Journal articles: 'Salem, Procès de (1692)'

1

Brown, David C. "The Forfeitures at Salem, 1692." William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 1 (January 1993): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947237.

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Balee, Susan, and Mary Beth Norton. "Captives of Their Imagination: Salem in 1692." Hudson Review 56, no. 2 (2003): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3853261.

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Reis, Elizabeth, and Bernard Rosenthal. "Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (March 1995): 1674. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081668.

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Gragg, Larry, and Bernard Rosenthal. "Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692." American Historical Review 100, no. 1 (February 1995): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168115.

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Myles, Anne G., and Bernard Rosenthal. "Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692." American Literature 67, no. 1 (March 1995): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2928035.

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Sinitiere, Phillip Luke, and Richard Godbeer. "Escaping Salem: The Other Witch Hunt of 1692." History Teacher 39, no. 1 (November 1, 2005): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30036752.

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Guerrini, Anita. "Review: The Witches: Salem, 1692 by Stacy Schiff." Public Historian 38, no. 2 (May 1, 2016): 98–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2016.38.2.98.

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8

Harding, Brian, and Bernard Rosenthal. "Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692." Modern Language Review 91, no. 1 (January 1996): 202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3734026.

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9

Weisman, Richard, and Bernard Rosenthal. "Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trial of 1692." William and Mary Quarterly 52, no. 1 (January 1995): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2946900.

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Smith, Moria, and Bernard Rosenthal. "Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692." Journal of American Folklore 109, no. 432 (1996): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/541842.

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Minkema, Kenneth P., and Bernard Rosenthal. "Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692." New England Quarterly 67, no. 4 (December 1994): 657. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/366441.

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Hiltunen, Risto, and Matti Peikola. "Trial discourse and manuscript context." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2007): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.8.1.04hil.

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The present paper underscores the importance of examining the original manuscripts and their context(s) of production, with specific reference to the wealth of documentary material produced in connection with the Salem witchcraft outbreak of 1692. The background to this study is an international project to publish a chronologically structured edition of this material. One central aspect of this work is a reassessment of the role of scribes in the production of these documents. As shown in the paper, scribal profiles can be reconstructed by means of linguistic and palæographic analysis. Specifically, the linguistic and scribal features of two relevant genres (depositions and indictments) are explored here in the light of the 1692 Salem documents.

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13

Ray, Benjamin C. "The Geography of Witchcraft Accusations in 1692 Salem Village." William and Mary Quarterly 65, no. 3 (July 1, 2008): 449. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25096807.

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Hill, Christopher. "Review: Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692." Literature & History 5, no. 2 (September 1996): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030619739600500215.

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15

Ray, Benjamin C. "Satan's War against the Covenant in Salem Village, 1692." New England Quarterly 80, no. 1 (March 2007): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq.2007.80.1.69.

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Using maps to plot the locations of church members, accusers, and accused witches in Salem village, the essay concludes that the belief that Satan had targeted village church members significantly influenced both accusers and magistrates and thereby produced the unprecedented number of witchcraft accusations and executions.

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Michael D. Bailey. "Escaping Salem: The Other Witch Hunt of 1692 (review)." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 3, no. 1 (2008): 88–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.0.0102.

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Perske, Robert. "Prisoners With Mental Disabilities in 1692 Salem and Today." Mental Retardation 35, no. 4 (August 1997): 315–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1352/0047-6765(1997)035<0315:pwmdis>2.0.co;2.

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Doty, Kathleen L., and Risto Hiltunen. "“I will tell, I will tell”." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 3, no. 2 (June 3, 2002): 299–335. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.3.2.07dot.

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This study focuses on the records of confessions by individuals accused of witchcraft in Salem in 1692, both those presented in direct discourse and in reported discourse. We analyze the material from two viewpoints: the pragmatic features of the discourse and narrative structure and function. The data consists of 29 individual records, with eight cases selected for closer scrutiny. The records span the period from March through September 1692. In the pragmatic analysis we study the question and answer patterns from the point of view of the examiners and the accused. The analysis of narrative patterns is based on Labov’s work in oral narratives. It provides a multilayered approach to understanding both the structure of the confessions and the spread of the witchcraft hysteria in Salem. The categories of orientation and complicating action reveal that each confession presents a vivid representation of the devil, the accused, and the sociohistorical context.

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19

Coleman, Dawn. "The Salem Belle: A Tale of 1692 by Ebenezer Wheelwright." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 14, no. 1 (2019): 116–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.2019.0015.

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20

Godbeer, Richard, and Mary Beth Norton. "In the Devil's Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692." New England Quarterly 76, no. 3 (September 2003): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559816.

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21

Preston, VK. "Reproducing Witchcraft: Thou Shalt Not Perform a Witch to Live." TDR/The Drama Review 62, no. 1 (March 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00724.

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Monuments and exhibits commemorating the 1692–93 witch trials of Salem, Massachusetts, reveal paradigms of economic, performative, and social reproduction. This approach to the public history of the witch tourist district investigates contemporary assurance that acts (or spells) do not do, taking up tourist sites and souvenirs in “Witch City.”

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22

Sullivan, Maryse. "Au ban de la société, à la frontière de l’Amérique : les sorcières et les marginaux dans Moi, Tituba sorcière… de Maryse Condé." Voix Plurielles 14, no. 1 (May 5, 2017): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/vp.v14i1.1547.

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Dans cet article, nous étudions la figure de la sorcière dans Moi, Tituba sorcière… de Maryse Condé afin de voir comment elle dialogue avec les discours postcoloniaux et féministes de l’époque. Nous analysons d’abord l’intertextualité construit dans le roman avec la pièce d’Arthur Miller Les sorcières de Salem en regardant comment Condé transforme les événements qui ont eu lieu à Salem en 1692 et comment elle réhabilite le personnage de Tituba. Nous nous penchons ensuite sur la figure de la sorcière et des marginaux dans le texte en vue de comprendre sa construction protéiforme et ses points de contact avec les discours ambiants.

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23

Breslaw, Elaine G. "Tituba's Confession: The Multicultural Dimensions of the 1692 Salem Witch-Hunt." Ethnohistory 44, no. 3 (1997): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/483035.

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24

Winiarski, Douglas L. "Lydia Prout’s Dreadfullest Thought." New England Quarterly 88, no. 3 (September 2015): 356–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00472.

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What was Lydia Prout’s “dreadfullest thought”? This microhistory, which examines one of the earliest devotional journals penned by a woman in British North America, uncovers surprising connections between the “unruly passion” of a devoted mother who suffered repeated bereavements during the 1710s and the Satanic fantasies of Salem witchcraft confessors in 1692. An annotated edition of Prout’s journal is reproduced in the essay’s appendix.

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25

Rivett, Sarah. "Benjamin C. Ray. Satan and Salem: The Witch-Hunt Crisis of 1692." American Historical Review 122, no. 1 (January 31, 2017): 167–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.1.167a.

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Doty, Kathleen L. "Telling tales." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2007): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.8.1.03dot.

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This study examines the practices of scribes who recorded the examinations of those accused of witchcraft in Salem in 1692. The data consists of 68 records of examinations held between March and October 1692 and in January 1693. Each record is coded for two features: use of contextual commentary and evaluative adjectives or adverbs which suggest attitudes and values of the scribes and reflect the pragmatic context. Records are also coded according to presentation in direct discourse or reported discourse. Records presented in direct discourse and those occurring in the early period of the trials contain the greatest number of both contextual commentary and evaluative/subjective adjectives or adverbs. The analysis reveals that the majority of the records are written by four identified scribes.

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27

CRAKER, WENDEL D. "SPECTRAL EVIDENCE, NON-SPECTRAL ACTS OF WITCHCRAFT, AND CONFESSION AT SALEM IN 1692." Historical Journal 40, no. 2 (June 1997): 331–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9700719x.

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It is commonly asserted that people were hanged at Salem on charges of spectral appearance; and the way to avoid hanging was to confess. Non-spectral acts of witchcraft are regarded as inconsequential to the outcome of the trials. Yet it was the non-spectral acts which provided the one magnet that attracted attention from the court. No one charged only with spectral appearance was even tried. The reprieves granted to confessors were the last decisions the court was allowed to make. This profile provides evidence that the standard claims about the court of oyer and terminer's use of evidence are the reverse of what actually happened, and highlights a number of patterns that have gone unremarked, requiring fresh interpretations.

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28

Latner, R. "The Long and Short of Salem Witchcraft: Chronology and Collective Violence in 1692." Journal of Social History 42, no. 1 (September 1, 2008): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh.0.0056.

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29

Doty, Kathleen L., and Risto Hiltunen. "Formulaic discourse and speech acts in the witchcraft trial records of Salem, 1692." Journal of Pragmatics 41, no. 3 (March 2009): 458–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2008.06.011.

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30

Peikola, Matti. "Supplicatory Voices: Genre Properties of the 1692 Petitions in the Salem Witch-Trials1." Studia Neophilologica 84, sup1 (June 2012): 106–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00393274.2012.668078.

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31

Gutiérrez Rodríguez, Marta María. "Reescrituras de los procesos por brujería de Salem en la literatura popular actual." El Futuro del Pasado 7 (October 31, 2016): 85–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/fdp.2016.007.001.003.

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Los procesos por brujería que tuvieron lugar en Salem (Massachusetts) en el año 1692 han sido objeto de gran interés por parte de los historiadores y de los autores de ficción, aunque no suceda lo mismo en la literatura crítica sobre su presencia en el ámbito literario. Muchas novelas históricas han utilizado este acontecimiento histórico como parte de sus argumentos. Pero no solamente la ficción histórica más canónica se ha ocupado de esta famosa caza de brujas; géneros populares como la novela romántica, la fantasía, la ciencia ficción y la novela de detectives han creado versiones literarias de la caza de brujas de Salem debido en gran parte a la falta de acuerdo sobre lo que realmente sucedió en Salem. El objetivo del presente artículo es mostrar cómo este acontecimiento histórico se ha introducido en la literatura popular actual con el fin de mostrar el interés que aún hoy en día sigue despertando y reivindicar la elaboración de más estudios centrados en la construcción literaria de uno de los acontecimientos históricos que más huella ha dejado en la mentalidad norteamericana.

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32

Schultz, Nancy Lusignan. "Review: Satan and Salem: The Witch-Hunt Crisis of 1692 by Benjamin C. Ray." Nova Religio 20, no. 3 (February 1, 2017): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2017.20.3.145.

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33

Hiltunen, Risto. "?Tell me, be you a witch??: Questions in the Salem witchcraft trials of 1692." International Journal for the Semiotics of Law 9, no. 1 (1996): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01130380.

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34

Holmes, Clive. "The Opinion of the Cambridge Association, 1 August 1692: A Neglected Text of the Salem Witch Trials." New England Quarterly 89, no. 4 (December 2016): 643–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00567.

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The article analyses a neglected aspect of the Salem witch-trials. It evaluates the roles of the Mathers, father and son, in securing the condemnation of George Burroughs. Their temporary acceptance of the validity of spectral evidence was justified by their belief that Satan must have employed powerful agents, not simply stereotypical witches, in his attempt to subvert godly Massachusetts.

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35

Keyes, Carl Robert. "Review: The Salem Witch Trials 1692. Dan Lipcan and Dean Lahikainen, Curators; Peabody Essex Museum." Public Historian 43, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 128–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2021.43.2.128.

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36

Murphy, Daniel P. "Satan and Salem: The Witch-Hunt Crisis of 1692 Benjamin C.Ray. University of Virginia Press, 2015." Journal of American Culture 40, no. 1 (March 2017): 103–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jacc.12703.

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37

Van Khaaske, Leionis Aanris. "The Image of Witch in the Documents of the Salem Witch-Trial." Ethnic Culture 3, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-97978.

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The article attempts to reconstruct the image of a witch based on the interrogation records of those accused of witchcraft during the Salem trial (Massachusetts, North America, 1692) and related materials. The subject of research is the phenomenon of prosecution on those accused of witchcraft. The source base are the records of the Salem process, transcribed and published in 1977, as well as a number of documentary testimonies of witnesses, speaking from a puritanical viewpoint. The article examines the features of the mythological worldview of traditional society, dictated by the belief in supernatural influence (witchcraft). After analyzing the interrogation records of the first accused during this trial and considering a number of their biographical data, the author comes to the conclusion that the situation demonstrated by this trial is paradoxical: in fact, arbitrary people are subjected to persecution, and the reconstruction of the image of a witch that could underlie such accusations, does not seem possible. The author's conclusions are essential for the study of both the phenomenon of witch-trials and the mentality of traditional society. This article was conducted from an imagological perspective relevant to modern social studies.

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38

van Haaske, Lejonis Aanris. "Accusatory discourse of the Salem witch trial: the experience of imagological analysis." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 2 (February 2021): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.2.35055.

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The object of this research is the imagery underlying the accusation of witchcraft within the framework of the Salem witch trial (colonial Massachusetts, 1692). The author reviews the imagery that is directly related to the witchcraft discourse, as well as the general principles of accusations of witchcraft. Emphasis is placed on the impact of such imagery upon the collective consciousness of the Puritan community in North America in the XVII century. Special attention is turned to the mythological symbols reflected in the discourse of justice. The article is prepared within the framework of the authorial project on studying the influence of the imagery of fear on social behavior in history. The fact of randomness of accusations was established. The leading imagery, which was the cause for the accusation of witchcraft, is revealed. The ultimate role of fear of supernatural influence in this trial is recognized. The author notes the prime importance of fear as an actor of collective action and the importance of studying this phenomenon in the context of historical science. The conclusion is drawn on impossibility of interpretation of the Salem trial as an instance of aggression towards the persons who have a special (socioeconomic, religious, or marginal) status within the community. The novelty of this research consists in the use of formal legal sources in the analysis of cultural space in the imagological context.

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39

Hambrick-Stowe, Charles E. "The Spiritual Pilgrimage of Sarah Osborn (1714–1796)." Church History 61, no. 4 (December 1992): 408–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167794.

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Sarah Osborn does not appear in the definitive biographical dictionary, Notable American Women. She is not in the pages of Sydney Ahlstrom's A Religious History of the American People, nor of any more recent standard American religious history text. She failed to catch the attention of the editors and authors of the recent Encyclopedia of the American Religious Experience or Dictionary of Christianity in America. The great New Divinity pastor-theologian Samuel Hopkins in some measure owed his career to Sarah Osborn, but studies of him mention her only in passing or not at all. Scholars have learned of her through the work of Mary Beth Norton and in the documentary history, Women and Religion in America, but the Sarah Osborn most often mentioned in connection with early New England is the one accused as a witch at Salem who died in Boston prison 10 May 1692.

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40

Kahlas-Tarkka, Leena, and Matti Rissanen. "The sullen and the talkative." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 8, no. 1 (January 30, 2007): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.8.1.02kah.

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The purpose of this paper is to describe the discourse strategies of the defendants of the Salem witchcraft trials in 1692. Evidence is derived from the original documents now being re-edited by an international team. A framework for the discussion is provided by politeness theory, although it cannot be applied as such to seventeenth-century courtroom circumstances. In four of the eight cases selected, the defendants followed successful discourse strategies and saved their lives; in another four, the strategies were less successful and the defendants had to die. Cooperativeness was vital for a successful defence. This included providing the court with details and admitting what the person was accused of but denying hurting other people intentionally. The defendant did not argue with the examiner but was humble and willing to help. Unsuccessful defendants stubbornly refused to admit their guilt, denied all involvement in witchcraft, questioned the validity of the evidence and even the intelligence of the court.

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41

Yang, Jeongho. "The Religious Culture of the 17th Century New England Puritans from the Perspective of the Salem Witch Trials of 1692." Gender and Culture 8, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.20992/gc.2015.12.8.2.7.

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42

Mackenthun, Gesa. "Bernard Rosenthal, Salem Story: Reading the Witch Trials of 1692 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994, £35.00 cloth). Pp. 286. ISBN 0 521 44061 0." Journal of American Studies 29, no. 2 (August 1995): 257–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800020867.

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MORRIS, AMY M. E. "Richard Godbeer, Escaping Salem: The other Witch Hunt of 1692 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005, $20.00; £11.99). Pp. 171. ISBN 0 19 516130 0." Journal of American Studies 40, no. 3 (November 22, 2006): 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875806412664.

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Aziz, Aamir, and Frans Willem Korsten. "Actualising History." Critical Survey 33, no. 3-4 (September 1, 2021): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2021.33030409.

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Whereas prior studies have focused on Arthur Miller’s play The Crucible in relation to the Puritan past of the United States of America, this article looks at the play’s present in relation to a future. If, as is the case, the play is an intervention in its contemporary circumstances, this is obviously with the aim of moving towards a better future. The question then becomes: how does the play deal with the past in the way that the Salem trials (1692) relate, by means of a theatrical intervention, to a future? In the twentieth century the relation of theatre, and of theatricality in general, with the future was paradigmatically explored in the work of Bertolt Brecht. In his view, the role of theatre was to produce a distance, not an unreflexive and emotional involvement in a plot. This distance or alienation was necessary to make people see behind the scenes of the socio-political and economic system, as a result of which they would start to think and become able to act in order to change the course of history. This appears to be an essential strategy as well if we think about the powers of spectacle, as they have been dealt with in previous studies in performance research, and a possible theatrical response to them.

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45

Andrews, Dee E. "Mary Beth Norton, In the Devil's Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002. vii + 436 pp. ISBN 0-375-40709-X." Itinerario 27, no. 2 (July 2003): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300020714.

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46

Reisner, Philipp. "In the Shadow of Salem: The Andover Witch Hunt of 1692. By RichardHite. Yardley, PA: Westholme. 2018. xviii + 281 p. 20 b. and w. illus. £25/$30 (hb). ISBN 978‐1‐5941‐6300‐5." Journal for Eighteenth-Century Studies 42, no. 2 (October 30, 2018): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1754-0208.12600.

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47

Bernatowicz, Tadeusz. "Pałac Koniecpolskich-Radziwiłłów. Modernizacje i transformacje programu wnętrz na przełomie XVII i XVIII wieku." Biuletyn Historii Sztuki 81, no. 3 (September 2, 2020): 389–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/bhs.479.

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Pałac Koniecpolskich-Radziwiłłów (obecnie Prezydencki) należy do wyróżniających się skalą i prestiżem rezydencji Warszawy. Powstał w latach 1643-1646/1656 według projektu Contante Tencalli dla hetmana Stanisława Koniecpolskiego, wybitnego rycerza i znakomitego polityka. Następnie należał do książąt Lubomirskich, a 1674 r. zakupiony został przez księcia Michała Radziwiłła. W rękach tej rodziny pozostał do 1818 r. Od 1684 r. Radziwiłłowie prowadzili przebudowy i adaptacje zgodnie ze zmieniającymi się potrzebami użytkowymi i reprezentacyjnymi, angażując najwybitniejszych architektów pracujących w Warszawie. Wyjątkowo, jak na polskie warunki zachowane źródła w postaci inwentarzy pałacu z lat 1681, 1685, 1717, 1721, 1728, 1735 oraz rachunki i korespondencja pozwalają na odtworzenie dziejów przemian budowli, zakresu prac architektonicznych oraz roli uczestniczących w nich architektów. Materiały te posłużyły do rekonstrukcji zmieniających się układów funkcjonalnych wnętrz, które opracowane zostały w formie graficznej. Za podstawę posłużył plan Pianta del Palazzo di uarsauia [Varsavia] wykonany przez Giovaniego B. Gisleniego przed 1655 r., a znajdujący się obecnie w Castello Sforzesco w Mediolanie. Tencalla zaprojektował pałac z loggią od dziedzińca, tarasem z grotą od ogrodu oraz długą salą wewnątrz, po bokach której powstały paradne apartamenty. Wzorował na wczesnobarokowych willach i pałacach rzymskich z 2 poł. XVI i pocz. XVII w. – pałacu papieskim na Kwirynale i willi Borghese oraz willi Mondragone we Frascati. Ponieważ budowla miała pełnić nie tylko funkcje rekreacyjne ale również reprezentacyjne pałac otrzymał trzy kondygnacje – parter, piano nobile i mezzanino, i tym samym wpisywał się w tradycję rezydencji otwartej o francuskiej genezie. Z połączenia dwóch typów rezydencji włoskiej willi i francuskiego pałacu wynikł problem kształtu schodów. Tencalla, opierając się na schematach willowych zaprojektował schody ciasne i ciemne, nie spełniające w wystarczającym stopniu wymogów reprezentacji. Po śmierci Tencalli Gisleni przedstawił nowe projekty schodów, których jednak nie zrealizowano. Próby rozwiązania tego problemu pojawiały się przy kolejnych adaptacjach i remontach pałacu. Nową klatką schodową z duszą wybudowano dopiero w poł. XVIII w. dostawiając ją do budynku od północy. W latach 1689-1690 Giuseppe S. Bellotti wykonał remont pałacu dla Michała Radziwiłła i jego żony Katarzyny z Sobieskich. Odnowił schody na pierwsze piętro i wyremontował salę jadalną na parterze. W większym zakresie modernizację pałacu wykonali w latach 1693-1701 Augustyn W. Locci i Carlo Ceroni dla kolejnego właściciela Karola Radziwiłła oraz Anny z Sanguszków. Powstała wtedy wielka jadalnia na parterze. Ceroni jako budowniczy i inżynier wodny nadzorował także prace ogrodowe związane z urządzeniami wodnymi w grocie. By podnieść reprezentacyjność wnętrz pałacu ponownie podjęto ponownie próbę wybudowania nowych schodów. Projekty wykonali architekci Andrzej J. Jeziernicki (1701-1705) oraz laureat Akademii św. Łukasza Benedykt de Renard (1720-1721). One także nie zostały zrealizowane. W tym czasie Carlo A. Bay z dużych pokojów na parterze wyodrębnił kameralne apartamenty mieszkalne przeznaczone dla Michała Radziwiłła „Rybeńki”. W następnych latach 1727-1728 skoncentrowano się na podnoszeniu splendoru ogrodu. W tym celu, za pośrednictwem de Renarda sprowadzony został z Rzymu architekt Domenico Cioli, który odnowił grotę, urządzenia wodne i pawilony ogrodowe. Zrekonstruowany proces przemian jakich dokonali znakomici architekci w latach 1684-1735 ukazuje skomplikowaną materię jaką było użytkowanie pałacu wzniesionego w czasach Wazów, a funkcjonującego w epoce silnych tendencji do manifestowania reprezentacji, którego wyznacznikami były paradny dziedziniec, regularny ogród, i co najważniejsze paradna sekwencja wnętrz – sień, schody i Sala Wielka. Przykład pałacu Radziwiłłów-Koniecpolskich znakomicie ilustruje charakterystyczne w Warszawie zjawisko, gdy wczesnobarokowe wnętrza pałaców próbowano w XVIII w. unowocześnić by spełniały nowe wymogi reprezentacji. Problem polegał na tym, że z jednej strony respektowano nieomal ortodoksyjnie zasadę nienaruszalności starych murów magistralnych, z drugiej zaś próbowano westybulom, klatkom schodowym i Salom Wielkim nadać okazałą i skalę. Konfliktowość między potrzebami unowocześnienia a możliwościami technicznymi zmuszała architektów i decydentów do podejmowania decyzji prowadzących do nietypowych rozwiązań, które odbiegały od ogólnoeuropejskich schematów rozwoju architektury, ale odbijały specyficzne uwarunkowania mentalne zleceniodawców i społeczno-ekonomiczne mechanizmy w rozwoju pałacowej architektury XVII i XVIII w. w Warszawie.

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48

"The devil discovered: Salem witchcraft 1692." Choice Reviews Online 29, no. 09 (May 1, 1992): 29–5326. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.29-5326.

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"Salem story: reading the witch trials of 1692." Choice Reviews Online 31, no. 11 (July 1, 1994): 31–5997. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.31-5997.

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50

Morais, Gabriela De Souza. "OS PROCESSOS DE SALEM: UMA BREVE ANÁLISE DA SUA HISTORIOGRAFIA, MEMÓRIAS E REPRESENTAÇÕES." Revista Cadernos de Clio 6, no. 1 (October 26, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rcc.v6i1.43609.

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Esse artigo tem como objetivo apresentar reflexões acerca dos julgamentos de Salem, ocorridos entre os anos de 1692 e 1693, bem como discutir, de forma breve, algumas hipóteses apresentadas pela historiografia. Pretendemos ainda discutir esse evento como fato emblemático da cultura norte americana, como significante da e para essa cultura. Ainda, refletiremos sobre seu papel simbólico e memorialístico.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Salem, Procès de (1692)'

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