identify as Muslim and Australian (which they would argue many in the audiences receive as a provocation). They have zero tolerance of racism, their comedy is intimately connected with their political activism, and they have an unapologetically Australian identity. No longer is it a question of whether the white cultural majority in Australia will anoint them as worthy and acceptable citizens, it is a question of whether the audiences can rise to the moral standards of the stand-ups. The power has been switched. For Hussain laughter is about connection: “that person laughs because they appreciate the point and whether or not they accept what was said was valid isn’t important. What matters is, they’ve understood” (Low 5). ReferencesAhmed, Ahmed. “When It Comes to Laughter, We Are All Alike.” TedXDoha (2010). 16 June 2016 <http://tedxtalks.ted.com/video/TEDxDoha-Ahmed-Ahmed-When-it-Co>.Aly, Waleed. “Comment.” Sydney Morning Herald 24 Sep. 2013."Anh Do". Talking Heads with Peter Thompson. ABC1. 4 Oct. 2010. Radio.Bedell, Geraldine. “Veiled Humour.” The Guardian (2003). 8 Aug. 2016 <https://www.theguardian.com/stage/2003/apr/20/comedy.artsfeatures?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other>.Berger, Rachel. LinkedIn [Profile page]. 14 June 2016 <http://www.linkedin.com/company/rachel-berger>.Do, Anh. The Happiest Refugee. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2010. Doran, Mark. "Service with a Smile: Entertainers Give Troops a Taste of Home.” Air Force 57.21 (2015). 12 June 2016 <http://www.defence.gov.au/Publications/NewsPapers/Raaf/editions/5721/5721.pdf>.Double, Oliver. Getting the Joke: The Inner Workings of Stand-Up Comedy. 2nd ed. London: Bloomsbury, 2014.Filmer, Natalie. "For Dandenong Comedian and Actress Diana Nguyen The Colour Yellow has a Strong Meaning.” The Herald Sun 3 Sep. 2013.Hage, Ghassan. White Nation: Fantasies of a White Supremacy in a Multicultural Age. Sydney: Pluto Press, 1998.Hussain, Nazeem. Hussain in the Membrane. Melbourne International Comedy Festival, 2016.———. "The Funny Side of 30.” Spectrum. The Age 12 Mar. 2016.Khalafalla, Khaled. Jerk. Melbourne International Comedy Festival, 2016.Low, Lian. "Fear of a Brown Planet: Fight the Power with Laughter.” Peril: Asian Australian Arts and Culture (2011). 12 June 2016 <http://peril.com.au/back-editions/edition10/fear-of-a-brown-planet-fight-the-power-with-laughter>. McCallum, John. "Cringe and Strut: Comedy and National Identity in Post-War Australia.” Because I Tell a Joke or Two: Comedy, Politics and Social Difference. Ed. Stephen Wagg. New York: Routledge, 1998. Morreall, John. Comic Relief. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009.Neill, Rosemary. "Laughing through Adversity.” The Australian 28 Aug. 2010.Obeidalla, Dean. "Using Stand-Up to Counter Islamophobia.” TedXEast (2012). 16 June 2016 <http://tedxtalks.ted.com/video/TEDxEast-Dean-Obeidalla-Using-S;TEDxEast>.Palmer, Jerry. Taking Humour Seriously. London: Routledge, 1994. Szubanski, Magda. Reckoning. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2015. Tan, Monica. "Aussie, Aussie, Aussie! Allahu Akbar! Nazeem Hussain's Bogan-Muslim Army.” The Guardian 29 Feb. 2016. "Uncle Sam.” Salam Café (2008). 11 June 2016 <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SeQPAJt6caU>.Wajahat, Ali, et al. "Fear Inc.: The Roots of the Islamophobia Network in America.” Center for American Progress (2011). 11 June 2016 <https://www.americanprogress.org/issues/religion/report/2011/08/26/10165/fear-inc>.

Neither mere flesh nor mere thing, the yellow woman, straddling the person-thing divide, applies tremendous pressures on politically treasured notions of agency, feminist enfleshment, and human ontology. — Anne Anlin Cheng, OrnamentalismIn this (apparently) very versatile piece of clothing, she [Michelle Zauner] smokes, sings karaoke, rides motorcycles, plays a killer guitar solo … and much more. Is there anything you can’t do in a hanbok?— Li-Wei Chu, commentary, From the Intercom IntroductionAnne Anlin Cheng describes the anomaly of being “the yellow woman”, women of Asian descent in Western contexts, by underlining the haunting effects of this artificial identity on multiple politically valent forms, especially through Asian women’s conceived ambivalent relations to subject- and object-hood. Due to the entangled constructiveness conjoining Asiatic identities with objects, things, and ornaments, Cheng calls for new ways to “accommodate the deeper, stranger, more intricate, and more ineffable (con)fusion between thingness and personness instantiated by Asiatic femininity and its unpredictable object life” (14). Following this call, this essay articulates a creative combination of José Esteban Muñoz’s disidentification and Avery Gordon’s haunting theory to account for some hauntingly disidentificatory ways that the performance of diaspora sensibilities reimagines Asian American life and femininity.This essay considers “Everybody Wants to Love You” (2016) (EWLY), the music video of Michelle Zauner’s solo musical project Japanese Breakfast, as a ghostly performance, which features a celebration of the Korean culture and identity of Zauner (Song). I analyse it as a site for identifying the confrontational moments and haunting effects of the diaspora sensibilities performed by Zauner who is in fact Jewish-Korean-American. Directed by Zauner and Adam Kolodny, the music video of EWLY features the persona that I call the Korean woman orchestrated by Zauner, singing in a restroom cubicle, eating a Dunkin Donuts sandwich, shotgunning a beer, shredding a Fender electric guitar on the hood of a truck, riding a motorcycle with her queer lover, and partying with a crowd all in the traditional Korean attire hanbok that used to belong to her late mother. The story ends with Zauner waking up on a bench with a hangover and fleeing from the scene, conjuring up a journey of self-discovery, self-healing, and self-liberation through multiple sites and scenes of everyday life.What I call a ghostly performance is concerned with Avery Gordon’s creative intervention of haunting as a method of social analysis to study the intricate lingering impact of ghostly matters from the past on the present. Jacques Derrida develops hauntology to describe how Marxism continues to haunt Western societies even after its so-called failure. It refers to a status that something is neither present nor absent. Gordon develops haunting as a way of knowing and a method of knowledge production, “forcing a confrontation, forking the future and the past” (xvii). A ghostly performance is thus where ghostly matters are mobilised in “confrontational moments”:when things are not in their assigned places, when the cracks and rigging are exposed, when the people who are meant to be invisible show up without any sign of leaving, when disturbed feelings cannot be put away, when something else, something different from before, seems like it must be done. (xvi)The interstitiality that transgresses and reconfigures the geographical and temporal borders of nation, culture, and Eurocentric discourses of progression is important for understanding the diverse experiences of diaspora sensibilities as critical double consciousness (Dayal 48, 53). As Gordon suggests, confrontational moments force us to confront and expose the interstitial state of objects, subjects, feelings, and conditions. Hence, to understand this study identifies the confrontational moments in Zauner’s performance as a method to identify and deconstruct the triggering moments of diaspora sensibilities.While deconstructing the ghostly performances of diaspora sensibilities, the essay also adopts an object-oriented approach to serve as a focused entry point. Not only does this approach designate a more focused scope with regard to applying Gordon’s hauntology and Muñoz’s disidentification theory, it also taps into a less attended territory of object theories such as Graham Harman’s and Ian Bogost’s object-oriented ontology due to the overlooking of the relationship between objects and racialisation that is much explored in Asian American and critical race and ethnic studies (Shomura). Moreover, while diaspora as, or not as, an object of study has been a contested topic (e.g., Axel; Cho), the objects of diaspora have been less studied.This essay elaborates on two ghostly matters: the hanbok and the manicured nails. It uncovers two haunting effects throughout the analysis: the conjuring-up of the Korean diaspora and the troubling of everyday post-racial America. By defying the objectification of Asian bodies with objects of diaspora and refusing to assimilate into the American nightlife, Zauner’s Korean woman persona haunts a multiculturalist post-racial America that fails to recognise the specificities and historicity of Korean America and performs an alternative reality. Disidentificatory ghostly performance therefore, I suggest, thrives on confrontations between the past and the present while gesturing toward the futurities of alternative Americas. Mobilising the critical lenses of disidentification and ghostly performance, finally, I aver that disidentificatory ghostly performances have great potential for envisioning a better politics of performing and representing Asian bodies through the ghostly play of haunting objects/ghostly matters.The Embodied (Objects) and the Disembodied (Ghosts) of DisidentificationThe sonic-visual lifeworld constructed in the music video of EWLY is, first of all, a cultural public sphere, through which social norms are contested, reimagined, and reconfigured. A cultural public sphere reveals the imbricated relations between the political, the public, and the personal as contested through affective (aesthetic and emotional) communications (McGuigan 15). Considering the sonic-visual landscape as a cultural public sphere foregrounds two dimensions of Gordon’s hauntology theory: the psychological and the sociopolitical states. The emphasis on its affective communicative capacities enables the psychological reach of a cultural production. Meanwhile, the multilayered articulation of the political, the public, and the personal shows the inner-network of acts of haunting even when they happen chiefly on the sociopolitical level. What is crucial about cultural public spheres for minoritarian subjects is the creative space offered for negotiating one’s position in capacious and flexible ways that non-cultural publics may not allow. One of the ways is through imagination and disputation (McGuigan 16). The idea that imagination and disputation may cause a temporal and spatial disjunction with the present is important for Muñoz’s theorisation of disidentification. With such disjunction, Muñoz believes, queer of colour performances create future-oriented visions and coterminous temporality of the present and the future. These future-oriented visions and the coterminous temporality can be thought through disidentifications, which Muñoz identifies asa performative mode of tactical recognition that various minoritarian subjects employ in an effort to resist the oppressive and normalizing discourse of dominant ideology. Disidentification resists the interpellating call of ideology that fixes a subject within the state power apparatus. It is a reformatting of self within the social. It is a third term that resists the binary of identification and counteridentification. (97)Disidentification offers a method to identify specific moments of imagination and disputation and moments of temporal and spatial disjunction. The most distinct example of the co-nature of imagination and disputation residing in the EWLY lifeworld is the persona of the Korean woman orchestrated by Zauner, as she intrudes into the everyday field of American life in a hanbok, such as a bar, a basketball court, and a convenience store. Gordon would call these moments “confrontational moments” (xvi). When performers don’t perform in ways they are supposed to perform, when they don’t operate objects in ways they are supposed to operate, when they don’t mobilise feelings in ways they are supposed to feel, they resist and disidentify with “the oppressive and normalizing discourse of dominant ideology” (Muñoz 97).In addition to Muñoz’s disidentification and Gordon’s confrontational moments, I adopt an object-oriented approach to guide my analysis of disidentificatory ghostly performances. Object theory departs from objects and matters to rediscover identity and experience. My object-oriented approach follows new materialism more closely than object-oriented ontology because it is less about debating the ontology of Asian American experiences through the lens of objects. Instead, it is more about how re-orienting our attention towards the formation and operation of objecthood reveals and reconfigures the vexed articulation between Asian American experiences and racialised objectification. To this end, my oriented-object approach aligns particularly well with politically engaged frameworks such as Jane Bennett’s vital materialism and Eunjung Kim’s ethics of objects.Taking an object-oriented approach in inquiring Asian American identities could be paradoxically intervening because “Asian Americans have been excluded, exploited, and treated as capital because they have been more closely associated to nonhuman objects than to human subjects” (Shomura). Furthermore, this objectification is doubly performed onto the bodies of Asian American women due to the Orientalist conflations of Asia as feminine (Huang 187). Therefore, applying object theory in the case of EWLY requires special attention to the interplay between subject- and object-hood and the line between objecthood and objectification. To avoid the risk of objectification when exploring the objecthood of ghostly matters, I caution against an objects-define-subjects chain of signification and instead suggest a subjects-operate-objects route of inquiry by attending to both the haunting effects of objects and how subjects mobilise such haunting effects in their performance. From a new materialist perspective, it is also important to disassociate problems of objectification from exploration of objecthood (Kim) while excavating the world-making abilities of objects (Bennett). For diasporic peoples, it means to see objects as affective and nostalgic vessels, such as toys, food, family photos, attire, and personal items (e.g., Oum), where traumas of displacement can be stored and rehearsed (Turan 54).What is revealing from a racialised subject-object relationship is what Christopher Bush calls “the ethnicity of things”: things can have ethnicity, an identification that hinges on the articulation that “thingliness can be constituted in ways analogous and related to structures of racialization” (85). This object-oriented approach to inquiry can expose the artificial nature of the affinity between Asian bodies and certain objects, behind which is a confession of naturalised racial order of signification. One way to disrupt this chain of signification is to excavate the haunting objects that disidentify with the norms of the present, that conjure up what the present wants to be done. This “something-to-be-done” characteristic is critical to acts of haunting (Gordon xvii). Such disruptive performances are what I term as “disidentificatory ghostly performances”, connecting the embodied objects with Gordon’s disembodied ghosts through the lens of Muñoz’s disidentificatory reading with a two-fold impact: first exposing such artificial affinity and then suggesting alternative ways of knowing.In what follows, I expand upon two haunting objects/ghostly matters: the manicured nails and the hanbok. I contend that Zauner operates these haunting objects to embody the “something-to-be-done” characteristic by curating uncomfortable, confrontational moments, where the constituted affinity between Koreanness/Asianness and anomaly is instantiated and unsettled in multiple snippets of the mundane post-racial, post-globalisation world.What Can the Korean Woman (Not) Do with Those Nails and in That Hanbok?The hanbok that Zauner wears throughout the music video might be the single most powerful haunting object in the story. This authentic hanbok belonged to Zauner’s late mother who wore it to her wedding. Dressing in the hanbok while navigating the nightlife, it becomes a mediated, trans-temporal experience for both Zauner and her mother. A ghostly journey, you could call it. The hanbok then becomes a ghostly matter that haunts both the Orientalist gaze and the grieving Zauner. This journey could be seen as a process of dealing with personal loss, a process of “reckoning with ghosts” (Gordon 190). The division between the personal and the public, the historical and the present cease to exist as linear and clear-cut forces. The important role of ghosts in the performance are the efforts of historicising and specifying the persona of the Korean woman, which is a strategy for minoritarian performers to resist “the pull of reductive multicultural pluralism” (Muñoz 147). These ghostly matters haunt a pluralist multiculturalist post-racial America that refuses to see minor specificities and historicity.The Korean woman in an authentic hanbok, coupled with other objects of Korean roots, such as a traditional hairdo and seemingly exotic makeup, may invite the Orientalist gaze or the assumption that Zauner is self-commodifying and self-fetishising Korean culture, risking what Cheng calls “Oriental female objectification” operating through “the lenses of commodity and sexual fetishism” (14). However, she “fails” to do any of these. The ways Zauner acts in the hanbok manifests a self-negotiation with her Korean identity through disidentificatory sensibilities with racial fetishism. For example, in various scenes, the Korean woman appears to be drunk in a bar, gorging a sandwich, shotgunning a beer, smoking in a restroom cubicle, messing with strangers in a basketball court, rocking on a truck, and falling asleep on a bench. Some may describe what she does as abnormal, discomforting, and even disgusting in a traditional Korean garment which is usually worn on formal occasions. The Korean woman not only subverts her traditional Koreanness but also disidentifies with what the Asian fetish requires of Asian bodies: obedient, well-behaved model minority or the hypersexualised dragon lady (e.g., Hsu; Shimizu). Zauner’s performance foregrounds the sentimental, the messy, the frenetic, the aggressive, and the carnivalesque as essential qualities and sensibilities of the Korean woman. These rarely visible figurations of Asian femininities speak to the normalised public disappearance of “unwanted” sides of Asian bodies.Wavering public disappearance is a crucial haunting effect. The public disappearance is an “organized system of repression” (Gordon 72) and a “state-sponsored procedure for producing ghosts to harrowingly haunt a population into submission” (115). While the journey of EWLY evolves through ups and downs, the Korean woman does not maintain the ephemeral joy and takes offence at the people and surroundings now and then, such as at an arcade in the bar, at some basketball players, or at the audience or the camera operator. The performed disaffection and the conflicts substantiate a theory of “positive perversity” through which Asian American women claim the representation of their sexuality and desires (Shimizu), engendering a strong and visible presence of the ghostly matters operated by the Korean woman. This noticeable arrival of bodies disorients how things are arranged (Ahmed 163), revealing and disrupting whiteness, which functions as a habit and a background to actions (149). The confrontational performances of the encounters between Zauner and others cast a critique of the racial politics of disappearing by reifying disappearing into confrontational moments in the everyday post-racial world.What is also integral to Zauner’s antagonistic performance of wavering public disappearing and failure of “Oriental female objectification” is a punk strategy of negativity through an aesthetic of nihilism and a mediation of performing objects. For example, in addition to the traditional hairdo that goes with her makeup, Zauner also wears a nose ring; in addition to partying with a crowd, she adopts a moshing style of dancing, being carried over people’s heads in the hanbok. All these, in addition to her disaffectionate, aggressive, and impolite body language, express a negative punk aesthetics. Muñoz describes such a negative punk aesthetics as an energy that can be described “as chaotic, as creating a life without rhyme or reason, as quintessentially self-destructive” (97). What lies at the heart of this punk dystopia is the desire for “something else”, something “not the present time or place” (Muñoz). Through this desire for impossible time and place, utopian is reimagined, a race riot, in Mimi Thi Nguyen’s term.On the other hand, the manicured fingernails are also a major operating force, reminiscent of Korean American immigrant history along with the racialised labor relations that have marked Korean bodies as an alien anomaly (Liu). With “Japanese Breakfast” being written on the screen in neon pink with some dazzling effect, the music video begins in a warm tone. The story begins with Zauner selecting EWLY with her finger on a karaoke operation screen, the first of many shots on her carefully manicured nails, decorated with transparent nail extensions, sparkly ornaments, and hanging fine chains. These nails conjure up the nail salon business in the US that heavily depended on immigrant labor and Korean women immigrants have made significant economic contributions through the manicure business. In particular, differently from Los Angeles where nail salons have been predominantly Vietnamese and Chinese owned, Korean women immigrants in the 1980s were the first ones to open nail salons in New York City and led to the rapid growth of the business (Kang 51). The manicured nails first of all conjure up these recent histories associated with the nail salon business.Moreover, these fingernails haunt post-racial and post-globalisation America by revealing and subverting the invisible, normalised racial and ethnic nature of the labor and objects associated with fingernails cosmetic treatment. Ghostly matters inform “a method of knowledge production and a way of writing that could represent the damage and the haunting of the historical alternatives” (Gordon xvii). They function as a reminder of the damage that seems forgotten or normalised in modern societies and as an alternative embodiment of what modern societies could have become. In the universe of EWLY, the fingernails become a forceful ghostly matter by reminding us of the damage done onto Korean bodies by fixing them as service performers instead customers. The nail salon business as performed by immigrant labor has been a business of “buying and selling of deference and attentiveness”, where white customers come to exercise their privilege while not wanting anything associated with Koreaness or Otherness (Kang 134). However, as a haunting force, the fingernails subvert such labor relations by acting as a versatile agent operating varied objects, such as a karaoke machine, cigarettes, a sandwich, a Fender guitar, and a can of beer. Through such operating, an alternative labor relation is formed. This alternative is not entirely without roots. As promoted in Japanese Breakfast’s Instagram (@jbrekkie), Zauner’s look was styled by a nail artist who appears to be a white female, Celeste Marie Welch from the DnA Salon based in Philadelphia. This is a snippet of a field that is now a glocalised industry, where the racial and gender makeup is more diverse. It is increasingly easier to see non-Asian and non-female nail salon workers, among whom white nail salon workers outnumbered any other non-Asian racial/ethnic groups (Preeti et al. 23). EWLY’s alternative worldmaking is not only a mere reflection of the changing makeup of an industry but also calling out the societal tendency of forgetting histories. To be haunted, as Gordon explains, is to be “tied to historical and social effects” (190). The ghostly matters of the manicure industry haunt its workers, artists, consumers, and businesspeople of a past that prescribes racialised labor divisions, consumption relations, and the historical and social effects inflicted on the Othered bodies. Performing with the manicured nails, Zauner challenges now supposedly multicultural manicure culture by fusing oppositional, trans-temporal identities into the persona of the Korean woman. Not only does she conjure up the racialised labor relations as the child of a Korean mother, she also disidentifies with the worker identity of early Korean women immigrants as a consumer who receives service from an artist who would otherwise never perform such labor in the past.Conclusion: Toward a Disidentificatory Ghostly PerformanceThis essay suggests seeing the disidentificatory ghostly performance of the Korean woman as an artistic incarnation of her lived Othering experience, which Zauner may or may not navigate on an everyday basis. As Zauner lives through what looks like a typical Friday night in an American town, the journey represents an interrogation of the present and the past. When the ghostly matters move through public spaces – when she drinks in a bar, walks down the street, and parties with a crowd – the Korean woman neither conforms to what she is expected to do in a hanbok nor does she get fully assimilated into this American nightlife.Derrida avers that haunting, repression, and hegemony are structurally interlocked and that “haunting belongs to the structure of every hegemony” because “hegemony still organizes the repression” (46). This is why the creative capacity of disidentificatory performances is crucial for acts of haunting and for historically repressed groups of people. 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